anger to cool, she alluded to the subject in Solyman’s presence, and
spoke of the thoughtlessness of young men, quoting similar acts which
had been done by his forefathers. She reminded the Sultan that ‘natural
instinct teaches everyone to protect himself and his family, and that
death is welcome to none; that the mind of a young man can easily
be seduced from the right path by the suggestions of unscrupulous
advisers. It was only fair,’ she said, ‘to pardon a first fault,
and if his son came to his senses he would have saved him to his own
great benefit as a father; but if Bajazet should go back to his former
ways, it would then be time to punish him, as he deserved, for both
his misdeeds. If he would not grant this mercy to his erring son, she
implored him to grant it to a mother’s prayers. She begged for the
life of the son she had borne, and entreated him to spare their common
child. What must be her feelings,’ she continued, ‘if, of the two sons
whom God had spared her, one should be reft away by his unrelenting
father. He ought to control his wrath, and lean to mercy rather than
severity, however just that severity might be; for the Deity, whose
power and justice were infinite, did not clothe himself always in
severity, but to a great extent allowed mercy to prevail, otherwise the
human race could not suffice to supply victims for his vengeance. To
whom ought a man to extend mercy, if not to his children? Henceforth
Bajazet would be a dutiful son, and, freed by this great act of grace
from his present fears, overflow with love and obedience towards his
father; there was no surer bond for noble souls than kind and generous
treatment; the recollection of the pardon he had received would prevent
Bajazet from repeating his offence. She pledged her word for him, and
undertook that he should henceforth be a good and dutiful son.’
By these words, accompanied as they were with tears and caresses,
Solyman was softened; and being at all times too much under his wife’s
influence, he changed his resolve, and determined to spare Bajazet,
on condition of his coming and receiving his commands in person. The
mother was equal to the occasion, and wrote secretly to Bajazet,
telling him not to be afraid to come when he was sent for, he would
be perfectly safe; she had obtained his restoration to his father’s
favour, from whose mind all displeasure had been removed. On receiving
this message his hopes rose, and he determined to trust himself in his
father’s hands; but he was not without fears, as he thought every now
and then of his brother Mustapha, whose fate testified pretty clearly
to the magnitude of the danger he was incurring. Accordingly, he came
to the place appointed for the conference, which was a public inn a few
miles from Constantinople, called Carestran. This was in accordance
with a rule of the Turkish Court, that no grown-up son of the Sultan
should during his father’s lifetime set foot within the walls of
Constantinople, lest he should tamper with the household troops, and
endeavour to seize the throne. On dismounting, he found his father’s
slaves waiting for him with an order to lay aside his sword and dagger.
Nor was there anything unusual in this, as it is the general rule
for those who are admitted to an audience with the Sultan; still it
was a precaution which was not calculated to allay the fears of his
conscience-stricken son. But his mother, foreseeing how frightened he
would be when entering his father’s presence, had stationed herself in
a chamber close to the entrance of the house, by which Bajazet must
pass. As he went by, he could hear his mother calling to him through a
little canvas-covered window, and saying, ‘Corcoma, oglan, corcoma’;
i.e., Do not fear, my son, do not fear. These words from his mother
gave Bajazet no little comfort. On entering, his father bade him
take a seat by his side, and proceeded to lecture him most seriously
on the rashness of his conduct in venturing to take up arms under
circumstances which made it not improbable that he himself was the
object of his attack; and granting that his attempt was directed only
against his brother, it was even then an outrageous crime.
‘He had done what he could towards destroying the very foundations
of the Moslem faith, by bringing to the verge of ruin through family
feuds that which was nowadays its only support—the imperial power of
the house of Othman; this consideration alone ought to prevent a true
believer from entertaining such a design.
