In the Faroe Islands the Mermaid of popular belief merges insensibly

into the Seal; and in Shetland it is believed, that, while they are

distinct beings, they can only come to the surface of sea by entering

the skin of some animal capable of existing in the water. This also is

always the Seal. In this form they land on some rock and amuse

themselves as they will. But they must take care of these skins, for

without them they can never return.

One summer's eve, a Shetlander walked along the shore of a little inlet,

By the moonlight he saw, at some distance before him, a number of these

sea-people who had "left unsounded depths to dance on sands." Near them,

on the ground, he saw several seal-skins.

As he approached, the disturbed dancers precipitately made to their

garments, drew them on, and, in the form of seals, plunged into the sea.

When he came up, he saw one seal-skin still there; he snatched it up,

ran away, and secured it. He then returned. There he met upon the shore

the fairest maiden that eye ever gazed upon. She was lamenting piteously

the loss of her seal-skin robe, without which she could never rejoin her

friends or reach her watery home. He endeavored to console her. She

implored him to restore her dress; but her beauty had decided that. At

last, as he continued inexorable, she consented to become his wife. They

were married and had several children, who retained no mark of the

watery strain, save a thin web between their fingers and a peculiar bend

of the hand.

The Shetlander's love for his wife was unbounded, but she made a cold

return. Often she stole out alone and hastened to the sea-shore, and at

a given signal a seal of large size would appear, and they would hold

converse for hours in an unknown language, when she would return home

pensive and melancholy.

So years passed and her hopes vanished, when one day the children,

playing behind a stack of corn, found a seal-skin. Delighted, they ran

to show the prize to their mother. She was no less delighted, for she

saw in it the lost home and friends beneath the water. Yet she loved her

children. That proved but a slight pang, and with many embraces she fled

to the sea.

The husband came in almost immediately, and hearing what had happened

ran out only to see her plunge into the sea, where she was joined by the

seal. She looked back and saw his misery, "Farewell!" she said. "I loved

you well while I was with you, but I always loved my first husband

better."

"Near the coast," says Sir James Forbes, "we saw many sorts of fish, but

did not meet with many of the Mermaids so often mentioned in these seas

especially by Mr. Matcham, a gentleman of great respectability, and at

that time superintendent of the Company's Marine at Bombay. I have heard

him declare, that, when in command of a trading vessel at Mozambique,

Mombaz, and Melinda, three of the principal seaports on the east coast

of Africa, he frequently saw these extraordinary animals from six to

twelve feet long; the head resembling the human, except about the nose

and mouth, which were rather more like a hog's snout; the skin fair and

smooth; the head covered with dark, glossy hair of considerable length;

the neck, breasts, and body of the female as low as the hips, appeared

like a well-formed woman; from thence to the extremity of the tail they

were perfect fish. The shoulders and arms were in good proportion, but

from the elbow tapered to a fin, like the turtle or penguin."

The very curious reader should examine Cuvier's account of the Manatee,

or Manatus, (called from its hands,) and of the Halicore, or Dugong,

"from its mammae, called the Mermaid." Concerning this latter Hartwig has

the following sentence:--"When they raise themselves with the front part

of their body out of the water, a lively fancy might easily be led to

imagine that a human shape, though certainly none of the most beautiful,

was surging from the deep."

This is the testimony, and our deduction is short and simple.

We see, first, in the East, two hieroglyphs: one, the fishy man-monster,

expressive of a joint dominion over land and sea; the other, a woman and

fish conjoined, and expressive of relationship between the moon and the

sea; and thus _form_ of the Mermaid grew; and as that which had in its

mythology the latter of the figures was a maritime nation, the figure

was spread abroad and perpetuated. Next, in the North we see the

imagination that placed a colony of trolls under every hill, a tiny

creature under every "cowslip's bell," and a separate spirit in every

little stream, peopling also the outer ocean with its creatures; and

here the perfect _idea_ of the Mermaid, with its various beneficent or

mischievous qualities, appears.

Between these two put the sailor, always superstitious and of ready

credulity, and very often ignorant that the stories and the figure were

not the actual results of human experience, and, their reality assumed,

whatever strange thing he saw in his wanderings would be naturally

referred to them, whether it were an occasional Dugong, or only a seal

erected in the water at such a distance that the sunbeams on his shining

coat made it seem white.

And this is the natural history of the Mermaid.

