It was Wells's intention to prevent if possible the abandonment of the

fort, aware as he was of the hostility of the Potawatamis, for he knew

that certain destruction awaited the garrison if it should make the

attempt. Possessing a perfect knowledge of the character and disposition

of the Indians, derived from his long residence among them, Wells foresaw

that the savages would take quick advantage of the whites should they

leave the shelter of the fort walls and expose themselves in the open on

their long slow march of a hundred and fifty miles to Fort Wayne.

When Wells reached the fort he found to his dismay that most of the

ammunition had been destroyed, and that the provisions, blankets and

other goods in the factory had been distributed to the Indians. He

perceived at once that the means of defence having been so seriously

reduced there was now no other course to pursue, and that the march must

be attempted.

During the day another council with the Indians was held, and on this

occasion the savages were found to be in an angry mood. They immediately

reminded the commanding officer that they were aware of the destruction

of the ammunition and the liquors and that they regarded it as an act

of bad faith. It was with the utmost difficulty that the chiefs could

restrain the young men of the tribe from carrying out their sanguinary

designs at once. For although there were several of the chiefs who shared

the generally hostile feeling of the tribe toward the whites, yet they

entertained a regard for the men of the garrison and the traders of the

neighborhood.

The evening of the last day at the fort, Black Partridge, a prominent

chief of the Potawatamis, of whom further mention will be made, came to

the officers' quarters and addressed Captain Heald as follows: "Father,

I come to deliver up to you the medal I wear. It was given me by the

Americans, and I have long worn it in token of our mutual friendship.

But our young men are resolved to imbrue their hands in the blood of the

whites. I cannot restrain them, and I will not wear a token of peace

while I am compelled to act as an enemy."

The language of this speech cannot, of course, be accepted as the

verbatim utterance of Black Partridge. He spoke in his own tongue, and

the speech was translated by the interpreter, who at that time was

John Kinzie. The utterance has, however, become a classic in all the

historical accounts pertaining to the events of that time.

An observer taking a survey from the walls of the fort at this time would

have beheld the river to the north flowing in a sluggish current toward

the lake, then bending to the south until it reached its mouth over a

shallow bottom nearly opposite the present Madison Street. On the bank

of the river, near its mouth, stood the house of Charles Lee, the owner

of "Lee's Place," the farm some four miles up the South Branch where two

men were murdered by the Indians in the previous April. Toward the west

was the Agency House, standing near the bank of the river, beyond which

were the groups of Indian wigwams clustered along the creek that formerly

flowed into the main stream at the present State Street. Opposite this

point, on the north bank, was the house of John Burns; and further

eastward was the most pretentious residence of the place, the house

of John Kinzie. A little in the rear of it stood the cabin of Antoine

Ouilmette.

Taking a more distant view toward the west, the observer might have seen

the point where the North and South branches of the river met and formed

the main body of the stream. The north banks of the river were wooded to

the water's edge except where clearings had been made around the cabins

mentioned.

Looking eastward, the broad expanse of Lake Michigan stretched away

beyond the limits of vision. At the season of year in which the events of

which we are writing took place the lake was usually devoid of storms and

rough weather.

Lake Michigan at this point has a breadth of fifty miles between the

mouth of the Chicago River and the opposite or Michigan shore; and

there being no eminence of sufficient height to rise above the horizon,

the prospect was like looking off to sea where there is an offing of

thousands of miles.

Northward the shores were fringed with a white oak forest, with a line

of sand-hills near the beach. Looking southward, the shore of the lake

trended away in a curve toward the southeast, and on its margin could

be traced the sand-hills characteristic of the shores as far as the eye

could reach.

It is a remarkable fact that most of the details of the Chicago massacre

are derived from the accounts furnished by the two women who were

eye-witnesses of the scenes described. Neither of these accounts was

directly written by the two women referred to, but are preserved through

secondary reports.

