in this great crowd. There were no cries, no hum of voices, the
usual accompaniments of a motley gathering, neither was there any
jostling; without the slightest disturbance each man took his proper
place according to his rank. The Agas, as they call their chiefs,
were seated, to wit, generals, colonels (bimbaschi), and captains
(soubaschi). Men of a lower position stood. The most interesting sight
in this assembly was a body of several thousand Janissaries, who were
drawn up in a long line apart from the rest; their array was so steady
and motionless that, being at a little distance, it was some time
before I could make up my mind as to whether they were human beings or
statues; at last I received a hint to salute them, and saw all their
heads bending at the same moment to return my bow. On leaving the
assembly we had a fresh treat in the sight of the household cavalry
returning to their quarters; the men were mounted on splendid horses,
excellently groomed, and gorgeously accoutred. And so we left the royal
presence, taking with us but little hope of a successful issue to our
embassy.
By May 10 the Persian Ambassador had arrived, bringing with him a
number of handsome presents, carpets from famous looms, Babylonian
tents, the inner sides of which were covered with coloured tapestries,
trappings and housings of exquisite workmanship, jewelled scimitars
from Damascus, and shields most tastefully designed; but the chief
present of all was a copy of the Koran, a gift highly prized among the
Turks; it is a book containing the laws and rites enacted by Mahomet,
which they suppose to be inspired.
Terms of peace were immediately granted to the Persian Ambassador with
the intention of putting greater pressure on us, who seemed likely to
be the more troublesome of the two; and in order to convince us of the
reality of the peace, honours were showered on the representative of
the Shah. In all cases, as I have already remarked, the Turks run to
extremes, whether it be in honouring a friend, or in pouring contempt
and insult on a foe. Ali Pasha, the second Vizier, gave the Persian
suite a dinner in his gardens, which were some way from our quarters,
with the river between, but still we could command a view of the place
where they dined, for, as I told you before, the city is so situated on
the hill sides that there is hardly a spot in it from which you cannot
see and be seen. Ali Pasha, I must tell you, is by birth a Dalmatian,
he is a thorough gentleman, and has (what you will be surprised to hear
of in a Turk) a kind and feeling heart.
The table at which the Pashas and the Ambassador were seated was
protected by an awning. A hundred pages all dressed alike acted as
waiters; their method of bringing the dishes to table was as follows.
First they advanced toward the table where the guests were seated,
following each other at equal distances. Their hands were empty, as
otherwise they would not have been able to make their obeisance, which
was performed by their putting them on their thighs, and bending their
heads to the earth. Their bows being made, the page who stood nearest
the kitchen began taking the dishes and handing them on to the next,
who delivered them to the page next him, and so down the row until they
reached the page who stood nearest the table, from whose hands the
chief butler received them and placed them on the board. After this
fashion a hundred dishes or more streamed (if I may use the expression)
on to the table without the slightest confusion. When the dinner was
served the pages again did reverence to the guests, and then returned
in the same order as they had come, the only difference being that
those who had been last as they came were the first as they retired,
and that those who were nearest the table now brought up the rear. All
the other courses were brought on to the table after the same fashion,
a circumstance showing how much regard the Turks pay to order even in
trifles, while we neglect it in matters of extreme importance. Not far
from the Ambassador’s table his retinue was feasting with some Turks.
Peace having been concluded with the Persian, as I have already told
you, it was impossible for us to obtain any decent terms from the Turk;
all we could accomplish was to arrange a six months’ truce to give time
for a reply to reach Vienna, and for the answer to come back.
I had come to fill the position of ambassador in ordinary; but inasmuch
as nothing had been as yet settled as to a peace, the Pashas determined
that I should return to my master with Solyman’s letter, and bring
back an answer, if it pleased the King to send one. Accordingly I had
another interview with the Sultan; two embroidered robes of ample size,
and reaching down to the ankles, were thrown over my shoulders (they
were as much as I could carry). All my people were likewise presented
with silk dresses of different colours, which they wore as they marched
in my train.