Aside from this, if one were Quixotically inclined to assert the

Mermaid, he would find in all that has been said nothing of weight

against it; and after what has been proved to have existed, it is hard

to say what is impossible. The Ichthyophagi of Diodorus, while they

retained their human form, were more than half-fish, fishes in blood and

instinct very clearly. Tendencies exaggerate themselves very strangely

in a few centuries. A negro's under-lip has been so big as to hang down

before him like an apron. Cuvier declares that we "may trace the

gradations of one and the same plan, from man to the last of the

fishes"; and Mr. Darwin's theory appears to involve something like

Mermaids as inevitable links, existing or extinct, in the chain of

universal life.

FOOTNOTES:

[A] See _Memoirs of an Oriental Residence_.--Sir James Forbes.

SKIPPER BEN.

Sailing away!

Losing the breath of the shores in May,--

Dropping down from the beautiful bay,

Over the sea-slope vast and gray!

And the Skipper's eyes with a mist are blind;

For thoughts rush up on the rising wind

Of a gentle face that he leaves behind,

And a heart that throbs through the fog-bank dim,

Thinking of him.

Far into night

He watches the gleam of the lessening light

Fixed on the dangerous island-height

That bars the harbor he loves from sight;

And he wishes at dawn he could tell the tale

Of how they had weathered the southwest gale,

To brighten the cheek that had grown so pale

With a sleepless night among spectres grim,--

Terrors for him.

Yo-heave-yo!

Here's the Bank where the fishermen go!

Over the schooner's sides they throw

Tackle and bait to the deeps below.

And Skipper Ben in the water sees,

When its ripples curl to the light land-breeze,

Something that stirs like his apple-trees,

And two soft eyes that beneath them swim,

Lifted to him.

Hear the wind roar,

And the rain through the slit sails tear and pour!

"Steady! we'll scud by the Cape Ann shore,--

Then hark to the Beverly bells once more!"

And each man worked with the will of ten;

While up in the rigging, now and then,

The lightning glared in the face of Ben,

Turned to the black horizon's rim,

Scowling on him.

Into his brain

Burned with the iron of hopeless pain,

Into thoughts that grapple and eyes that strain,

Pierces the memory, cruel and vain!

Never again shall he walk at ease

Under his blossoming apple-trees

That whisper and sway in the sunset-breeze,

While the soft eyes float where the sea-gulls skim,

Gazing with him.

How they went down

Never was known in the still old town:

Nobody guessed how the fisherman brown,

With the look of despair that was half a frown,

Faced his fate in the furious night,

Faced the mad billows with hunger white,

Just within hail of the beacon-light,

That shone on a woman sweet and trim,

Waiting for him.

Beverly bells,

Ring to the tide as it ebbs and swells!

His was the anguish a moment tells,--

The passionate sorrow Death quickly knells;

But the wearing wash of a lifelong woe

Is left for the desolate heart to know,

Whose tides with the dull years come and go,

Till hope drifts dead to its stagnant brim,

Thinking of him.

ASSASSINATION.

The assassination of President Lincoln threw a whole nation into

mourning,--the few exceptions to those who deplored the President's

violent and untimely end only serving to make the general regret the

more manifest. Of all our Presidents since Washington, Mr. Lincoln had

excited the smallest amount of that feeling which places its object in

personal danger. He was a man who made a singularly favorable impression

on those who approached him, resembling in that respect President

Jackson, who often made warm friends of bitter foes, when circumstances

had forced them to seek his presence; and it is probable, that, if he

and the honest chiefs of the Rebels could have been brought face to

face, there never would have been civil war,--at least, any contest of

grand proportions; for he would not have failed to convince them that

all that they had any right to claim, and therefore all that they could

expect their fellow-citizens to fight for would be more secure under his

government than it had been under the governments of such men as Pierce

and Buchanan, who made use of sectionalism and slavery to promote the

selfish interests of themselves and their party. The estimation in which

he was latterly held by the most intelligent of the Secessionists

indicates, that, had they been acquainted with him, their Secessionism

never would have got beyond the nullification of the Palmetto

Nullifiers; and that was all fury and fuss, without any fighting in it.