‘On the wrong and insult to himself,’ continued the Sultan, ‘he would
not dwell, though he had attempted to seize the throne during his
lifetime, and thus committed an unpardonable offence, for which no
possible punishment could ever atone; in spite of all this, he had
determined to spare him, and deal with him rather as a kind father
than as a strict judge, in the hope that he would henceforward leave
the care of the future in the hands of God; none of these matters
depended on man’s pleasure, it was by God’s decree that kingdoms
went and kingdoms came. If fate ordained that after his death he
(Bajazet) should reign, the matter was settled, the realm would come
to him without any effort on his part; no human means could avail to
hinder that which was appointed from on high; but if God had decreed
otherwise, it was mere madness to toil and strive against His will,
and, as it were, to fight against God. In short, he must leave off
fomenting disorders, cease to attack a brother who did nothing to
provoke him, and refrain from troubling his aged father. But if he
returned to his old courses, and stirred up another storm, it should
break on his own head, and there should be no pardon for a second
offence; in that case he would not find in him a gentle father, but a
stern judge.’
When he had thus spoken, and Bajazet had made a short and judicious
reply, apologising for his fault rather than palliating it, and
promising submission for the future to his father’s will, Solyman
ordered the national beverage to be brought in, and handed to his
son—it was a compound of sugar and water, flavoured with the juice of
certain herbs. Bajazet, longing, but not daring, to refuse it, drank
as much as appearances required, with misgiving in his heart that this
might be the last cup he should ever taste. But presently his father
removed his anxiety by taking a draught from the same cup. Bajazet
therefore was more fortunate than Mustapha in his interview with his
father, and was allowed to return to his government.[158]
I have a few things to tell you about Achmet’s death. Some think he
was accused of a secret leaning towards Mustapha, or at any rate of
negligence in not detecting the conspiracy of the pretender and Bajazet
till it was almost too late. Others think that he had long before been
sentenced to death for robberies and depredations committed by him at
a time when he was without official rank, and fighting for his own
hand; and that this sentence, which, on account of his gallantry and
military skill, had been postponed, though never actually remitted,
was now to be put into execution. Others, again, think that the wish
to restore Roostem to his old position was the one and only reason for
putting Achmet to death. Solyman was believed to have promised Achmet
never to deprive him of the seal of office so long as he lived. When
circumstances necessitated the restoration of the seal to Roostem, he
was obliged, in order to keep his pledge and avoid a breach of faith,
to put Achmet to death, and hence the order for his execution. They
declare also that Solyman said, it was better for him to die once than
to die a thousand times, as would be the case, if he survived to be
perpetually tormented with vain regret for the power that had been
snatched from his hands and given to another. However that may be, one
morning when he had gone to the Divan (which I have already explained
to be the council chamber), without the slightest knowledge of what
was about to happen, a messenger came to sentence him to death in the
Sultan’s name. Achmet, being a man of marvellous courage, received the
announcement with almost as much composure as if it were no concern
of his. All he did was to repulse the hangman, who was preparing to
perform his office, deeming it unfitting that one who had but lately
held so exalted a position, should be touched by his polluted hands.
Glancing round on the bystanders, he begged as a favour of a gentleman,
with whom he was on friendly terms, to act as his executioner, telling
him that it was a kindness he should greatly value, and the last he
would ever be able to do to him; after many entreaties, his friend
acceded to his request. When this was settled, Achmet enjoined him,
after putting the bowstring round his neck, not to strangle him at the
first pull, but to slacken it and allow him to draw one breath; after
which he was to tighten the string until he was dead; this fancy of his
was duly complied with. A strange wish, methinks, to pry at such a time
into the mystery of death, and pay one visit to the threshold of the
king of terrors before passing his portals for ever!
After his death the badges of his former office and the post of Chief
Vizier were restored to Roostem. As to your inquiry about my return, I
may answer in the words of the famous quotation, ‘Facilis descensus
Averni.’ Well, He who guided me on my way hither will bring me back
in His own good time. In the meanwhile, I shall console myself in my
loneliness and troubles with my old friends, my books; friends who have
never failed me hitherto, but have done their master true and loyal
service by night and day. Farewell.
Constantinople, July 14, 1556.[159]
LETTER III.
