3. _Political History._

Early colonization.

Of the six Australian states, New South Wales is the oldest. It was in

1788, eighteen years after Captain Cook explored the east coast, that

Port Jackson was founded as a penal station for criminals from England;

and the settlement retained that character, more or less, during the

subsequent fifty years, transportation being virtually suspended in

1839. The colony, however, from 1821 had made a fair start in free

industrial progress. By this time, too, several of the other provinces

had come into existence. Van Diemen's Land, now called Tasmania, had

been occupied as early as 1803. It was an auxiliary penal station under

New South Wales till in 1825 it became a separate government. From this

island, ten years later, parties crossed Bass Strait to Port Phillip,

where a new settlement was shortly established, forming till 1851 a part

of New South Wales, but now the state of Victoria. In 1827 and 1829, an

English company endeavoured to plant a settlement at the Swan river, and

this, added to a small military station established in 1825 at King

George Sound, constituted Western Australia. On the shores of the Gulf

St Vincent, again, from 1835 to 1837, South Australia was created by

another joint-stock company, as an experiment in the Wakefield scheme of

colonization. Such were the political component parts of British

Australia up to 1839. The early history, therefore, of New South Wales

is peculiar to itself. Unlike the other mainland provinces, it was at

first held and used chiefly for the reception of British convicts. When

that system was abolished, the social conditions of New South Wales,

Victoria, and South Australia became more equal. Previous to the gold

discoveries of 1851 they may be included, from 1839, in a general

summary view.

Rise of New South Wales.

The first British governors at Sydney, from 1788, ruled with despotic

power. They were naval or military officers in command of the garrison,

the convicts and the few free settlers. The duty was performed by such

men as Captain Arthur Phillip, Captain Hunter, and others. In the twelve

years' rule of General Macquarie, closing with 1821, the colony made a

substantial advance. By means of bond labour roads and bridges were

constructed, and a route opened into the interior beyond the Blue

Mountains. A population of 30,000, three-fourths of them convicts,

formed the infant commonwealth, whose attention was soon directed to the

profitable trade of rearing fine wool sheep, first commenced by Captain

John McArthur in 1803. During the next ten years, 1821-1831, Sir Thomas

Brisbane and Sir Ralph Darling, two generals of the army, being

successively governors, the colony increased, and eventually succeeded

in obtaining the advantages of a representative institution, by means of

a legislative council. Then came General Sir Richard Bourke, whose wise

and liberal administration proved most beneficial. New South Wales

became prosperous and attractive to emigrants with capital. Its

enterprising ambition was encouraged by taking fresh country north and

south. In the latter direction, explored by Mitchell in 1834 and 1836,

lay Australia Felix, now Victoria, including the well-watered,

thickly-wooded country of Gipps' Land.

Growth of Victoria.

This district, then called Port Phillip, in the time of Governor Sir

George Gipps, 1838-1846, was growing fast into a position claiming

independence. Melbourne, which began with a few huts on the banks of the

Yarra-Yarra in 1835, was in 1840 a busy town of 6000 inhabitants, the

population of the whole district, with the towns of Geelong and

Portland, reaching 12,850; while its import trade amounted to L204,000,

and its exports to L138,000. Such was the growth of infant Victoria in

five years; that of Adelaide or South Australia, in the same period, was

nearly equal to it. At Melbourne there was a deputy governor, Mr

Latrobe, under Sir George-Gipps at Sydney. Adelaide had its own

governors, first Captain Hindmarsh, next Colonel Gawler, and then

Captain George Grey. Western Australia progressed but slowly, with less

than 4000 inhabitants altogether, under Governors Stirling and Hutt.

Discovery of gold.

The general advancement of Australia, to the era of the gold-mining, had

been satisfactory, in spite of a severe commercial crisis, from 1841 to

1843, caused by extravagant land speculations and inflated prices.

Victoria produced already more wool than New South Wales, the aggregate

produce of Australia in 1852 being 45,000,000 lb.; and South Australia,

between 1842 and this date, had opened most valuable mines of copper.