Ignorance was the parent of the civil war, as it has been the parent of

many other evils,--ignorance of the character and purpose of the man who

was chosen President in 1860-61, and who entered upon official life with

less animosity toward his opponents than ever before or since had been

felt by a man elected to a great place after a bitter and exciting

contest. There is not the slightest reason for doubting the sincerity of

Mr. Lincoln's declaration, that his administration should be

Constitutional in its character; nor can it be said that the earlier

Rebels ever supposed that he would invade their Constitutional rights.

They rebelled because circumstances enabled them to attempt the

realization of their long-cherished dream of a slave-holding

Confederacy, and because they saw that never again, in their time, would

another such opportunity be offered to effect a traitorous purpose. It

was clear to every mind that a year of quiet under the new

administration would dispel the delusion that the North was about to

overthrow the old polity; and therefore the violent men of the South

were determined that that administration never should have a fair trial.

Their action at Charleston, in 1860, by rendering the election of the

Republican candidate certain, shows that they wished an occasion for

revolt; and the course of President Buchanan, who refused to take the

commonest precautions for the public safety, gave them a vantage-ground

which they speedily occupied, and so made war inevitable.

That one of the most insignificant of their number should have murdered

the man whose election they declared to be cause for war is nothing

strange, being in perfect keeping with their whole course. The wretch

who shot the chief magistrate of the Republic is of hardly more account

than was the weapon which he used. The real murderers of Mr. Lincoln are

the men whose action brought about the civil war. Booth's deed was a

logical proceeding, following strictly from the principles avowed by the

Rebels, and in harmony with their course during the last five years. The

fall of a public man by the hand of an assassin always affects the mind

more strongly than it is affected by the fall of thousands of men in

battle; but in strictness, Booth, vile as his deed was, can be held to

have been no worse, morally, than was that old gentleman who insisted

upon being allowed the privilege of firing the first shot at Fort

Sumter. Ruffin's act is not so disgusting as Booth's; but of the two

men, Booth exhibited the greater courage,--courage of the basest kind,

indeed, but sure to be attended with the heaviest risks, as the hand of

every man would be directed against its exhibitor. Had the Rebels

succeeded, Ruffin would have been honored by his fellows; but even a

successful Southern Confederacy would have been too hot a country for

the abode of a wilful murderer. Such a man would have been no more

pleasantly situated even in South Carolina than was Benedict Arnold in

England. And as he chose to become an assassin after the event of the

war had been decided, and when his victim was bent upon sparing Southern

feeling so far as it could be spared without injustice being done to the

country, Booth must have expected to find his act condemned by every

rational Southern man as a worse than useless crime, as a blunder of the

very first magnitude. Had he succeeded in getting abroad, Secession

exiles would have shunned him, and have treated him as one who had

brought an ineffaceable stain on their cause, and also had rendered

their restoration to their homes impossible. The pistol-shot of Sergeant

Corbett saved him from the gallows, and it saved him also from the

denunciations of the men whom he thought to serve. He exhibited,

therefore, a species of courage that is by no means common; for he not

only risked his life, and rendered it impossible for honorable men to

sympathize with him, but he ran the hazard of being denounced and cast

off by his own party. This places him above those who would have

assassinated their country, but who took care to keep themselves within

the rules of honorable action, as the world counts honor. He perilled

everything, while they staked only their lives and their property. Their

success would have justified them in general estimation, but his success

would have been his ruin. He was fortunate in meeting death so soon, and

not less so in the mode of his exit from the stage of life. All

Secessionists who retain any self-respect must rejoice that one whose

doings brought additional ignominy on a cause that could not well bear

it has passed away and gone to his account. It would have been more

satisfactory to loyal men, if he had been reserved for the gallows; but

even they must admit that it is a terrible trial to any people who get

possession of an odious criminal, because they may be led so to act as

to disgrace themselves, and to turn sympathy in the direction of the

evil-doer. No fouler murder ever was perpetrated than that of which

Booth was guilty; and had he been taken alive and sound, it is possible

that our conduct would not have been of such a character as it would

have been pleasing to think of after our just passion should have

cooled. We should recollect, that, a hundred and sixty years after its

occurrence, the shouting of Englishmen over the verdict of _Guilty_

rendered against Charnock and his associates, because of their part in

the Assassination Plot, is condemned by the greatest of English

historians, who was the last man to be suspected of sympathizing with

men who sought to murder William III. A disposition to insult the

fallen, no matter how vile may be their offences or how just their fall,

is not an American characteristic; but so wide-spread and well-founded

was the indignation caused by the basest murder of modern times, that we

might have been unjust to ourselves, if the murderer had come whole into

our hands. Therefore the shot of Sergeant Corbett is not to be

regretted, save that it gave too honorable a form of death to one who

had earned all that there is of disgraceful in that mode of dying to

which a peculiar stigma is attached by the common consent of mankind.