Introduction—Departure of Busbecq’s colleagues and
preceding negotiations—Turkish hawking—Busbecq summoned
to Adrianople—Earthquake there—Account of earthquake at
Constantinople—Busbecq returns to Constantinople—Hires
a house there—Is forced to go back to his former
abode—Description of it—Anecdotes of animals in
it—Busbecq’s menagerie—How Busbecq’s friend availed
himself of the Turkish abhorrence of pigs—Stories of
a lynx, a crane, a stag—Turkish mendicants—Turkish
slaves—Busbecq’s kite-shooting—His tame partridges from
Chios—Mode of keeping them—Artificial egg-hatching in
Egypt—Turkish horses—Camels—Their use in war—Turkish
commissariat—Turkish and Christian soldiers
contrasted—Their clothing and equipment—Illustration
from Cæsar of Turkish tactics—Turkish kindness to
animals—Cats preferred to dogs—Mahomet and his
cat—Narrow escape of a Venetian who ill-treated a
bird—Turkish fondness for birds—Tame nightingales
and goldfinches—Turkish women and marriage
laws—Divorces—Baths for women—Extraordinary story of
an old woman—Busbecq’s letters intercepted—Pashas
puzzled by supposed cipher—Conversations with
Roostem—Hungarian affairs—Ali Pasha appointed commander
there—His character and appearance—Besieges Szigeth
unsuccessfully—Turkish army preserved by advice of a
Sanjak-bey—His subsequent treatment—Retreat and death
of Ali Pasha—Capture of Gran—Skirmishes and raids in
Croatia—Turkish and Persian dread of fire-arms—Story
of Roostem’s corps of musketeers—Turkish opinion of
duelling—Arslan bey—Account of the Mingrelians and
their king—Busbecq’s life and occupations—Turkish
archery—Turkish readiness to adopt foreign inventions
and customs—Lemnian earth—Why some Turks have their
children baptised—Parthian tactics of the Turks—Busbecq’s
acquaintances of various nations—Rudeness of a Cavasse
and Busbecq’s retaliation—Story of Roostem—Turkish
treatment of ambassadors—Story of a Venetian
ambassador—Emblematic present from Roostem—Beginning
of Bajazet’s rebellion—Removal of him and Selim to new
governments—Reluctance of Bajazet to obey—Selim marches
on Ghemlik—Bajazet’s remonstrances and his father’s
reply—Missions of Mehemet and Pertau Pashas to Selim
and Bajazet—Reluctance of Solyman’s troops—The Mufti
consulted—Message of Bajazet to Solyman—His preparations
at Angora—Characters of the rival brothers—Address of
Bajazet to his army—His defeat at Koniah and retreat
to Amasia—Reputation he gains by his conduct—Solyman
crosses to Asia—His motives—Busbecq a spectator of
his departure—Description of the procession—Busbecq
summoned to Solyman’s camp—Description of it—Turkish
observance of Ramazan—Impression made on a Turk by the
carnival—Why wine was forbidden by Mahomet—Turkish
military punishments—Quarrel of Busbecq’s servants
with some Janissaries—Light in which the Janissaries
are regarded by the Sultan—Albert de Wyss—Bajazet’s
proceedings at Amasia—Description of Persia—Characters
of Shah Tahmasp and his son—Solyman’s policy towards
Bajazet—Flight of Bajazet to Persia—Description of the
celebration of Bairam by the army—Return of Busbecq to
Constantinople—Incidents of Bajazet’s flight—Solyman
is dissuaded from marching against Persia—Disaffection
among his troops—Bajazet’s arrival in Persia—His
reception by the Shah—Duplicity of the Shah—His probable
motives—Bajazet’s troops separated and massacred in
detail—He and his family are thrown into prison—Opinions
as to his probable fate—Influence of these events on
Busbecq’s negotiations—His course of policy—Conclusion.
Of course you have heard of the last arrangements. Well, my colleagues
left me some time ago, and I am alone at Constantinople. A strange
fancy, I think I hear you say. What on earth can have induced him to
stay among savages, an exile from his dear native land? But while you
exclaim at my choice, you do not forget to ask for every scrap of
news I have to give, solemnly promising to accept it all—good, bad,
and indifferent—just as it comes. You have other questions which you
wish answered. What books am I reading? What am I doing? How do I get
through the day? Do I ever go out? Come, come, what you are plaguing
me for is, I see, not a letter but a diary. Again, you are specially
anxious for information about Bajazet’s fortunes, touching which, you
say, there are many rumours at home. You assert that I am under an
engagement to give you news of him, and you demand heavy damages for
breach of contract! I believe you intend dragging me into court, and
are already preparing your pleadings! Pray do not be so hard! Restrain
your passion, my friend; or if nothing else will serve, take the full
sum; I will pay interest as well, in fact do or pay anything sooner
than be brought into court, though indeed a demurrer would probably lie
to your claim, for surely after so long an interval I might set up the
Statute of Limitations.