The population of New South Wales in 1851 was 190,000; that of Victoria,

77,000; and that of South Australia about the same. At Summerhill Creek,

20 m. north of Bathurst, in the Macquarie plains, gold was discovered,

in February 1851, by Mr E. Hargraves, a gold-miner from California. The

intelligence was made known in April or May; and then began a rush of

thousands,--men leaving their former employments in the bush or in the

towns to search for the ore so greatly coveted in all ages. In August it

was found at Andersen's Creek, near Melbourne; a few weeks later the

great Ballarat gold-field, 80 m. west of that city, was opened; and

after that, Bendigo to the north. Not only in these lucky provinces, New

South Wales and Victoria, where the auriferous deposits were revealed,

but in every British colony of Australasia, all ordinary industry was

left for the one exciting pursuit. The copper mines of South Australia

were for the time deserted, while Tasmania and New Zealand lost many

inhabitants, who emigrated to the more promising country. The

disturbance of social, industrial and commercial affairs, during the

first two or three years of the gold era, was very great. Immigrants

from Europe, and to some extent from North America and China, poured

into Melbourne, where the arrivals in 1852 averaged 2000 persons in a

week. The population of Victoria was doubled in the first twelvemonth of

the gold fever, and the value of imports and exports was multiplied

tenfold between 1851 and 1853. The colony of Victoria was constituted a

separate province in July 1851, Mr Latrobe being appointed governor,

followed by Sir Charles Hotham and Sir Henry Barkly in succession.

Responsible government.

The separation of the northern part of eastern Australia, under the

name of Queensland, from the original province of New South Wales, took

place in 1859. At that time the district contained about 25,000

inhabitants; and in the first six years its population was quadrupled

and its trade trebled. At the beginning of 1860, when the excitement of

the gold discoveries was wearing off, five of the states had received

from the home government the boon of responsible government, and were in

a position to work out the problem of their position without external

interference; it was not, however, until 1890 that Western Australia was

placed in a similar position. After the establishment of responsible

government the main questions at issue were the secular as opposed to

the religious system of public instruction, protection as opposed to a

revenue tariff, vote by ballot, adult suffrage, abolition of

transportation and assignment of convicts, and free selection of lands

before survey; these, and indeed all the great questions upon which the

country was divided, were settled within twenty years of the granting of

self-government.[6] With the disposal of these important problems,

politics in Australia became a struggle for office between men whose

political principles were very much alike, and the tenure of power

enjoyed by the various governments did not depend upon the principles of

administration so much as upon the personal fitness of the head of the

ministry, and the acceptability of his ministry to the members of the

more popular branch of the legislature.

General Australian problems.

The two most striking political events in the modern history of

Australia, as a whole, apart from the readiness it has shown to remain a

part of the British empire (q.v.), and to develop along Imperial

lines, are the advent of the Labour party and the establishment of

federation. As regards the last mentioned it may be said that it was

accomplished from within, there being no real external necessity for the

union of the states. Leading politicians have in all the states felt the

cramping effects of mere domestic legislation, albeit on the proper

direction of such legislation depends the well-being of the people; and

to this sense of the limitations of local politics was due, as much as

to anything else, the movement towards federation.

Agrarian legislation.

Before coming, however, to the history of federation, and the evolution

of the Labour party, we must refer briefly to some other questions which

have been of general interest in Australia. Taking the states as a

whole, agrarian legislation has been the most important subject that has

engrossed the attention of their parliaments, and every state has been

more or less engaged in tinkering with its land laws. The main object of

all such legislation is to secure the residence of the owners on the

land. The object of settlers, however, in a great many, perhaps in the

majority of instances, is to dispose of their holdings as soon as

possible after the requirements of the law have been complied with, and

to avoid permanent settlement. This has greatly facilitated the

formation of large estates devoted chiefly to grazing purposes, contrary

to the policy of the legislature, which has everywhere sought to

encourage tillage, or tillage joined to stock-rearing, and to discourage

large holdings. The importance of the land question is so great that it

is hardly an exaggeration to say that it is usual for every parliament

of Australia to have before it a proposal to alter or amend its land

laws. Since 1870 there have been five radical changes made in New South

Wales. In Victoria the law has been altered five times, and in

Queensland and South Australia seven times.

Immigration question.

The prevention or regulation of the immigration of coloured races has

also claimed a great share of parliamentary attention. The agitation

against the influx of Chinese commenced very soon after the gold

discoveries, the European miners objecting strongly to the presence of

these aliens upon the diggings. The allegations made concerning the

Chinese really amounted to a charge of undue industry. The Chinese were

hard-working and had the usual fortune attending those who work hard.

