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Early Western Travels

1748-1846

Volume XXII

Early Western Travels

1748-1846

A Series of Annotated Reprints of some of the best and rarest

contemporary volumes of travel, descriptive of the Aborigines and

Social and Economic Conditions in the Middle and Far West, during

the Period of Early American Settlement

Edited with Notes, Introductions, Index, etc., by

Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D.

Editor of "The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents," "Original

Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition," "Hennepin's

New Discovery," etc.

Volume XXII

PART I OF MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE OF WIED'S, TRAVELS IN THE

INTERIOR OF NORTH AMERICA, 1832-1834

Cleveland, Ohio

The Arthur H. Clark Company

1906

Copyright 1906, by

The Arthur H. Clark Company

All Rights Reserved

The Lakeside Press

R. R. Donnelley & Sons Company

Chicago

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXII

PREFACE TO VOLUMES XXII-XXIV. _The Editor_ 9

TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF NORTH AMERICA. [Part I,

being chapters i-xv of the London edition, 1843.]

_Maximilian, Prince of Wied._ Translated from the

German by _Hannibal Evans Lloyd_

Author's Preface 25

Translator's Preface 31

Text:

CHAPTER I--Voyage to Boston, Stay in

that City, and Journey to New York,

from May 17th to July 9th, 1832 37

CHAPTER II--Stay in New York, Philadelphia,

and Bordentown, from the 9th

to the 16th of July 57

CHAPTER III--Residence at Freiburg and

Bethlehem in Pennsylvania, from July

30th to August 23rd 72

CHAPTER IV--Journey to the Pokono,

and through the Blue Mountains to

Mauch Chunk, in the Coal District,

from the 23rd to the 30th of August 87

CHAPTER V--Description of Mauch Chunk

and its Coal Mines--Journey through

the Lehigh Valley to Bethlehem, and

last Residence in that Town, from

August 31st to September 16th 119

CHAPTER VI--Journey from Bethlehem

to Pittsburg, over the Alleghanys, from

September 17th to October 7th 128

CHAPTER VII--Journey from Pittsburg to

New Harmony, on the Wabash, from

the 8th to the 19th of October 144

CHAPTER VIII--Description of the Country

about New Harmony, in Indiana,

and Winter Residence there from

October 19th, 1832, to March 16th, 1833 163

CHAPTER IX--Journey from New Harmony

to St. Louis on the Mississippi,

and our Stay there, from March 16th

to April 9th 198

CHAPTER X--Journey from St. Louis to

the Cantonment of Leavenworth, or

to the Borders of the Settlement, from

the 10th to the 22nd of April 237

CHAPTER XI--Journey from the Cantonment

of Leavenworth to the Punca Indians,

from April 22nd to May 12th 255

CHAPTER XII--Voyage from L'Eau qui

Court to Fort Pierre, on the Teton

River (the Little Missouri), and Stay

there, from May 13th to June 4th 291

CHAPTER XIII--Voyage from Fort Pierre,

on the Teton River, to Fort

Clarke, near the Villages of the Mandans,

from the 5th to the 19th of June 330

CHAPTER XIV--Voyage from Fort Clarke

to Fort Union, near the Mouth of the

Yellow Stone River, from the 19th to

the 24th of June 356

CHAPTER XV--Description of Fort Union

and its Neighbourhood 375

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOLUME XXII

Facsimile of title-page to Maximilian's _Travels_ 23

(The following are text cuts in original)

Bear-trap 107

Indian pipes 175

Neck-yoke and plow 175

Formations of limestone rocks 213

Omaha Indians 269

An Omaha boy 269

Omaha war club 269

Punca war club 269

Punca Indians in buffalo robes 287

Method of wearing hair 287

Bows, arrows, and quiver 287

Tents of the Sioux 319

Plan of Fort Pierre 319

Dakota pipes 323

A Dakota, with plaited hair 323

A Teton 323

Hill of baked clay 323

Antlers of deer 347

Sioux burial stages 347

A Blackfoot musical instrument 361

Stone battle-axe 361

Assiniboin pipes 361

Pipe for warlike expeditions 361

PREFACE TO VOLUMES XXII-XXIV

Early trans-Mississippi exploration was undertaken largely in the

interests of science. The great expedition of Lewis and Clark

(1804-06) was, both in conception and plan, a scientific excursion.

Bradbury and Brackenridge voyaged up the Missouri (1811) in search of

rare plants and animals, Nuttall sought the Arkansas (1819) on a

similar errand. Long's expedition (1819-20) was entirely scientific,

both in organization and objects; while Townsend crossed the continent

with Nathaniel Wyeth (1834) to secure a harvest of rare birds in the

mountains and beyond. In the early nineteenth century, scientific

collection was the chief object of ambition among thoughtful

explorers--to secure for the world a complete catalogue of its plants

and animals was worth much toil and hardship, heroic endeavor, and

mighty daring. To such, the still unknown regions of the New World

offered strong attractions. There were in the trans-Mississippi and in

South America, spread out upon mountains and prairies and bordering

far-flowing streams, fresh races of barbarians yet uncontaminated by

civilized contact, beasts of prey, birds of brilliant plumage, and

unknown plant species.

Among those to whom this call of the New World came clearly, was a

German savant, prince of a small house in Rhenish Prussia. Even while

upon Napoleonic battle-fields, he felt a desire for the wilderness,

and news of the victory of Waterloo reached him upon the far-distant

rivers of Brazil. His later journey to North America was but the

completion of a purpose formed in early boyhood. Alexander Philip

Maximilian, Prince of Wied-Neuwied, was born in the quaint capital of

his little Rhenish sovereignty in September, 1782. The eighth child of

the reigning Friedrich Karl, natural aptitude for study early marked

his career for that of a scholar. Nevertheless, in obedience to the

call of patriotism, he entered the Prussian army and was present at

the battle of Jena. Soon thereafter he was captured and for some time

suffered imprisonment. Exchanged and returned to Neuwied, he continued

the scientific pursuits which had long interested him; but a fresh

military crisis called him once more into service, in which he rose to

a major-generalship, won the honor of the iron cross at Chalons, and

entered Paris with the victorious army in 1813. Reminiscences of this

warlike experience came to him twenty years later in the Missouri

wilderness, when he notes that the song of the Assiniboin warriors

before Fort McKenzie resembled that of the Russian soldiers heard in

the winter of 1813-14.