With this procession I advanced as if I was going to act the part
of Agamemnon[140] or some other monarch of ancient tragedy. Having
received the Sultan’s letter, which was sealed up in a wrapper of
cloth of gold, I took my leave; the gentlemen among my attendants were
also allowed to enter and make their bow to him. Then having paid my
respects in the same way to the Pashas I left Amasia with my colleagues
on June 2.
It is customary to give a breakfast in the Divan (as they call the
place where the Pashas hold their court), to ambassadors on the eve of
their departure, but this is only done when they represent friendly
governments, and no peace had as yet been arranged with us.
You will probably wish me to give you my impressions of Solyman.
His years are just beginning to tell on him, but his majestic bearing
and indeed his whole demeanour are such as beseem the lord of so vast
an empire. He has always had the character of being a careful and
temperate man; even in his early days, when, according to the Turkish
rule, sin would have been venial, his life was blameless; for not
even in youth did he either indulge in wine or commit those unnatural
crimes which are common among the Turks; nor could those who were
disposed to put the most unfavourable construction on his acts bring
anything worse against him than his excessive devotion to his wife,
and the precipitate way in which, by her influence, he was induced to
put Mustapha to death; for it is commonly believed that it was by her
philtres and witchcraft that he was led to commit this act. As regards
herself, it is a well-known fact that from the time he made her his
lawful wife he has been perfectly faithful to her, although there was
nothing in the laws to prevent his having mistresses as well. As an
upholder of his religion and its rites he is most strict, being quite
as anxious to extend his faith as to extend his empire. Considering
his years (for he is now getting on for sixty) he enjoys good health,
though it may be that his bad complexion arises from some lurking
malady. There is a notion current that he has an incurable ulcer or
cancer on his thigh. When he is anxious to impress an ambassador, who
is leaving, with a favourable idea of the state of his health, he
conceals the bad complexion of his face under a coat of rouge, his
notion being that foreign powers will fear him more if they think that
he is strong and well. I detected unmistakable signs of this practice
of his; for I observed his face when he gave me a farewell audience,
and found it was much altered from what it was when he received me on
my arrival.
June was at its hottest when we began our journey; the heat was too
much for me, and a fever was the consequence, accompanied by headache
and catarrh. The attack, though mild and of an intermittent kind,
was a lingering one, and I did not get rid of it till I reached
Constantinople.
On the day of our departure the Persian Ambassador also left Amasia,
setting out by the same road as ourselves; for, as I mentioned before,
there is only one road by which the city can be entered or left, since
the rugged character of the surrounding hills makes it difficult of
access on every other side; the road shortly branches off in two
directions, one leads eastward and the other westward; the Persians
took the former and we the latter.
As we left Amasia we could see everywhere throughout the broad plains
the lines of the Turkish camps crowded with tents.
There is no need for me to waste your time with a description of our
return journey, since we traversed almost the same ground, and made
nearly the same halts as we had done in coming, save that we travelled
somewhat quicker, and occasionally got over two of our former stages
in one day. Thus we reached Constantinople on June 24, and I will
leave you to picture to yourself the wear and tear of the journey to
one suffering like myself from a lingering fever. I returned worn to a
shadow; however, after a time, having had some rest and gone through a
course of warm baths, recommended by my physician Quacquelben, I soon
recovered strength. He also soused me with cold water on leaving the
bath; I cannot say it was pleasant, but it did me a great deal of good.
Whilst I was still at Constantinople a man who had come from the
Turkish camp told me an anecdote which I shall be glad to include in
my letter, as it illustrates the great dislike which the natives of
Asia entertain to the religion[141] and supremacy of the Ottomans. He
informed me that Solyman, as he was returning, was entertained by a
certain Asiatic and spent the night in his house. When the Sultan had
left, the man considering it to have been polluted and defiled by the
presence of such a guest, had it purified with holy water, fumigation,
and religious rites. When Solyman heard of this insult to himself he
ordered the man to be executed, and his house razed to the ground. So
he paid heavily for his dislike to the Turks and partiality for the
Persians.