They spent little on drink or with the storekeepers, and were,

therefore, by no means popular. As early as 1860 there had been

disturbances of a serious character, and the Chinese were chased off the

goldfields of New South Wales, serious riots occurring at Lambing Flat,

on the Burrangong goldfield. The Chinese difficulty, so far as the

mining population was concerned, was solved by the exhaustion of the

extensive alluvial deposits; the miners' prejudice against the race,

however, still exists, though they are no longer serious competitors,

and the laws of some of the states forbid any Chinese to engage in

mining without the express authority in writing of the minister of

mines. The nearness of China to Australia has always appeared to the

Australian democracy as a menace to the integrity of the white

settlements; and at the many conferences of representatives from the

various states, called to discuss matters of general concern, the

Chinese question has always held a prominent place, but the absence of

any federal authority had made common action difficult. In 1888 the last

important conference on the Chinese question was held in Sydney and

attended by delegates from all the states. Previously to the meeting of

the conference there had been a great deal of discussion in regard to

the influx of Chinese, and such influx was on all sides agreed to be a

growing danger. The conference, therefore, merely expressed the public

sentiment when it resolved that, although it was not advisable to

prohibit altogether this class of immigration, it was necessary in the

public interests that the number of Chinese privileged to land should be

so limited as to prevent the people of that race from ever becoming an

important element in the community. In conformity with this

determination the various state legislatures enacted new laws or amended

the existing laws to cope with the difficulty; these remained until they

were in effect superseded by Commonwealth legislation. The objection to

admitting immigrants was not only to the Chinese, but extended to all

Asiatics; but as a large proportion of the persons whose entrance into

the colonies it was desired to stop were British subjects, and the

Imperial government refused to sanction any measure directly prohibiting

in plain terms the movement of British subjects from one part of the

empire to another, resort was made to indirect legislation; this was the

more advisable, as the rise of the Japanese power in the East and the

alliance of that country with Great Britain rendered it necessary to pay

attention to the susceptibilities of a powerful nation whose subjects

might be affected by restrictive laws. Eventually the difficulty was

overcome by the device of an educational test based on the provisions of

an act in operation in Natal. It was provided that a person was to be

prohibited from landing in Australia who failed to write in any

prescribed language fifty words dictated to him by the commonwealth

officer supervising immigration. The efficacy of this legislation is in

its administration, the language in which coloured aliens are usually

tested being European. The agitation against the Chinese covered a space

of over fifty years, a long period in the history of a young country,

and was promoted and kept alive almost entirely by the trades unions,

and the restriction acts were the first legislative triumph of the

Labour party, albeit that party was not at the time directly represented

in parliament.

Bank crisis of 1893.

One of the most notable events in the modern history of Australia

occurred shortly after the great strike of 1890. This was what is

ordinarily termed the bank crisis of 1893. Although this crisis followed

on the great strike, the crisis of two things had no real connexion, the

crisis being the natural result of events long anterior to 1890. The

effects of the crisis were mainly felt in the three eastern states,

Queensland, New South Wales and Victoria, Tasmania and South Australia

being affected chiefly by reason of the fact of their intimate financial

connexion with the eastern states. The approach of the crisis was

heralded by many signs. Deposits were shifted from bank to bank, there

were small runs on several of the savings banks guaranteed by the

government, mortgagees required additional security from their debtors,

bankruptcies became frequent, and some of the banks began to accumulate

gold against the evil day. The building societies and financial

institutions in receipt of deposits, or so many of them as were on an

unsound footing, failed at an early period of the depression, so also

did the weaker banks. There was distrust in the minds of the depositors,

especially those whose holdings were small, and most of the banks were,

at a very early period, subjected to the strain of repaying a large

proportion of their deposits as they fell due. For a time the money so

withdrawn was hoarded, but after a while it found its way back again

into the banks. The crisis was by no means a sudden crash, and even when

the failures began to take place they were spread over a period of

sixteen weeks.

The first noticeable effect of the crisis was a great scarcity of

employment. Much capital was locked up in the failed banks, and was

therefore not available for distribution amongst wage-earners. Wages

fell precipitately, as also did rents. There was an almost entire

cessation of building, and a large number of houses in the chief cities

remained untenanted, the occupants moving to lodgings and more than one

family living in a single house. Credit became greatly restricted, and

all descriptions of speculative enterprise came to an end. The consuming

power of the population was greatly diminished, and in the year

following the crisis the imports into Australia from abroad diminished

by four and three-quarter millions. In fact, everywhere the demand for

goods, especially of those for domestic consumption, fell away; and

there was a reduction in the average number of persons employed in the

manufacturing industries to the extent of more than 20%. The lack of

employment in factories naturally affected the coal mining industry, and

indeed every industry in the states, except those connected with the

export trade, was severely affected. During the crisis banks having a

paid-up capital and reserves of L5,000,000 and deposits of L53,000,000

closed their doors. Most of these, however, reopened for business before

many weeks. The crisis was felt in the large cities more keenly than in

the country districts, and in Melbourne more severely than in any other

capital. The change of fortune proved disastrous to many families,

previously to all appearances in opulent circumstances, but by all

classes alike their reverses were borne with the greatest bravery. In

its ultimate effects the crisis was by no means evil. Its true meaning

was not lost upon a business community that had had twenty years of

almost unchecked prosperity. It required the chastening of adversity to

teach it a salutary lesson, and a few years after, when the first

effects of the crisis had passed away, business was on a much sounder

footing than had been the case for very many years. One of the first

results was to put trade on a sound basis and to abolish most of the

abuses of the credit system, but the most striking effect of the crisis

was the attention which was almost immediately directed to productive

pursuits. Agriculture everywhere expanded, the mining industry revived,

and, if it had not been for the low prices of staple products, the

visible effects of the crisis would have passed away within a very few

years.