While successful as a soldier, at heart Maximilian was a searcher for

knowledge. In his boyhood his mother had encouraged his love for

natural history, and under the direction of his tutor he had begun a

collection that was creditable to a youth. Later, in his university

course, he came under the influence of the celebrated Professor Johann

Friedrich Blumenbach, and as a favorite pupil absorbed from him a keen

desire to contribute to the world's stock of knowledge. Throughout

what leisure he could snatch in the Napoleonic campaigns, the young

prince was planning a scientific expedition to Brazil, and no sooner

was he finally released from martial duties than he made preparations

that culminated, early in 1815, in a departure for that country.

Joined in South America by two German scholars who had preceded him

thither, the trio spent two years in the tropical forests of that

country, studying its flora and fauna, and above all the native races.

After the return to Germany, Maximilian's succeeding years were spent

in arranging his collections and preparing for publication the results

of his journey. His _Reise nach Brasilien in den Jahren 1815 bis 1817_

(Frankfurt, 1820-21) was soon translated into French, Dutch, and

English; later appeared _Beitrage zur Naturgeschichte von Brasilien_

(Weimar, 1825-33), designed to accompany the atlas of ninety plates,

entitled _Abbildungenen zur Naturgeschichte Brasiliens_ (Weimar,

1822-31). The publication of these works gave Maximilian an honored

place among scientists, and proclaimed his ability as an exploring

naturalist.

By 1831 the prince was engaged in preparations for his second great

enterprise--a visit to North America, including a scientific

exploration of the trans-Mississippi region. Embarking on an American

packet at Helvoetsluys, May 17, 1832, our traveller arrived in Boston

amid the salvos of artillery ushering in the anniversary of American

independence.

Maximilian was accompanied on this voyage by a young Swiss artist,

Charles Bodmer, whom he had engaged to paint primitive landscapes in

the New World, together with portraits of its aborigines. The artist's

work proved eminently successful, as evidenced by the rare quality of

the plates engraved from his sketches, which we reproduce in the

accompanying atlas, our volume xxv. Bodmer--born in Zurich in

1805--had studied in Paris; after his excursion to America with

Maximilian, he returned to his former haunts, finally settling with

the artist colony at Barbizon, in the forest of Fontainebleau, where

he became a successful landscapist, and received medals of honor at

the salons of 1851, 1855, and 1863, and in 1876 the ribbon of the

legion of honor. One of his canvases was purchased by the French

government for the Luxembourg gallery. His son Henri, also a painter,

was recently exhibiting in the Paris salons. During the winter spent

at Fort Clark, Bodmer experienced several adventures. At one time he

was for several hours lost upon the prairie; again, his paints and

oils congealed in the zero-blasts of the Dakotan winter. His interest

in his task, however, was unwearied; by cajolery, bribery, and rare

patience he secured sittings from famous Indian chiefs, faithfully

presenting their portraits to the world in the full equipment of

savage finery, thus giving us an unexcelled gallery of Indian types

and costumes.

In addition to this admirable artist--in some respects perhaps the

most competent draughtsman who has thus far sought to depict the North

American tribesmen--Prince Maximilian was accompanied by his faithful

jaeger Dreidoppel, who had been with him in Brazil, and who rendered

efficient service on the Missouri hills and prairies.

"There are," our author tells us in his preface, "two distinct points

of view" from which the traveller may study the United States--he may

consider its present conditions and its future prosperity; its

resources, population, immigration, and "gigantic strides of

civilization." Maximilian's own purpose, however, was to collect data

concerning the remnants of its aboriginal population, and the

primitive state of its fields and forests; these he sought to observe

and to perpetuate both in description and drawing. The America of the

Eastern states had therefore slight charm for our traveller, his

object being to reach the frontier as soon as was consistent with his

scientific purposes.

Tarrying briefly in Boston, New York, and Philadelphia, communities

which he describes in a few terse sentences, he sought the forests of

Pennsylvania for preliminary experience in the simpler phases of

woodcraft and hunting, as well as to visit the German immigrants

settled in this region. He had expected to journey westward by way of

the Great Lakes, but the appearance of cholera at Detroit and Buffalo

made this plan impractical; instead, he visited the Moravians at

Bethlehem, and made a leisurely journey through northern Pennsylvania,

inspecting the coal mines and the geological structures. In the early

autumn the prince and his two companions reached Pittsburg, but there

finding the water in the Ohio too low for navigation, they went

overland to Wheeling, where they embarked (October 9) for the descent

of the river. At Louisville, they found that the cholera scourge had

preceded them, whereupon with but a brief stay they continued their

voyage to the Wabash, where they turned aside to visit the colony of

naturalists settled at the Indiana town of New Harmony.

For some years Maximilian had been in correspondence with Thomas Say,

the entomologist, who had accompanied Major S. H. Long's expedition,

and was now managing the property of William Maclure, president of the

Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, who had purchased Robert

Owen's communistic settlement on the Wabash, founded in 1825. Owen's

two sons, Robert Dale and William, were still in the vicinity,

together with Charles Alexander Lesueur, a French naturalist of

repute. Even more attractive than the society of the scientists was

the presence of a good library of Americana and natural history, at

that time probably the best west of the Atlantic seaboard. Here,

therefore, on the banks of the Wabash, our naturalist contentedly

spent the winter of 1832-33, preparing for his journey into the Far

West, and studying the antiquities and natural sciences of America.

During these months, Bodmer made a voyage to New Orleans, but returned

in time to set forth with his patron, March 16, 1833. After a

steamboat journey to the mouth of the Ohio and up the Mississippi,

they arrived at St. Louis before the departure for the interior of the

usual spring caravans of the Western fur-traders.

At this entrepot of the wilderness trade, Maximilian presented letters

to its prominent citizens, and was invited by General William Clark to

accompany a deputation of Sauk and Foxes, headed by Keokuk, on a visit

to the imprisoned Sauk chiefs, Black Hawk and his confreres, at

Jefferson Barracks. The interest with which Maximilian regarded these

first North American barbarians whom he had come so far to see, is

well expressed in the narrative. Black Hawk he describes as a "little

old man, perhaps seventy years of age, with grey hair, and a light

yellow complexion, a slightly curved nose, and Chinese features, to

which the shaven head, with the usual tuft behind, not a little

contributed." The meeting between the prisoners and their free

countrymen appeared to the prince most affecting.