The narrative of Mrs. Helm, who was only seventeen years old at the

time, was taken down from dictation apparently by Mrs. John H. Kinzie

and incorporated in _Wau-Bun_. While this account, as given in the work

mentioned, is enclosed in quotation-marks as if in the language of the

narrator, it was evidently rendered by Mrs. Kinzie in her own words.

Mrs. Kinzie was not present at the massacre, not having come to Chicago

until twenty years thereafter, but she was diligent in procuring all the

information available at the time of writing her book. In her later years

she no doubt talked the matter over at length with Mrs. Helm, who was a

half-sister of her husband.

It is important, in obtaining a clear understanding of this narrative,

that the names of Mrs. John Kinzie, the wife of the pioneer of 1804, and

of Mrs. John H. Kinzie, the author, be not confused.

The narrative of Mrs. Heald reaches posterity through the story of her

son, Darius Heald. A portion was given in John Wentworth's address at

the unveiling of the memorial tablet on the site of old Fort Dearborn,

delivered May 21, 1881; and another portion is quoted in Joseph

Kirkland's book. _The Chicago Massacre_, published some years later.

Darius Heald was not born until ten years after the massacre, and his

testimony, written from his dictation, was derived entirely from the oral

account of his mother.

Comparing the account with that given by Mrs. Helm a number of

discrepancies in details is observed, though the main events are related

in both accounts in practically identical form.

The accounts of both Mrs. Helm and Mrs. Heald were written from

dictation. Mrs. Helm's account appeared in print twenty-four years after

the event which it describes, while Mrs. Heald's did not appear until

seventy-five years thereafter, having in the meantime been preserved only

in the form of a family tradition. It can therefore hardly have as much

historical value as the older published narrative of Mrs. Helm.

The morning of the fifteenth of August, 1812, dawned clear and the day

was oppressively warm. There was scarcely a breath of air stirring and

the surface of the lake was unruffled, stretching away, as one expressed

it, "like a sheet of burnished gold." The preparations for the departure

went actively forward. At nine o'clock Captain Wells took a place at the

head of the column on horseback, his face blackened, according to the

Indian custom, "in token of his impending fate."

Wells was under no illusions. He knew that at any moment the crisis would

be upon them, and he clearly realized how hopeless in the presence of

hordes of savages in the neighborhood, bent on blood and plunder, any

resistance would be, and how faint a chance there was for escape. But

brave and resolute he calmly went forward with the fixed purpose of doing

his duty in the face of inevitable destruction.

Following him rode half of his Miami band, and behind them the musicians

came, and as the march began they played the Dead March. Then came the

soldiers, each carrying twenty-five rounds of ammunition, all that had

been reserved from the general destruction, though a totally inadequate

supply for such a campaign as they might reasonably look forward to in

these threatening circumstances.

Next came a train of wagons in which the camp equipage and provisions

were carried, and in the wagons were also placed the women and children.

The rear of the column was brought up by the remainder of the Miami

escort. The wives of the married officers, Mrs. Heald and Mrs. Helm,

accompanied the procession on horseback.

The escort promised by the Potawatamis in council was on hand and moved

with the procession, a few hundred yards to the west, keeping a parallel

course. There was a lingering hope among the whites that the Indians

would be true to their promise and continue with them throughout their

journey as a protecting force, and in this hope the movements of the

Indians were watched with the greatest interest, though with painful

forebodings and suspicions.

Among the people thus hoping against hope "there were not wanting gallant

hearts who strove to encourage in their desponding companions the hopes

of escape they were far from indulging themselves."

Early in the morning of the day of the departure of the garrison John

Kinzie had received a message from Topenebe of St. Joseph's band

informing him of what he already was well convinced of, that the

Potawatamis who were to act as escort on the march had treacherous

designs, and would without doubt attack the column. Topenebe was a chief

in the Potawatami tribe, but a firm friend of the whites and especially

of the Kinzie family. He warned Mr. Kinzie not to accompany the troops

when they left the fort, but rather to take passage in a boat with his

family and proceed directly to St. Joseph, where he might rejoin the

troops if they were successful in passing through the country.