Drought of 1902.

Another matter which deserves attention was the great drought which

culminated in the year 1902. For some years previously the pastoral

industry had been declining and the number of sheep and cattle in

Australia had greatly diminished, but the year 1902 was one of veritable

drought. The failure of the crops was almost universal and large numbers

of sheep and cattle perished for want of food. The truth is,

pastoralists for the most part carried on their industry trusting very

greatly to luck, not making any special provisions against the

vicissitudes of the seasons. Enormous quantities of natural hay were

allowed every year to rot or be destroyed by bush fires, and the

bountiful provision made by nature to carry them over the seasons of dry

weather absolutely neglected; so that when the destructive season of

1902 fell upon them, over a large area of territory there was no food

for the stock. The year 1903 proved most bountiful, and in a few years

all trace of the disastrous drought of 1902 passed away. But beyond this

the pastoralist learnt most effectually the lesson that, in a country

like Australia, provision must be made for the occasional season when

the rainfall is entirely inadequate to the wants of the farmer and the

pastoralist.

Federation.

The question of federation was not lost sight of by the framers of the

original constitution which was bestowed upon New South Wales. In the

report of the committee of the legislative council appointed in 1852 to

prepare a constitution for that colony, the following passage

occurs:--"One of the most prominent legislative measures required by the

colony, and the colonies of the Australian group generally, is the

establishment at once of a general assembly, to make laws in relation to

those intercolonial questions that have arisen or may hereafter arise

among them. The questions which would claim the exercise of such a

jurisdiction appear to be (1) intercolonial tariffs and the coasting

trade; (2) railways, roads, canals, and other such works running through

any two of the colonies; (3) beacons and lighthouses on the coast; (4)

intercolonial gold regulations; (5) postage between the said colonies;

(6) a general court of appeal from the courts of such colonies; (7) a

power to legislate on all other subjects which may be submitted to them

by addresses from the legislative councils and assemblies of the

colonies, and to appropriate to any of the above-mentioned objects the

necessary sums of money, to be raised by a percentage on the revenues of

all the colonies interested." This wise recommendation received very

scant attention, and it was not until the necessities of the colonies

forced them to it that an attempt was made to do what the framers of the

original constitution suggested. Federation at no time actually dropped

out of sight, but it was not until thirty-five years later that any

practical steps were taken towards its accomplishment. Meanwhile a sort

of makeshift was devised, and the Imperial parliament passed a measure

permitting the formation of a federal council, to which any colony that

felt inclined to join could send delegates. Of the seven colonies New

South Wales and New Zealand stood aloof from the council, and from the

beginning it was therefore shorn of a large share of the prestige that

would have attached to a body speaking and acting on behalf of a united

Australia. The council had also a fatal defect in its constitution. It

was merely a deliberative body, having no executive functions and

possessing no control of funds or other means to put its legislation in

force. Its existence was well-nigh forgotten by the people of Australia

until the occurrence of its biennial meetings, and even then but slight

interest was taken in its proceedings. The council held eight meetings,

at which many matters of intercolonial interest were discussed. The last

occasion of its being called together was in 1899, when the council met

in Melbourne. In 1889 an important step towards federation was taken by

Sir Henry Parkes. The occasion was the report of Major-General Edwards

on the defences of Australia, and Sir Henry addressed the other premiers

on the desirability of a federal union for purposes of defence. The

immediate result was a conference at Parliament House, Melbourne, of

representatives from each of the seven colonies. This conference adopted

an address to the queen expressing its loyalty and attachment, and

submitting certain resolutions which affirmed the desirability of an

early union, under the crown, of the Australasian colonies, on

principles just to all, and provided that the remoter Australasian

colonies should be entitled to admission upon terms to be afterwards

agreed upon, and that steps should be taken for the appointment of

delegates to a national Australasian convention, to consider and report

upon an adequate scheme for a federal convention. In accordance with the

understanding arrived at, the various Australasian parliaments appointed

delegates to attend a national convention to be held in Sydney, and on

the 2nd March 1891 the convention held its first meeting. Sir Henry

Parkes was elected president, and he moved a series of resolutions

embodying the principles necessary to establish, on an enduring

foundation, the structure of a federal government. These resolutions

were slightly altered by the conference, and were adopted in the

following form:--

1. The powers and rights of existing colonies to remain intact, except

as regards such powers as it may be necessary to hand over to the

Federal government.

2. No alteration to be made in states without the consent of the

legislatures of such states, as well as of the federal parliament.

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