Maximilian had desired to visit the Rocky Mountains and their

inhabitants, and accordingly planned to join one of the annual

fur-trading caravans that, under the auspices of the Rocky Mountain

Fur Company, set off for their rendezvous in the heart of the

Cordilleras. From this purpose he was dissuaded by General Clark,

Major Benjamin O'Fallon, and other St. Louis folk cognizant with the

situation. They represented to the illustrious traveller that these

caravans avoided rather than sought the Indians; and that if they met,

the encounter was apt to be hostile rather than friendly. It would

also be extremely difficult to transport any extensive collections of

fauna and flora by the land route. They thereupon advised a visit to

the American Fur Company's trading posts on the Missouri via that

company's annual steamboat, a plan which met the approval of the

scientist and his companions.

The tenth of April, 1833, the travellers boarded the "Yellowstone," on

its third trip to the posts of the upper Missouri. Before parting with

Major O'Fallon, the latter gave them a manuscript map copied from one

prepared during the Lewis and Clark expedition by Clark himself, the

topographer of that famous exploring party. This chart was constantly

used by the prince. His narrative recites the daily routine and

incidents of the river voyage on the outward route. By April 22 the

steamer had reached Fort (then Cantonment) Leavenworth, and ten days

later they were at Bellevue, just below the present Omaha. It was not

until the eighteenth of May that the prince's party were greeted by

their first sight of buffalo, and by the last of that month they had

arrived at Fort Pierre, the company's main post among the Sioux. Here

our travellers were transferred from the "Yellowstone" to her sister

steamer, the "Assiniboine," a newer, larger boat with, however, a

lighter draught; the latter was to continue to the upper river, while

the "Yellowstone" returned to St. Louis.

Slowly the party steamed up the river, past the Sioux territory and

the Arikara villages into the land of the Mandan and the Minitaree,

where on June 18 they were landed at the company's Fort Clark, just

below a Mandan village several miles above the present Bismarck, North

Dakota. Tarrying here but one day, the steamer continued its journey

to the mouth of Yellowstone River, where Fort Union was reached on the

twenty-fourth of June. After spending two weeks at this point,

Maximilian and his suite were transferred to a keel-boat, and

continued their voyage to Fort McKenzie, on Maria's River, among the

treacherous Blackfeet.

Here, during a stay of two months, the German naturalist was initiated

into the mysteries of the fur-trade, came to understand the jealousies

and rivalries of Indian tribes, and witnessed a battle before the

stockade of the fort, between Blackfeet and Assiniboin warriors.

Because of this intertribal quarrel and the consequent restlessness

and untrustworthiness of the neighboring barbarians, it was deemed

inexpedient by the fur-traders for the travellers to advance farther

into the Rockies, and Maximilian had need to content himself with such

glimpses of the mountain ranges as could be had from the bluffs of

Maria's River, and the upper reaches of the Missouri. The

"Assiniboine" having long since departed on the home trip, the chief

factor at Fort McKenzie built a barge for the princely visitor, upon

which Maximilian embarked (September 14), together with a small crew

of _voyageurs_, two cages of live bears, and several animal pets.

Since wintering in the mountains had proved impracticable, our author

determined to occupy the long cold months now at hand with the most

interesting aborigines of the upper river. For this purpose he

selected the Mandan and Minitaree, both because of their settled

habitations and of the interest that these tribes had awakened in

previous travellers. Known first to the early French explorers, it was

from their villages that the Verendrye brothers had in 1742 set forth

on their explorations toward the "Shining Mountains." Located at the

upper bend of the Missouri, they were readily accessible to British

traders of the Assiniboin and Saskatchewan valleys, who were found as

habitues in their villages by Lewis and Clark, in 1804-05. Accordingly

Maximilian requested permission of the American Fur Company officials

to pass the winter at Fort Clark, the Mandan post. McKenzie

accommodatingly ordered to be built for the famous traveller a small

house within the stockade, and every facility to be given him for

making records of the neighboring tribesmen. In company with Toussaint

Charbonneau, Lewis and Clark's former interpreter, the German visitor

attended various ceremonies, dances, and feasts, took many portraits

of the chiefs, and studied the manners and customs, and myths and

superstitions of this vanishing race. The latter part of the winter

the prince suffered with a serious attack of scurvy, from which,

however, he recovered in time to set forth for the lower country on

the breaking up of the ice.

By the eighteenth of May he was once more at Fort Leavenworth. After

brief visits at St. Louis and New Harmony, he journeyed eastward by

way of the Ohio Canal and Lake Erie, stopped to wonder at the majesty

of the Falls of Niagara, and on July 16, 1834, embarked at New York on

the Havre packet for the Old World. A large portion of his collections

were left behind at Fort Pierre, to be forwarded with the season's

furs by the annual steamer. A fire occurring on the "Assiniboine," but

few of these natural history specimens ever reached him, and one

object of the prince's American visit was thereby frustrated.

An interesting reminiscence of the visit of Prince Maximilian is found

in the journals of Alexander Culbertson, a young fur-trade clerk who

accompanied the scientist from Fort Union to Fort McKenzie. Culbertson

says: "In this year an interesting character in the person of Prince

Maximilian from Coblentz on the Rhine, made his first appearance in

the upper Missouri. The Prince was at that time nearly seventy years

of age [fifty-five], but well preserved, and able to endure

considerable fatigue. He was a man of medium-height, rather slender,

sans teeth, passionately fond of his pipe, unostentatious, and

speaking very broken English. His favorite dress was a white slouch

hat, a black velvet coat, rather rusty from long service, and probably

the greasiest pair of trousers that ever encased princely legs. The

Prince was a bachelor and a man of science, and it was in this latter

capacity that he had roamed so far from his ancestral home on the

Rhine. He was accompanied by an artist named Boadman [Bodmer] and a

servant whose name was, as near as the author has been able to

ascertain its spelling, Tritripel [Dreidoppel] ... McKenzie

subsequently visited him in his palace at Coblentz, where he lived in

a style befitting a prince, and was received with great cordiality and

entertained with lavish hospitality. He inquired whether the double

barrelled gun and the meershaum had reached their destination, as he

had remembered his promise and forwarded them soon after his return to

Europe. They had not, and never were received, for it subsequently

appeared that the vessel in which they were shipped was lost; so they

are probably now among the ill-gotten hoards of the Atlantic."[1]

The years immediately following the prince's return to Europe were

spent in preparing the results of his journey for the press. This

proved to be his last foreign expedition, but he nevertheless

continued absorbed with studies and consequent collections at his

native place until death removed him in 1867. A few months before that

event he wrote an interesting letter in English to the artist George

Catlin, whose account of Mandan religious ceremonies had been

discredited by many. The prince therein speaks of reviving the "quite

forgotten recollections of my stay among the Indian tribes of the

Missouri, now thirty-three years past," and says that not only does he

know "most of the American works published on the American Indians,"

but he possesses many of them.[2] His library and collections are yet

cherished as the chief treasures of Neuwied, where his grand-nephew

Wilhelm still directs the principality's affairs.