Mr. Kinzie, however, decided to place his family in the boat, while he

himself accompanied the troops, in the hope and belief that his presence

would operate as a restraint upon the fury of the savages in case of an

attack. This brave action on the part of Mr. Kinzie, who thus cast in his

lot with those who were going forth to almost certain destruction, must

be regarded as an exhibition of rare personal courage notable even among

many other instances of a similar kind seen on that fatal day.

The party in the boat which left the Kinzie house about the same time

that the troops marched out of the fort consisted of Mrs. Kinzie and her

four children, the eldest of whom by her second marriage was John Harris,

then nine years old. The others were: Ellen Marion, six and a half years

old; Maria Indiana, four years old, and Robert Allen, two and a half

years old. In addition there were Josette La Framboise, a French-Ottawa

half-breed, a nurse in the family; Chandonnais, a clerk in the employ of

Mr. Kinzie; two servants, a boatman, and the two Indians who had brought

the message from Topenebe. This made a party of twelve persons in the

boat.

Upon Mrs. Kinzie now devolved the responsibility and direction of the

party in the boat, since her husband had chosen to accompany the troops.

Proceeding to the mouth of the river, the boat was detained for a time

while the party beheld the passage of the column just beginning its

march. Mrs. Kinzie "was a woman of uncommon energy and strength of

character," says the author of _Wau-Bun_, "yet her heart died within her

as she folded her arms around her helpless Infants, and gazed upon the

march of her husband and eldest child to certain destruction." It will

be recalled that Mrs. Kinzie's eldest child was Mrs. Margaret Helm, who

was with her husband on the march.

Antoine Ouilmette and his family did not abandon their dwelling as did

all the other residents of the village. A sister of his wife, known

in the accounts as Mrs. Bisson, was a member of this same household.

Ouilmette was regarded by the Potawatamis as belonging to their tribe,

and he felt no apprehension of danger in remaining on the ground.

Renegade whites living among the savages usually maintained their

standing among them by offering no opposition to any atrocities committed

by them, and sometimes even participating in the warfare against their

own race.

The line of march lay along the shore of the lake toward the south.

In the absence of roads through the country at that early period the

traveling was difficult for wagons, and the margin of the lake was

usually preferred for that kind of locomotion wherever it lay in the

desired direction. For a considerable distance toward the southern end of

the lake the route of the proposed march would be along the sandy beach,

usually firm and smooth near the water's edge.

Boat navigation was the main reliance for transporting men and goods,

though as yet there was not a sufficiently large number of boats of any

description on Lake Michigan to have moved so large a body of men and

women at one time as composed the procession leaving the fort. And even

if there had been enough of such as were used by the traders, it is not

likely that the people would have been permitted by the hostile Indians

even to embark in them.

The fort was no sooner vacated than the Indians rushed in and began to

plunder the place of everything that was movable. In an adjoining field

there had been a herd of cattle kept for the use of soldiers, such as

milch cows, oxen, etc., and these were allowed to run at large when the

troops departed. The Indians gave chase and shot them all, seemingly for

the satisfaction they found in the mere act of killing, and the deed was

quite in keeping with their usual improvident habits. Mrs. Helm, in her

account, said that she well-remembered a remark of Ensign Ronan as the

shooting of the cattle went on. "Such," said he, "is to be our fate,--to

be shot down like beasts."

In taking their departure from the fort there was little in the conduct

of the savages to indicate the hostility which was so soon to manifest

itself. Mrs. Heald gave an account of the scene many years later, and

she said in her narrative that "the fort was vacated quietly, not a

cross word being passed between soldiers and Indians, and good-byes were

exchanged."

In fact, it was generally believed that those Indians who gathered about

the entrance of the fort, prepared to rush in the moment the last men

passed out, took no part in the later events of the day, being fully

occupied in their work of plundering and cattle-killing. John Wentworth

in one of his lectures on the subject went further, and declared that the

Indians who had lived a long time in the immediate vicinity of the fort

were friendly to the whites and "did their best to pacify the numerous

warriors who flocked here from the more distant hunting grounds."