Whether Booth was the agent of a band of conspirators, or was one of a

few vile men who sought an odious immortality, it is impossible to say.

We have the authority of a high Government official for the statement

that "the President's murder was organized in Canada and approved at

Richmond"; but the evidence in support of this extraordinary

announcement is, doubtless for the best of reasons, withheld at the time

we write. There is nothing improbable in the supposition that the

assassination plot was formed in Canada, as some of the vilest

miscreants of the Secession side have been allowed to live in that

country. We know that there were other plots formed in that country

against us,--plots that were to a certain extent carried into execution,

and which led to loss of life. The ruffians who were engaged in the St.

Albans raid--which was as much an insult to England as it was a wrong to

us--were exactly the sort of men to engage in a conspiracy to murder

Federal magistrates; but it is not probable that British subjects had

anything to do with any conspiracy of this kind. The Canadian error was

in allowing the scum of Secession to abuse the "right of hospitality"

through the pursuit of hostile action against us from the territory of a

neutral. If injustice is done their country in this instance, Canadians

should recollect that what is known to have been done there for our

injury is quite sufficient to warrant the suspicion that more was there

done to increase the difficulties of our situation than now distinctly

appears. The country that contains such justices as Coursol and Smith

cannot complain, if its sense of fairness is not rated very high by its

neighbors,--neighbors who have suffered from Secessionists being allowed

to make Canada a basis of operations against the United States, though

the United States and Great Britain are at peace.

That a plan to murder President Lincoln should have been approved at

Richmond is nothing strange; and though such approval would have been

supremely foolish, what but supreme folly is the chief characteristic of

the whole Southern movement? If the seal of Richmond's approval was

placed on a plan formed in Canada, something more than the murder of Mr.

Lincoln was intended. It must have been meant to kill every man who

could legally take his place, either as President or as President _pro

tempore_. The only persons who had any title to step into the Presidency

on Mr. Lincoln's death were Mr. Johnson, who became President on the

15th of April, and Mr. Foster, one of the Connecticut Senators, who is

President of the Senate. There was no Speaker of the House of

Representatives; so that one of the officers designated temporarily to

act as President, on the occurrence of a vacancy, had no existence at

the time of Mr. Lincoln's death, has none at this time, and can have

none until Congress shall have met, and the House of Representatives

have chosen its presiding officer. It does not appear that any attempt

was made on the life of Mr. Foster, though Mr. Johnson was on the list

of those doomed by the assassins; and the savage attack made on Mr.

Seward shows what those assassins were capable of. But had all the

members of the Administration been struck down at the same time, it is

not at all probable that "anarchy" would have been the effect, though to

produce that must have been the object aimed at by the conspirators.

Anarchy is not so easily brought about as persons of an anarchical turn

of mind suppose. The training we have gone through since the close of

1860 has fitted us to bear many rude assaults on order without our

becoming disorderly. Our conviction is, that, if every man who held high

office at Washington had been killed on the 14th of April, things would

have gone pretty much as we have seen them go, and that thus the

American people would have vindicated their right to be considered a

self-governing race. It would not be a very flattering thought, that the

peace of the country is at the command of any dozen of hardened ruffians

who should have the capacity to form an assassination plot, the

discretion to keep silent respecting their purpose, and the boldness and

the skill requisite to carry it out to its most minute details: for the

neglect of one of those details might be fatal to the whole project.

Society does not exist in such peril as that. Does any one suppose,

that, if the Gunpowder Plot had been a success,--that, if King, Lords,

and Commons had all been hoisted by Mr. Fawkes, the English nation would

have gone to wreck, that it could not have survived the loss of most of

the royal family, the greater part of the peerage, and most of the

gentlemen who had been chosen to serve in the House of Commons? England

would have survived such a blow as that blowing-up would have inflicted

on her, though for the time she might have been in a very confused

condition; and so we should have survived--and we believe without

exhibiting much confusion--all the efforts of assassins to murder our

leading men, had those efforts been entirely successful.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 16, No. 93, July, 1865 A Magazine of Literature, Art, and Politics · 第 13 / 20 段