The narrative of Maximilian's North American journey was first

published in German, having been written, as the author says, for

foreigners rather than Americans, its title being _Reise in das Innere

Nord-America in den Jahren 1832 bis 1834_ (Coblentz, 1839-41), and its

form two handsome quarto volumes, with an atlas of Bodmer's

remarkable engravings. A French edition in three volumes, with the

atlas, appeared at Paris in 1840-43. The Englished version, undertaken

by H. Evans Lloyd, was issued in London in 1843, in one quarto volume.

This latter translation we here reprint for the first time. In

addition we have included in the Appendix to our volume xxiv, the

twenty-three Indian vocabularies, one of the glories of the German

original, which feature has never been reproduced in any other of the

translated editions. Carefully recorded and scientifically collated by

a trained observer and scholar, they form a contribution to American

philology now impossible to duplicate. But five years after

Maximilian's visit to the upper river, smallpox broke out among the

tribes, and carried its ravages to such an extent that bands once

powerful were reduced to scanty remnants. The Mandan were at the time

reported to be absolutely annihilated; a few, however, are still

living on Fort Berthold reservation, in North Dakota. Maximilian's

observations are the more valuable because made in the plenitude of

that tribe's power and prosperity, before their diminished numbers

made them subservient to the invading fur-traders.

In addition to the vocabularies, and unique in the present English

edition, we present Maximilian's account of the Indian sign language,

his catalogues of birds for both the Missouri and Wabash river

valleys, and a summary of his meteorological observations on the upper

Missouri. All of these were omitted from the London edition of 1843.

It has been our purpose to give to American readers the entire

scientific as well as narrative product of the prince's famous

expedition.

While the chief value of the present work lies in its ethnological

significance, it is highly interesting as an historical description of

natural conditions west of the Mississippi, seventy years ago. The

author's style is simple, natural, and unforced, rather the expression

of the scientific than of the literary type of mind. A traveller of

today, gliding across the plains and along the windings of the

Missouri in a palace-car, may follow the pages of Maximilian and the

plates of Bodmer, and thus obtain as clearly as words and pictures can

express, an accurate presentation of the trans-Mississippi region in

1833. These volumes are thus a fitting supplement to the work of the

prince's great progenitors, the American explorers, Lewis and Clark.

In preparing this volume for the press, the Editor has had throughout

the valuable assistance of Louise Phelps Kellogg, Ph.D., who in turn

has been aided by Clarence Cory Crawford, A.M. The translations from

the German, not given by Lloyd, have been made for the present reprint

by Asa Currier Tilton, Ph.D., chief of the department of maps and

manuscripts in the Wisconsin Historical Library.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS., November, 1905.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Montana Historical Society _Contributions_, iii, pp. 206, 207.

[2] Smithsonian Institution _Report_, 1885, part ii, p. 378.

PART I OF MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE OF WIED'S, TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR

OF NORTH AMERICA

Reprint of chapters i-xv of London edition: 1843

TRAVELS

IN

THE INTERIOR OF

NORTH AMERICA.

BY

MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE OF WIED.

WITH NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD,

AND A LARGE MAP.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN,

BY H. EVANS LLOYD,

TO ACCOMPANY THE ORIGINAL SERIES OF EIGHTY-ONE

ELABORATELY-COLOURED PLATES.

SIZE, IMPERIAL FOLIO.

LONDON:

ACKERMANN AND CO., 96, STRAND

MDCCCXLIII.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

Immense additions have been made of late years to our knowledge of the

extensive continent of North America. A large portion of that country,

which, only a few years ago, was covered with almost uninterrupted

primeval forests, and a scanty, scattered population of rude

barbarians, has been converted, by the influx of emigrants from the

Old World, into a rich and flourishing State, for the most part

civilized, and almost as well known and cultivated as Europe itself.

Large and flourishing towns, with fine public institutions of every

kind, have risen rapidly, and every year adds to their number.

Animated commerce, unfettered, unlimited industry, have caused this

astonishing advance of civilization in the United States. The tide of

emigration is impelled onwards, wave upon wave, and it is only the

sterility of the North-west that can check the advancing torrent.

We already possess numerous accounts of these daily-increasing States,

and there are many good statistical works on the subject. We have even

excellent general works on the physical state of this continent, among

which Volney's "Tableau du Climat et du Sol des Etats Unis," holds a

high rank.[3] Little, however, has yet been done towards a clear and

vivid description of the natural scenery of North America: the works

of American writers themselves on this subject, with the exception of

Cooper's and Washington Irving's animated descriptions, cannot be

taken into account, as, in writing for their countrymen, they take it

for granted that their readers are well acquainted with the country.

For this reason I have endeavoured, in the following work, to supply

this deficiency to the best of my ability, and have aimed rather at

giving a clear and faithful description of the country, than at

collecting statistical information. Hence these travels are designed

for foreign, rather than for American readers, to whom, probably, but

few of the details would be new.

There are two distinct points of view in which that remarkable country

may be considered. Some travellers are interested by the rude,

primitive character of the natural face of North America, and its

aboriginal population, the traces of which are now scarcely

discernible in most parts of the United States; while the majority are

more inclined to contemplate the immigrant population, and the

gigantic strides of civilization introduced by it. The account of my

tour through a part of these countries, contained in the following

pages, is chiefly intended for readers of the first class. I have

avoided the repetition of numerous statements which may be found in

various statistical publications; but, on the contrary, have aimed at

a simple description of nature. As the United States were merely the

basis of my more extensive undertaking, the object of which [vi] was

the investigation of the upper part of the course of the Missouri,

they do not form a prominent feature, and it is impossible to expect,

from a few months' residence, an opinion on the social condition and

character of that motley population.

The indulgent reader, following the author beyond the frontier of the

United States, will have to direct his attention to those extensive

plains--those cheerless, desolate prairies, the western boundary of

which is formed by the snow-covered chain of the Rocky Mountains, or

the Oregon, where many tribes of the aborigines still enjoy a peaceful

abode; while their brethren in the eastern part of the continent are

supplanted, extirpated, degenerated, in the face of the constantly

increasing immigration, or have been forced across the Mississippi,

where they have for the most part perished.