The column had not proceeded very far on its course before it was noticed

that the Potawatami escort was diverging from the direction in which both

columns started out and that at the distance of a mile from the fort

there was a considerable distance between them.

A range of sand-hills and sand-banks of no great height skirted the

shore dividing the sandy beach from the prairie beyond them. Among these

sand-hills were a few trees and bushes supporting a precarious existence.

Westward of this range of sand-hills which began to rise about a mile

from the fort the Indians continued their course and were soon lost to

view.

Suddenly, far in the advance, Captain Wells was seen to turn his horse

and ride furiously back along the marching men, who quickly came to a

halt. Wells was swinging his hat in a circle around his head, which meant

in the sign language of the frontier, "We are surrounded by Indians!"

As he approached the commanding officer he shouted, "They are about to

attack us; form instantly and charge upon them." The Potawatami escort

had in fact become the attacking party, choosing to murder the whites

rather than join in looting the fort.

The Indians could now be seen in great numbers coming into view from

behind the mounds of sand, their heads bobbing up and down "like turtles

out of the water." The troops were promptly formed and they had no sooner

taken position than the Indians began firing upon them with deadly

effect, the first victim being a veteran of seventy years of age.

After firing one round the troops charged up the slopes of the

sand-hills, driving the Indians from the position. However, they

scattered in both directions and presently began to envelop the flanks

of the line according to the usual practice in savage warfare. At this

juncture the mounted Miamis would have been of the greatest service in

preventing such a manoeuvre, but they had all fled across the prairie

after the first shot was fired, quickly disappeared in the distance, and

were seen no more.

Captain Heald, in a letter written a few weeks after the event, said:

The situation of the country rendered it necessary for us to take the

beach, with the lake on our left, and a high sand-bank on our right,

at about one hundred yards' distance. We had proceeded about a mile

and a half when it was discovered that the Indians were prepared

to attack us from behind the bank. I immediately marched up with

the company to the top of the bank when the action commenced; after

firing one round we charged, and the Indians gave way in front and

joined those on our flanks.

The horses upon which Mrs. Heald and Mrs. Helm were riding became almost

unmanageable after the firing had begun. The explosion of a charge in an

old flint lock musket was a terrific outburst of noise. It produced a

volume of sound which we can scarcely realize when comparing it with the

report of a service rifle in use at the present day. It was little wonder

that the horses pranced and bounded when these thundering volleys were

heard.

Mrs. Helm said that she drew off a little and gazing upon her husband

(Lieutenant Helm) and her father (Mr. Kinzie), whom, although he was

her step-father, she was always fond of calling father, she saw that

they both were yet unharmed. But she felt that as for herself her hour

had come, and she endeavored to forget those she loved, and to prepare

herself for her approaching fate.

It was the endeavor of the savages to close upon their victims whenever

they found an opportunity to bring their tomahawks and scalping knives

into use. While some were firing upon the troops from cover, others were

seeking to attack those who had become separated from their friends.

These they could quickly overcome owing to their skill in the use of

those murderous weapons.

One Sergeant Holt, who was accompanied by his wife, had received a ball

in his neck in the early part of the engagement. He handed his sword to

his wife, who was on horseback near him, and told her to defend herself.

The Indians were desirous of obtaining possession of the horse and at

the same time sparing her life, for generally they wished to take the

women captives. Mrs. Holt resisted vigorously when the savages attempted

to seize the horse; she broke away from them and dashed out on the open

prairie. Still pursuing, they overtook her and succeeded in dragging

her from her horse. She was then made a prisoner and later taken to the

Illinois River country, where she received kind treatment. Ultimately she

was ransomed and restored to her friends.

Mrs. Helm was attacked by a young Indian, who raised his tomahawk,

intending to deal her a blow, but she avoided the murderous weapon

and seized her assailant around the neck. This is the moment that the

sculptor of the bronze group, now situated at the intersection of

Eighteenth Street and Calumet Avenue, chose for his representation.