When my colleagues, with whom my former letters have made you
acquainted, saw that we had already wasted three years here, and that
no progress had been made towards peace, or even towards an armistice
of any duration, and there appeared hardly any hope of gaining anything
if they stayed, they sought leave to return. Now I must tell you that
it is easy enough to get here; the difficult thing is to get away![160]
and they had much trouble before they could obtain Solyman’s consent.
After this we had to decide whether we should all three leave, or I
should remain behind, while my two colleagues, who had been longer at
Constantinople, returned home. For this point Solyman had left for our
decision, as he was afraid, if he kept one of us, that people would
think that he was anxious for peace. My colleagues considered it was
essential to the Emperor’s interest that one of us should remain. This
was tolerably obvious; but, while I shared their opinion, I thought
it politic to dissemble, and so, whenever the subject was mentioned
in the presence of Turks, I took care to express my dissatisfaction
with any arrangement which kept me at Constantinople. ‘Admitting that
I had come to discharge the duties of an ambassador in ordinary, yet
such a position implied that peace had been concluded. While this was
uncertain, I did not see how I could remain at the Sultan’s court
without disobeying my instructions, or at any rate going beyond them.
The proper course,’ I added, ‘would be for one and all of us to receive
our passports.’
I took this line in order to make them press me to stay, knowing that
it would make a material difference in my position whether I remained
at the request of the Turkish Government or of my own free will. I
was fully alive to the fact that if none of us remained to represent
his Majesty, there was a probability, or rather a certainty, of war;
whereas if I stayed, the prospects of a peaceful arrangement would not
be prejudiced. While communications were being exchanged between Vienna
and Constantinople, a long time would elapse, in which many things
might occur to improve our position. Finally, anything was better than
needlessly to plunge into the horrors of war. These considerations did
not blind me to the fact, that, as far as my own personal interest was
concerned, I was acting imprudently in remaining behind. I foresaw the
additional responsibility I must undertake, and the risks and dangers
of the position I was to occupy, which, great as they must be in any
case, would become extremely serious if the negotiations ended in war.
But men who take upon themselves the onerous office of ambassador must
not allow considerations of this kind to come between them and their
duty to the State.
Roostem, in his excessive anxiety to keep me, played as it were
into my hands. No doubt he understood how much the chances of peace
would be diminished by our departure in a body, and the rupture of
the negotiations which were pending. His chief reason for dreading
an outbreak of hostilities was the effect it would probably have on
Solyman’s sons, who would be sure to take up arms as soon as their
father marched for Hungary. However quiet Selim might be, he knew that
Bajazet would be certain to attack him; and the deep interest which
he, his wife, and his mother-in-law took in the younger prince, made
him anxious that nothing should occur to provoke a step on his part
which he foresaw would be his destruction. Therefore, having summoned
us to his house, he communicated at great length to my colleagues the
considerations he wished to be brought before his Majesty to induce him
to agree to the terms the Sultan offered. But he urged me to stay at my
post, and to persevere in my efforts for the re-establishment of peace.
There was no doubt, he said, that the course he recommended would meet
with the Emperor’s approval, as he had never shown himself averse to
peace. I, on the other hand, expressed annoyance at his proposals,
and made objections to them, as far as I could do so with decency and
safety. On this Roostem grew eager, and begged me not to take a step
which must necessarily put an end to all prospect of peace, saying that
his Emperor[161] was eager to lead his army into Hungary, and would
have done so long ago, if he himself had not through the influence of
certain ladies[162] (meaning his wife and mother-in-law) prevented him.
To use his own expression, they had detained him by seizing the hem of
his garment. He implored us not to go on teasing and provoking against
ourselves the rage of a sleeping lion. I began to be less decided in
my refusals, and to say that I would stay, did I not fear that the
Pashas would be unreasonable in their treatment of me. I felt sure, I
added, that if anything occurred to displease them they would hold me
responsible for it, and make me the scapegoat, even for matters totally
out of my power to prevent. Roostem told me not to be afraid, saying
that whatever turn things might take, nothing should be laid to my
charge; if I would only remain he would undertake to protect me, and,
to use his own expression, would regard me as his brother. I replied
that I would think it over, and so we departed.