The vast tracts of the interior of North-western America are, in

general, but little known, and the government of the United States may

be justly reproached for not having done more to explore them. Some

few scientific expeditions, among which the two under Major Long

produced the most satisfactory results for natural history, though on

a limited scale, were set on foot by the government; and it is only

under its protection that a thorough investigation of those extensive

wildernesses, especially in the Rocky Mountains, can be undertaken.[4]

Even Major Long's expeditions are but poorly furnished with respect to

natural history, for a faithful and vivid picture of those countries,

and their original inhabitants, can never be placed before the eye

without the aid of a fine portfolio of plates by the hand of a skilful

artist.

In my description of the voyage up the Missouri, I have endeavoured to

avail myself of the assistance of an able draughtsman, the want of

which I so sensibly felt in my former travels in South America. On the

present occasion I was accompanied by Mr. Bodmer, who has represented

the Indian nations with great truth, and correct delineation of their

characteristic features. His drawings will prove an important addition

to our knowledge of this race of men, to whom so little attention has

hitherto been paid.

After mature consideration, I have judged it desirable to throw the

account of my voyage on the Missouri itself into the form of a

journal, as the daily notices were numerous, but the variety very

trifling; so that the patience of the reader will unfortunately be

tried a little in this part of the narrative. In those uninhabited,

desert countries the traveller has nothing but the description of the

naked banks of the river, and the little diversity they afford,

interrupted at times by the adventures of the chase, and occasional

meetings with Indians; the reader will therefore excuse many

observations and unimportant descriptions, which would have been

omitted if the materials had been richer in variety. I need still more

indulgence with respect to many observations on natural history, but

for this the loss of the greater part of my collections will be a

sufficient excuse. The cases containing them were delivered to the

Company, to be put on board the steamer for St. Louis, but not

insured; and, when the steamer caught fire, the people thought rather

of saving the goods than my cases, the contents of which were,

probably, not considered to be of much value, and so they were all

burnt. This may be a warning to future travellers not to neglect to

insure such collections.

Though the main object of my journey, namely, to pass some time in the

chain of the Rocky Mountains, was defeated by unfavorable circumstances,

I should have been able, but for the loss of my collections, to

communicate many new observations, especially in the department of

zoology, which are now more or less deficient. The accounts of the

tribes of the aborigines, and [vii] especially of the Mandans and

Manitaries, are more complete, because I spent a whole winter among

them, and was able to have daily intercourse with them. Authentic and

impartial accounts of the Indians of the Upper Missouri are now

especially valuable, if the information that we have since received is

well founded, namely, that to the many evils introduced by the Whites

among those tribes, a most destructive epidemic--smallpox--has been

added, and a great part of them exterminated: according to the

newspapers, the Mandans, Manitaries, Assiniboins, and Blackfeet have

been swept away except a small remnant. The observation of the

manners of the aborigines is undoubtedly that which must chiefly

interest the foreign traveller in those countries, especially as the

Anglo-Americans look down on them with a certain feeling of hatred.

Hence we have hitherto met with little useful information respecting

the Indians, except in the recent writings of Edward James, Long, Say,

Schoolcraft, McKinney, Cass, Duponceau, Irving,[5] and a few others;

and as good portraits of this race have hitherto been extremely rare,

the faithful delineation contained in the portfolio of plates

accompanying this work will be interesting to the friends of

anthropology and ethnography.

Several men, of great eminence in the learned world, have had the

kindness to contribute to the publication. President Nees Von Esenbeck

has undertaken the determination and description of the plants which

I brought home;[6] Professor Goldfuss, of Bonn, that of some fossil

shells; Professor Goeppert, of Breslau, that of the impression of

fossil plants from Mauch Chunk;[7] Professors Valenciennes at Paris,

and Wiegmann at Boston, the comparison of some zoological specimens

with those in their cities;[8] and Lieut.-Col. W. Thorn, the

construction of the map; for which obliging assistance I beg leave to

offer to these gentlemen my sincere thanks.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] Consult James's _Long's Expedition_, in our volume xiv, p. 75,

note 41.--ED.

[4] We reprint the account of Long's expedition in our volumes

xiv-xvii.--ED.

[5] For Edwin (not Edward) James and S. H. Long see preface to our

volume xiv, pp. 10-13, 25, 26; for Thomas Say, _ibid._, p. 40, note 1;

for Washington Irving as an authority on Western history, Gregg's

_Commerce of the Prairies_, our volume xix, p. 161, note 2.

Henry Rowe Schoolcraft (1793-1864) was a well-known traveller,

ethnologist, and historian. Born in New York, he studied at both

Middlebury and Union colleges. His first tour to the West was in

1817-18, when he made a collection of minerals in Missouri and

Arkansas. In 1820 he accompanied Cass's western expedition, and the

following year acted as secretary of the Indian Commissioners at

Chicago. In 1822 he was made Indian agent at Mackinac, where he

resided for seventeen years, having married a descendant of a Chippewa

chief. In 1837 he was promoted to superintendency of the Northern

department, whence he resigned (1841) to devote himself to literary

work. In 1847 Congress authorized the publication of a work upon

Indian tribes, to which Schoolcraft devoted the latter portion of his

life. It appeared as _Historical and Statistical Information

respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes

of the United States_ (Philadelphia, 1851-57). Schoolcraft belonged to

many learned and historical societies, received a medal from the

French Institute, and was in his day the chief authority on American

Indians. Besides the work already cited, he published much, chief of

which is _Personal Memoirs_ (Philadelphia, 1851); _Summary Narrative

of an Exploratory Expedition to the Source of the Mississippi River in

1820, resumed and completed by the Discovery of its Origin in Itasca

Lake in 1832_ (Philadelphia, 1855).

Thomas Lorraine McKenney (1785-1859) was superintendent of trade with

the Indian tribes, 1816-24. In the latter year he was made head of the

bureau of Indian affairs in the war department, also serving

frequently as treaty commissioner. The work to which reference is here

made, is _Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes_ (Baltimore, 1827).

Lewis Cass (1782-1866) had unusual opportunities for contact with the

tribesmen. After taking a prominent part in the War of 1812-15, he was

for eighteen years governor of Michigan Territory. His contributions

to Indian bibliography were a series of articles published in the

_North American Review_, xxvi-xxx (1828-30).

Peter Stephen Duponceau (1760-1844) was a Frenchman who came to

America during the Revolution. Settling at Philadelphia, he became a

member of the American Philosophical Society, and contributed to its

_Transactions_ several articles on the structure and grammar of Indian

languages.--ED.