After a delay of fourteen days at Constantinople, for the purpose of
recruiting my strength, I set out for Vienna. But the beginning of my
journey was marked by an evil chance. Just as I left Constantinople I
met some waggons of boys and girls who were being carried from Hungary
to the slave market at Constantinople; this is the commonest kind of
Turkish merchandise, and just as loads of different kinds of goods meet
the traveller’s eye, as he leaves Antwerp, so every now and then we
came across unhappy Christians of all ranks, ages, and sexes who were
being carried off to a horrible slavery; the men, young and old, were
either driven in gangs or bound to a chain and dragged over the road in
a long file, after the same fashion as we take a string of horses to a
fair. It was indeed a painful sight; and I could scarce check my tears,
so deeply did I feel the woes and humiliation of Christendom.
If this is not enough to make you think that my path was crossed with
evil, I have something more to tell. My colleagues had placed under my
care some members of their retinue who were tired of being in Turkey,
in order that I might take them back with me. Well, when I had been two
days on the road, I saw the head man of this party, whom they called
their Voivode, riding in a waggon. He was ill, and on his foot was the
plague ulcer, which he kept uncovered in order to relieve the pain.
This circumstance made us all very uncomfortable, since we were afraid
that, this disease being contagious, more of us would be attacked.
On reaching Adrianople, which was not far off, the poor fellow’s
struggles were terminated by death. Then, as if the peril were not
sufficiently great, the rest of the Hungarians seized the dead man’s
clothes; one took his boots, another his doublet, another, for fear
anything should be lost, snatches up his shirt, and another his linen;
though the risk was perfectly obvious, we could not stop them from
endangering the lives of the whole party. My physician flew from one to
another, imploring them for God’s sake not to touch articles, contact
with which would bring about certain death, but they were deaf to his
prophecies.
Well, on the second day after our departure from Adrianople, these
same fellows crowded round my physician, asking him for something to
cure their sickness, which they described as an attack of headache and
general languor, accompanied with a feeling of deep depression; on
hearing of these symptoms my physician began to suspect that this was
the first stage of the plague. He told them that ‘he had not warned
them without reason; they had done their best to catch the plague, and
they had caught it. In spite of their folly he would do what he could
for them; but what means had he of doctoring them in the middle of a
journey, where no medicines could be procured.’
On that very day, when, according to my custom on reaching our lodgings
for the night, we had set out for a walk in search of interesting
objects, I came across a herb in a meadow which I did not recognise. I
pulled off some leaves and putting them to my nose perceived a smell
like garlic; I then placed them in the hands of my physician to see if
he could recognise the plant. After a careful examination he pronounced
it to be scordium,[142] and raising his hands to heaven offered thanks
to God for placing in his path, in the hour of our need, a remedy
against the plague. He immediately collected a large supply, and
throwing it into a big pot he placed it on the fire to boil; he told
the Hungarians to cheer up, and divided the brew amongst them, bidding
them take it, when they went to bed, with Lemnian earth[143] and a
diascordium[144] electuary; he recommended them also not to go to sleep
until they had perspired profusely. They obeyed his directions and came
to him again on the following day, telling him that they felt better.
They asked for another dose of the same kind, and after drinking it
they became convalescent. Thus by God’s goodness we were delivered
from the fear of that dreadful malady. But as if all this were not
enough, we were not able to accomplish the rest of our journey without
further misfortune.
After passing through the lands of the Thracians and Bulgarians, which
extend as far as Nissa, we traversed the country of the Servians,
which reaches from Nissa to Semendria, where the Rascians begin, and
so arrived at Belgrade, the weather being intensely hot, as might be
expected in the dog-days.
Whilst at Belgrade we were offered one fast-day a plentiful supply
of excellent fish; among them were some fine fat carp caught in the
Danube, which are considered a dainty. My men stuffed themselves with
this fish, and in consequence many of them were attacked by fever,
which was caused more or less by their greediness. This great supply
of fish—enough to satisfy forty men—cost half a thaler, and almost
everything else at Belgrade is equally cheap. Hay fetches absolutely
nothing; everyone is allowed to take as much as he likes out of the
rich meadows; he is only charged for the cutting and the carrying. All
this, as we crossed the Save, made us admire still more the wisdom of
the ancient Hungarians in choosing Pannonia, and thus securing for
themselves a land of plenty, capable of producing every kind of crop.