The next day we were summoned to the Divan,[163] or Council of State,
where almost the same scene was enacted, except that Roostem, on
account of the presence of the other Pashas was more guarded in his
language. Before I finally agreed to remain, I deposited a protest
with the Pashas, in which I put on record that I was remaining without
knowing what my master’s wishes might be, and therefore reserved all
questions for his decision without prejudice. I undertook nothing,
and did not engage to be responsible for the result which God had
foreordained. This protest was afterwards of great service to me
when affairs looked gloomy, and the Pashas were inclined to treat me
harshly. I have now given you my reasons for remaining.
The departure of my colleagues took place towards the end of August
1557. In the following winter the Sultan, according to his usual
custom, removed to Adrianople, with the double object of making a
demonstration against Hungary and of enjoying the good hawking and the
bracing climate, which he thought were beneficial to his health. At
the junction of the rivers near Adrianople are wide tracts of flooded
lands, on which there are great quantities of wild ducks, geese,
herons, eagles, cranes, and buzzards. To capture these he generally
uses a small species of eagle; these birds are trained to seek their
quarry in the clouds, and bring it down, or to seize it as it flies
beneath them, and with one swoop dash it to the ground.[164] I hear he
has falcons so well trained that they can bring down a crane, striking
it under the wing in such a way as to keep clear of its beak, on which
they would otherwise be impaled. Their boldness, however, is not always
successful, for if they make the least mistake, they immediately suffer
for it; the crane’s beak goes through them like an arrow, and they
tumble lifeless to the ground.
For the reasons I have mentioned, the Sultan makes a practice every
year of repairing to Adrianople at the beginning of the winter, and
of not returning to Constantinople till the frogs drive him away with
their croaking.
Shortly after the departure of the Court, I received a letter from
Roostem ordering me to follow. Some horsemen were attached to me as an
escort, and also sixteen Janissaries, either as a mark of honour or to
prevent my escaping. As I was directed to come with all speed, at first
we travelled by long stages, but we had scarcely commenced our third
day’s journey when the Janissaries began to grumble. It was winter, and
they had to trudge along muddy roads, so our long marches were not at
all to their liking; they declared that when they were campaigning with
the Sultan they did not march more than half the distance, and said
they could not stand it. This troubled me, as I did not wish to be hard
on them. At last, while I was considering with my attendants what to
do for them, one of them suggested that they were very fond of a sort
of omelette, which my cook compounded of wine and eggs with plenty of
sugar and spices. ‘Possibly,’ said he, ‘if they were served with this
for breakfast every day, they would make fewer complaints of fatigue
and be more obliging.’ Queer as the suggestion was, I determined to
try it, and the result was a most complete success, for they were so
charmed with the omelette, and so merry with the wine with which I
plied them, that they were ready to start before the order came, and
volunteered to follow me to Buda if I would always treat them so.
Travelling thus, I arrived at Adrianople, where I was obliged to listen
to the complaints, not to say abuse, of Roostem about the raids and
robberies of the Hungarians. To these, however, the answer was not far
to seek, for I was able to tell him of the numerous wrongs which our
people daily received from Turkish soldiers. He could not be surprised,
I added, if the Christians retaliated.
I was enabled to answer him thus by the arrival of a courier with
despatches from the Emperor, in which he narrated the outrages
perpetrated every day by the Turks in our territory, in violation of
the armistice which we had made for a fixed period on the departure
of my colleagues; how they harried the miserable peasantry with their
ceaseless raids, plundered their property, and carried off into
captivity themselves, their wives, and their children.
I must not omit to mention that on the day of the courier’s arrival at
Adrianople there was a great earthquake, _à propos_ of which he related,
that he had felt an earthquake, which he considered to be the same, at
Nisch and Sofia, and many other places through which he had journeyed,
so that the air enclosed in the caverns of the earth seemed to have
run a race with him and to have travelled almost as fast as he had
ridden. In confirmation of this theory, I must tell you that a similar
earthquake was felt four days later at Constantinople; here are the
data and you can make your own deductions.