[6] Christian Gottfried Nees von Esenbeck (1776-1858), a famous

botanist and physician. He first engaged in the practice of medicine,

but in 1818 went to Erlangen as professor of botany, the next year

being called to Bonn, then being professor at Breslau (1831-52). The

number of his published works is considerable.--ED.

[7] Georg August Goldfuss (1782-1848) was born at Bayreuth, and became

privatdocent at Erlangen, then professor of zoology and mineralogy at

Bonn and director of the zoological museum.

Robert Goeppert (1800-1884) was a botanist and palaeontologist. First

studying medicine at Breslau and Berlin, he was professor of botany in

the university at the former place (1831-39). In 1852 he was chosen

director of the botanical gardens at Breslau, where he remained until

his death.--ED.

[8] Achille Valenciennes (1794-1864) was a French zoologist, a friend

and fellow-worker with Cuvier, and director of the Paris zoological

museum.

Arend Friedrich August Wiegmann (1802-41) was for a time professor of

zoology at Berlin. He founded (1835) _Archivs fur Naturgeschichte_.--ED.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The author, in his Preface, gives so full an account of the objects

and results of his travels in the interior of North America, that it

would have been unnecessary for me to prefix any observations of my

own, were it not for some circumstances, connected with the

translation, which seem to require explanation.

The prospectus of the German original announced that the work would

consist of two large quarto volumes, accompanied by a portfolio of

above eighty beautifully coloured copper-plates, executed by eminent

artists at Paris, from the original drawings. Some specimens of the

plates having been brought to London, were so much admired by many

competent judges, that Messrs. Ackermann were induced to agree with

the Paris publisher for a limited number of copies of the plates; and

as it might justly be presumed that the English purchasers would be

desirous of having the narrative of the travels, it was resolved to

publish a translation compressed into a single volume. By selecting,

however, a page of a large size, the translator has been able to

retain all the most interesting parts, omitting only minute details of

the measurements of animals, &c. All the chapters illustrative of the

manners, customs, traditions, and superstitions of the Indians are

given without abridgment, and these, as the author justly observes,

are by far the most attractive and valuable portions of the work. The

papers in the Appendix, giving an account of the plants collected, are

also inserted entire, and have been kindly revised by my friend Sir

William Hooker.[9]

The principal omission is that of the very extensive vocabularies of

the languages of the different Indian tribes.[10] They are written so

as to represent the pronunciation in German, and have, in numerous

instances, special directions, as thus: kontschue (_on_ as in French,

_schue_, short and quick, _e_1/2). It appeared to be a hopeless and

unprofitable task to rewrite these vocabularies, and to represent the

true pronunciation in English. Those who are curious in such matters

will find many specimens in Mr. Catlin's interesting work.[11]

The numerous Indian proper names are, of course, written in the

original as pronounced in German. It has been thought best to leave

them unchanged, merely requesting the reader to observe, in general,

that the consonants are pronounced as in English; only that _ch_ is

guttural, as in the Scotch word _loch_; that _sch_ is pronounced _sh_,

and that the vowels have the same sound as in French, _ah_, _a_, _ee_,

_o_, _oo_.

The author alludes, in his Preface, to the recent fearful ravages

which have been caused among the Indian races by the small-pox. The

origin and extent of these ravages will be seen from the following

very affecting letter on the subject:

[pg. ix]"NEW ORLEANS, _June 6, 1838_.--The southern parts of the

United States, particularly Florida, Alabama, and Louisiana, are

as healthy as can be wished; there has been no appearance of the

yellow fever, and even at the Havannah only a few isolated cases

have occurred. During the autumn, winter, and spring, the

small-pox has carried off many victims among the whites, and

thousands of the Indians; but it has now wholly disappeared in

the territory of the Union, in consequence of a general

vaccination of persons of all ages. On the other hand, we have,

from the trading posts on the western frontier of the Missouri,

the most frightful accounts of the ravages of the small-pox

among the Indians. The destroying angel has visited the

unfortunate sons of the wilderness with terrors never before

known, and has converted the extensive hunting grounds, as well

as the peaceful settlements of those tribes, into desolate and

boundless cemeteries. The number of the victims within a few

months is estimated at 30,000, and the pestilence is still

spreading. The warlike spirit which but lately animated the

several Indian tribes, and but a few months ago gave reason to

apprehend the breaking-out of a sanguinary war, is broken. The

mighty warriors are now the prey of the greedy wolves of the

prairie, and the few survivors, in mute despair, throw

themselves on the pity of the Whites, who, however, can do but

little to help them. The vast preparations for the protection of

the western frontier are superfluous: another arm has undertaken

the defence of the white inhabitants of the frontier; and the

funeral torch, that lights the red man to his dreary grave, has

become the auspicious star of the advancing settler, and of the

roving trader of the white race.

"The small-pox was communicated to the Indians by a person who

was on board the steam-boat which went, last summer, up to the

mouth of the Yellow Stone, to convey both the government

presents for the Indians, and the goods for the barter trade of

the fur dealers.[12] The disorder communicated itself to several

of the crew of the steam-boat. The officers gave notice of it to

the Indians, and exerted themselves to the utmost to prevent any

intercourse between them and the vessel; but this was a vain

attempt; for the Indians knew that presents and goods for barter

were come for them, and it would have been impossible to drive

them away from the fort without having recourse to arms. Two

days before the arrival of the steam-boat, an express had been

received at the trading fort, 2000 miles west of St. Louis, with

the melancholy news of the breaking-out of the small-pox on

board; this was immediately communicated to the Indians, with

the most urgent entreaties to keep at a distance; but this was

as good as preaching to the winds. The survivors now lament

their disobedience, and are as submissive as the poor dogs which

look in vain in the prairie for the footsteps of their masters.

The miserable remnants of the Indians implore us not to abandon

them in their misfortune, and promise, if we will take pity on

them, never more to disobey our commands.

"The disease first broke out about the 15th of June, 1837, in

the village of the Mandans, a few miles below the American fort,

Leavenworth, from which it spread, in all directions, with

unexampled fury.[13] The character of the disease was as

appalling as the rapidity of the propagation. Among the remotest

tribes of the Assiniboins from fifty to one hundred died daily.

The patient, when first seized, complains of dreadful pains in

the head and back, and in a few hours he is dead: the body

immediately turns black, and swells to thrice its natural size.