We had travelled far, through many a land both in Europe and Asia,
and in all that long journey we had seen nothing but stunted crops of
grass, barley, oats, and wheat, with the very life scorched out of them
by the heat; but when we entered Hungary, the grass was so high that
those in the carriage behind could not see the carriage in front—a good
proof of the fertility of the soil.
After Semendria, as I told you, the Rascians begin, and occupy the land
as far as the river Drave. They are great drinkers, and are considered
treacherous. I cannot tell you how they got their name, or whence they
sprang, but, at any rate, they were most anxious to do what they could
for us.
After passing through some of their villages, which were of no
particular interest, we came to Essek, which is often inaccessible by
reason of the swamps in which it lies. This is the famous battle-field
which witnessed the rout of Katzianer and the destruction of a
Christian army.[145] Here, in consequence of the excessive heat to
which we were exposed whilst passing through the open plains of
Hungary, I was seized with an attack of tertian fever.
After leaving Essek, we crossed the Drave, and arrived at Laszko.
Whilst resting here, wearied with the journey and worn out by heat and
sickness, I was visited by the officials of the place, who came to
congratulate me on my arrival. They brought enormous melons, and pears
and plums of different kinds; they also furnished us with wine and
bread. Everything was most excellent, and I doubt whether the famous
Campania itself, highly as it is praised by past and present writers
for the fertility of its soil, could produce anything to surpass the
fruits they brought us. A long table standing in my bedroom was filled
with these gifts. My people kept the Hungarians to supper, and gave the
state of my health as the reason for not introducing them to my room.
On waking, my eyes fell on the table, and I could not tell whether I
was awake or dreaming, for there before my eyes appeared the veritable
Horn of Plenty! At last I asked my doctor, and he informed me that
he had had them set out on the table, that I might at least have
the pleasure of looking at them. I asked him if I might taste them.
He told me I might do so, but it must only be a ‘taste.’ Accordingly
all the fruits were cut, and I took a little morsel of each, to my
great refreshment. On the next day the Hungarians came and paid their
respects. After complaining of wrongs received from some of their
neighbours, they asked for the King’s protection.
From this place we came to Mohacz,[146] the fatal field on which Louis
of Hungary fell. I saw not far from the town a small stream flowing
between high precipitous banks, into which the unhappy young King was
thrown with his steed, and so died. He was unfortunate, but he also
showed great want of judgment in venturing, with a small force of raw
troops and unarmed peasants, to make a stand against the numerous and
highly disciplined forces of Solyman.
From Mohacz we came to Tolna, and from Tolna to Feldvar. Here I crossed
over to an island in the Danube of no great size, inhabited by the
Rascians, who call it Kevi. Crossing the Danube again at this point,
I arrived at Buda on August 4, twelve days after our departure from
Belgrade.
During this part of our journey we lost several horses from congestion,
brought on by their eating the new barley and drinking water when it
was too cold. I had also been in much danger from brigands, by whom
this part of the country is infested; they are for the most part
Heydons.[147]
I had evidence a little later of the risk I had run in the confession
of some fellows who were executed by the Pasha of Buda. They admitted
that they had hidden themselves in the gully of a broad watercourse,
over which ran a crazy bridge, with the intention of starting up from
this ambuscade and attacking us. It is the easiest thing in the world
for a few men to cut off a party greatly outnumbering their own on a
bridge of this kind. The bridges are in such bad condition, and so full
of cracks and holes, that even with the utmost care it is impossible to
traverse them without great danger of one’s horses falling; and so if
there are brigands to meet the party in front, and others press them in
the rear, while their flanks are galled by the fire of those who are in
the gully, lurking in the underwood and reeds, there would be little
chance of escape; and the whole party on the bridge being on horseback,
and therefore scarce able to move, would be in a worse case than ever
the Romans were in the Caudine forks, and at the mercy of the brigands,
to be slain or captured at their pleasure. What deterred them I know
not; possibly it was the number of our party. Again, it may have been
the sight of the Hungarians who accompanied me, or the circumstance
that we advanced in a long column, and were not all on the bridge at
the same time. Whatever the reason may have been, by God’s mercy we
came safe to Buda.