Mrs. Helm tried to get possession of the scalping knife which hung in a

scabbard over his breast, but another and an older Indian dragged her

away with a strong grasp. Struggling and resisting, she was then borne

toward the lake, plunged into the water and firmly held, as if it were

the intention to drown her. She soon perceived, however, that the object

of her captor was not to drown her, as he held her in such a position as

to keep her head above water. She began to gather courage, and looking

the savage full in the face, she saw at once, notwithstanding the paint

with which he had disguised himself, that it was Black Partridge, the

chief who had surrendered his medal to the commandant the evening before.

[Illustration: MEMORIAL MONUMENT TO THE MASSACRE

_This monument marks the spot where the battle and massacre of the troops

and others took place on the 15th of August 1812. The monument was

designed by Mr. Carl Rohl-Smith. It consists of a bronze group placed

on a pedestal of granite, upon the sides of which are panels depicting

scenes in relief connected with the events of that day. It is situated

at the foot of Eighteenth street, adjoining the tracks of the Illinois

Central Railroad, and was the gift of Mr. George M. Pullman to the people

of Chicago._

_The scene represents Black Partridge rescuing Mrs. Helm from death at

the hands of a frenzied savage, the prostrate figure being that of the

unfortunate Dr. Van Voorhis, the post surgeon, who met his death on that

occasion. The child stretching out its arms in an appeal for help recalls

the fiendish massacre of infants which was the terrible feature of the

day._]

When the firing was nearly over, the chief brought her out of the water

and placed her on a sand-bank. "It was a burning August morning,"

she said, "and walking through the sand in my drenched condition was

inexpressibly painful and fatiguing. I stooped and took off my shoes to

free them from the sand with which they were nearly filled, when a squaw

seized them and carried them off, and I was obliged to proceed without

them."

As she gained the prairie she was met by Mr. Kinzie, who informed her

that her husband (Lieutenant Helm) was safe, and but slightly wounded.

She was led back to the Indian encampment on the banks of the Chicago

River. "At one time," she continues in her story, "I was placed upon a

horse without a saddle, but finding the motion insupportable, I sprang

off. Supported partly by my kind conductor, Black Partridge, and partly

by another Indian, Pee-so-tum, who held dangling in his hand a scalp,

which by the black ribbon around the queue I recognized as that of

Captain Wells, I dragged my fainting steps to one of the wigwams."

Arrived at the entrance of a chief's wigwam, the wife of the chief,

inspired by a sentiment of pity for her, an exhibition of feeling rare

among Indian women, seeing her exhausted condition, took a kettle and,

dipping up some water from the small creek near by, threw in a quantity

of maple sugar, and, stirring it with her hand, gave the mixture to her

to drink. She was greatly refreshed by the draught. This act of kindness

touched the poor young woman deeply, occurring as it did in the midst of

so many horrors.

In the meantime the men in the ranks fell rapidly under the withering

fire of their savage foes, who were now on all sides of them in

overwhelming numbers. Still they continued the struggle bravely, and the

prairie was soon thickly scattered with dead and wounded. Captain Heald

himself received a wound in his hip, from which he suffered for the

remainder of his life, and which caused his death some years later. It

may be stated in passing that the bodies of those who were killed in this

bloody combat lay exposed to the elements and wild beasts for four years,

until eventually their remains were gathered up and buried by United

States soldiers arriving to rebuild the fort.

The troops behaved most gallantly while the battle lasted and seemed

determined to make as brave a defence as possible. They were soon

reduced to about one-half of their original number. After the action had

continued about a quarter of an hour Captain Heald drew off the few men

still remaining and took possession of a small elevation in the open

prairie, beyond the range of the shots coming from the sand-hills which

the Indians now held, thus having reversed the positions which the

opposing forces occupied at the beginning of the battle.

There was nothing now to prevent the savages from attacking the wagons

containing the women and children. The troops were isolated on the

prairie and could not even defend themselves, much less could they do

anything to protect the helpless people in the wagons.

The Story of Old Fort Dearborn · 第 5 / 7 段