In vain were hospitals fitted up in Fort Union,[14] and the

whole stock of medicines exhausted. For many weeks together our

workmen did nothing but collect the dead bodies and bury them in

large pits; but since the ground is frozen we are obliged to

throw them into the river. The ravages of the disorder were the

most frightful among the Mandans, where it first broke out. That

once powerful tribe, which, by accumulated disasters, had

already been reduced to 1500 souls, was exterminated, with the

exception of thirty persons. Their neighbours, the Bigbellied

Indians, and the Ricarees, were out on a hunting excursion at

the time of the breaking-out of the disorder, so that it did not

reach them till a month later; yet half the tribe was already

destroyed on the 1st of October, and the disease continued to

spread. Very few of those who were attacked recovered their

health; but when they saw all their relations buried, and the

pestilence still raging with unabated fury among the remainder

of their countrymen, life became a burden to them, and they put

an end to their wretched existence, either with their knives and

muskets, or by precipitating themselves from the summit of the

rock near their settlement. The prairie all around is a vast

field of death, covered with unburied corpses, and spreading,

for miles, pestilence and infection. The Bigbellied Indians and

the Ricarees, lately amounting to 4000 souls, were reduced to

less than the half. The Assiniboins, 9000 in number, roaming

over a hunting territory to the north of the Missouri, as far as

the trading posts of the Hudson's Bay Company, are, in the

literal sense of the expression, nearly exterminated. They, as

well as the Crows and Blackfeet, endeavoured to fly in all

directions, but the disease everywhere pursued them. At last

every feeling of mutual compassion and tenderness seems to have

disappeared. Every one avoided the others. Women and children

wandered about in the prairie seeking [pg. x] for a scanty

subsistence. The accounts of the situation of the Blackfeet are

awful. The inmates of above 1000 of their tents are already

swept away. They are the bravest and the most crafty of all the

Indians, dangerous and implacable to their enemies, but faithful

and kind to their friends. But very lately we seriously

apprehended that a terrible war with them was at hand, and that

they would unite the whole of their remaining strength against

the Whites. Every day brought accounts of new armaments, and of

a loudly expressed spirit of vengeance towards the Whites: but

the small-pox cast them down, the brave as well as the feeble;

and those who were once seized by this infection never

recovered. It is affirmed that several bands of warriors, who

were on their march to attack the fort, all perished by the way,

so that not one survived to convey the intelligence to their

tribe. Thus, in the course of a few weeks, their strength and

their courage were broken, and nothing was to be heard but the

frightful wailings of death in the camp. Every thought of war

was dispelled, and the few that are left are as humble as

famished dogs. No language can picture the scene of desolation

which the country presents. In whatever direction we go, we see

nothing but melancholy wrecks of human life. The tents are still

standing on every hill, but no rising smoke announces the

presence of human beings, and no sounds but the croaking of the

raven and the howling of the wolf interrupt the fearful silence.

The above accounts do not complete the terrible intelligence

which we receive. There is scarcely a doubt that the pestilence

will spread to the tribes in and beyond the Rocky Mountains, as

well as to the Indians in the direction of Santa Fe and Mexico.

It seems to be irrevocably written in the book of fate, that the

race of red men shall be wholly extirpated in the land in which

they ruled the undisputed masters, till the rapacity of the

Whites brought to their shores the murderous fire-arms, the

enervating ardent spirits, and the all-destructive pestilence of

the small-pox. According to the most recent accounts, the

number of the Indians who have been swept away by the small-pox,

on the western frontier of the United States, amounts to more

than 60,000."[15]

The general correctness of the melancholy details given in the above

letter has been confirmed to me by several travellers who have visited

these nations since they were desolated by this awful epidemic. The

almost total extinction of these tribes greatly enhances the value and

importance of the full and interesting particulars imparted by his

Highness.

H. EVANS LLOYD.[16]

CHARTERHOUSE SQUARE,

May 1st, 1843.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Sir William Jackson Hooker (1785-1865) was early devoted to the

study of natural history, making scientific journeys to Scotland in

1806 and to Iceland in 1809. Later (1814), Hooker prosecuted a nine

months' botanical tour on the continent of Europe. The following year

he married and settled on his estate where he commenced an herbarium;

from 1820 to 1841 he was regius professor of botany at Glasgow, being

in 1836 knighted for eminent service to science. From 1841 till his

death he was director of Kew Gardens, London. Hooker's interest in

American scientific development was marked, and he dispatched many

pupils on botanical tours to unknown parts of the new continent.--ED.

[10] Reprinted in our volume xxiv.--ED.

[11] George Catlin was born in Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, in 1796, of

a New England family; his mother was a woman of artistic tastes, and

had lived on the Indian border. Early in his career, Catlin heard much

of the traditions of the aborigines, and thus was unconsciously

prepared for his later life work. In 1817 he was sent to study law at

Litchfield; returning to Pennsylvania two years later, he practiced in

the rural districts until 1823, when he abandoned the law, and going

to Philadelphia became an artist. For several years he was employed in

painting miniatures and other portraits, going as far as Washington

and Albany to execute orders. Having met at the former city a

deputation of American Indians, Catlin was imbued with a desire to

paint the portraits of these vanishing tribesmen, and in 1832 went

west with this purpose in view. Eight years were spent in native

lodges and fur-trade camps; then, with a wealth of material widely

known as Catlin's Collection, he opened a museum--first in the United

States (1837-39), then in London (1840-44). In 1845 he took his

collection to Paris, where he remained until expelled by the

Revolution of 1848. He thereupon re-opened his London museum, with

additional material; but in 1852 became involved in debt, and his

collection was shipped to the United States, where it remained

neglected until 1879, when it was presented to the National Museum at

Washington. Meanwhile Catlin visited South and Central America

(1852-57), and resided thereafter in Europe, returning to the United

States in 1871 only to die the following year at Jersey City. The work

here referred to was _Letters and Notes on the Manners and Customs of

the North American Indians_ (New York and London, 1841), more commonly

cited by the title of later editions, _Notes of Eight Years' Travels_.

In an appendix are several vocabularies of the Mandan, Blackfeet,

Arikara, Sioux, and Tuscarora Indians.--ED.

[12] This was the American Fur Company's steamer "St. Peter's," which

carried the annual outfit and supplies to the Missouri River forts.

Larpenteur, in charge at Fort Union, says that the vessel arrived June

24, 1837. See Elliott Coues, _Forty Years a Fur-Trader on the Upper

Missouri_ (New York, 1898), pp. 131-135.--ED.