The Pasha was not in the city, having encamped opposite Buda, in the
plains near Pesth, called Rakos,[148] where, after the custom of the
Hungarians, he was holding a muster of Turkish feudal militia. Several
of the neighbouring Sanjak-beys were with him, but more were expected;
and so when I asked for an audience, he put me off for three days,
in order that he might have a greater assemblage of Sanjak-beys and
soldiers. On receiving a summons, I crossed the Danube and came to his
camp. He made many complaints of the outrages committed by certain
Hungarians. There is one point in which the Turks and Hungarians have
precisely the same way of proceeding, the latter being quite as bad
as the former. When they have committed some outrage, they complain
of their unfortunate victim as if he were the one in fault. The Pasha
also added threats of reprisals, thinking, probably, that I should be
intimidated by the presence of his army. I replied briefly that his
charge against the Hungarians might with much better reason be brought
against the Turks. I told him that, even on my way there, I had come
across soldiers of his who were engaged in plundering and harrying the
property of some unhappy Christian peasants who were _subjects of his
Royal Majesty_ (King Ferdinand), which was perfectly true. The Pasha
replied that he had handed over to the soldiers certain rebellious
Christians, who were _the Sultan’s subjects_, to be chastised and
pillaged. After rejoinders of this kind, he dismissed me, more dead
than alive, for this was the day on which my fever recurred.
On the next day we set out for Gran, under the escort of some Turkish
horsemen. My intention was to cross the Danube, and spend the night in
a village which lies on the opposite bank over against Gran, so that
the next day I might reach Komorn at an earlier hour, and in this way
lessen the effects of the fever, which I expected to recur on that day.
Accordingly I requested our conductor to send some one forward to bring
the ferry-bridge across to our bank, with a view to accelerating our
passage. Although there were several reasons which rendered this plan
scarcely feasible, still, partly from a wish to please me, and partly
because he was anxious to announce my coming to the Sanjak-bey, he
despatched a couple of men.
When the men had ridden forward for the space of one hour, they noticed
four horsemen under the shade of a tree, which stood at a little
distance from the road. As they were dressed in Turkish fashion, they
took them for Turks, and rode up. On coming nearer, they inquired
whether the country in that direction was fairly quiet. The four
horsemen made no reply, but charged on them with drawn swords, and
slashed one of the Turks over the face, cutting his nose nearly off,
so that the greater part of it hung down on his chin. One of the Turks
was leading his horse by the rein. This the horsemen seized, and one
of them mounted on its back, leaving his own scurvy jade in its place.
After this exchange of steeds they took to flight, while the Turks
fell back to our party—the man whose face had been damaged bellowing
lustily, and showing the horrid wound he had received. They told us
to make ready for fighting our way through an ambuscade they had
discovered. Even I got into the saddle, in the hope of encouraging my
men. But we came too late; the battle was all over. The fellows, who
were far more anxious to carry off their booty than to bandy blows,
were already galloping back to Raab, a town which our people hold, and
of the garrison of which they formed a part. The Turks pointed them out
to us, as they rode across the neighbouring hills on their way to Raab.
After this adventure we came to Gran, where next day the Sanjak-bey,
after giving me a hearty welcome, recommended me, amongst other things,
not to forget the proof I had just received of how insolent Hungarian
soldiers could be, and to remember that not even the respect due to
the presence of his Royal Majesty’s ambassador had kept them from
playing their old tricks. He requested me also to see that the horse
which had been taken away was returned. Meanwhile, my friend the Turk
who had been wounded was standing in a corner of the Sanjak-bey’s hall,
with his head covered with bandages and his nose freshly sewn up. As
he drew his breath there was a kind of hoarse, uncomfortable sound. He
kept asking me for something to comfort him under his misfortune. I
promised to give him that which should cure his wound, and presented
him with two gold ducats. He wanted more, but the Sanjak-bey cut him
short, and declared that it was enough, and more than enough, to cure
him, reminding him that his misfortune must have been predestined, and
therefore I could not justly be held responsible for it!