[13] For the Mandan see Bradbury's _Travels_, in our volume v, pp.

113, 114, note 76. This should be Fort Clark, not Fort Leavenworth--an

evident _lapsus calami_. Fort Clark, named for General William Clark,

was an American fur-trade post built among the Mandan in 1831. See

_post_, chapter xiii, for a detailed description.--ED.

[14] For Fort Union see _post_, chapter xv.--ED.

[15] Authorities differ as to the numbers perishing by the scourge of

1837. H. M. Chittenden, _History of American Fur-Trade of the Far

West_ (New York, 1902), p. 627, thinks fifteen thousand a large

estimate.--ED.

[16] Hannibal Evans Lloyd (1771-1847), a well-known linguist and

translator, especially interested in works of travel and science. His

father had been in the Seven Years' War, of which he wrote a history.

Early in life the son studied German, and published a grammar and

dictionary of that language, as well as an _Englisches Lesebuch_

(Hamburg, 1832) for the use of German students. Lloyd lived for

several years in Hamburg, and was present during the French invasion

in 1813, of which he afterwards wrote an account. Among his other

original works were lives of George IV of England, and Alexander I of

Russia. His translations were from Swedish, German, and Italian,

having Englished Katzebue's _Voyages_, Orlich's _Travels in India_,

and Maximilian's Brazilian travels. Under the signature "H. E. L.,"

Lloyd was a frequent contributor to the _London Literary Gazette_

(1817-39). His translation of Maximilian's _Travels_ is clear, simple,

and straightforward; the German original sustains small loss either of

style or meaning, although the translator saw fit in many cases to

abbreviate the prince's prolix descriptions, and to eliminate not only

the exceedingly valuable linguistic material, but much other

scientific matter.--ED.

TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF NORTH AMERICA, IN THE YEARS 1832, 1833,

AND 1834

[PART I]

CHAPTER I

VOYAGE TO BOSTON, STAY IN THAT CITY, AND JOURNEY TO NEW YORK, FROM MAY

17TH TO JULY 9TH, 1832

Voyage--Boston--Festival of Independence--The American

inns--Charlestown--Monument on Bunker's Hill--Cambridge--New

England Museum--Pawtucket--Providence--Embark on board the

Boston--Voyage to New York--Fine view of that city.

Voyages to North America are become everyday occurrences, and little

more is to be related of them than that you met and saluted ships, had

fine or stormy weather, and the like; here, therefore, we shall merely

say that our party embarked at Helvoetsluys, on board an American

ship, on the 17th of May, in the evening, and on the 24th saw Land's

End, Cornwall, vanish in the misty distance, and bade farewell to

Europe.

Even when we were in latitude 48 deg. 40', and for several days

afterwards, we had very unfavourable weather and violent storms, which

were succeeded, on the 10th of June, by calms. On such days, shoals of

dolphins crowded round the ship, and some men got on the bowsprit to

throw the harpoon at them. The mate was at length so fortunate as to

drive his harpoon through the body of one of these monsters of the

deep, an event which was hailed with loud cheers. By the aid of

several sailors the heavy prey was drawn upon deck. The animal, after

it was wounded, made desperate efforts to free itself, and the harpoon

had nearly given way, when the fish was secured by a rope thrown under

the pectoral fins.

[pg. 2] On the following day we had some of the flesh dressed as steaks,

which we found to be very good; indeed, we preferred them to all other

meat. I did not know, at that time, that I should soon find dog's

flesh relishing! It is necessary to remove the blubber immediately;

because, if this precaution be neglected, the flesh contracts a taste

of train oil. The liver in particular is excellent.

On the same day we were to the south of the bank of Newfoundland, and,

therefore, steered in nearly a northerly direction. On the 19th we

were in a thick fog. White and other petrels flew round us, with some

gulls, and birds resembling sea swallows, with a forked tail. We

sounded, but found no bottom. On the 20th, however, we were on the

bank, where, at half-past eight in the morning, the temperature of the

air was +5-1/4 deg. Reaumur, and that of the water, +2-3/4 deg. At two

in the afternoon, with thick fog, the temperature of the air was +8 deg.;

that of the water, +4 deg. We then had a calm, and sounded in thirty-five

fathoms. Large whales and flocks of sea-birds showed that we were on

the bank. A hook and line being thrown out, we caught a fine cod, from

whose stomach clams were taken, which served as a bait for other fish.

We were on the middle of the lower point of the great bank, when large

dolphins, quite black, called by the Americans blackfish, swam rapidly

past in long lines, alternating with porpoises, which threw up white

foam as they leaped and tumbled on the waves. A diver was shot while

swimming, and flocks of black petrels hovered round us. A dead calm

succeeding, a boat was put out to give chase to the latter. Fat was

thrown out to entice the birds, and many of the little black petrel,

(_Procellaria Pelagica_), were shot, and also some of the birds,

called by Charles Bonaparte,[17] _Thalassidroma Wilsonii_, which very

nearly resemble each other in colour, as well as in shape. A snow

white gull (probably _Larus eburneus_) flew about the ship. On the

26th of June, we had been just forty days at sea, and at noon were off

the lower part of Sable Island bank, in fifty-five fathoms, but did

not see the island itself. We steered towards Nova Scotia, but the

wind soon forced us in a southerly direction. We had many indications

of the vicinity of land, and from this time we proceeded more

satisfactorily, till the 3rd of July, at noon, when, to the joy of

all, we descried land. Cape Cod Bay lay to the south of us, about

fifteen miles distant. It showed low sandhills, with dark bushes on

them. About two o'clock we could distinguish a lighthouse of moderate

height, with a wind-mill, and several other buildings. As the wind was

unfavourable, we were obliged to tack often, in order to sail into the

great bay of Massachusetts, which we did in the finest and most lovely

weather. The cool of the evening had succeeded the heat of the day;

the dark blue mirror of the sea shone around us, moved only by a

gentle breeze, while a few white or dark brown sails hastened to the

coast, which was already veiled in the evening mist.

Sublime repose prevailed in this extensive and grand scene, our ship

alone was in a state of activity. Various preparations were made for

the approaching landing, while we Europeans looked eagerly at the

distance. I had hoped in vain for a sight of the famous sea serpent;

it [pg. 3] would not shew itself. I had, in the sequel, opportunities to

speak with several American naturalists on the subject, but they all

looked upon the story as a fable.

The moon rose in the utmost splendour, and lighted up the unagitated

surface of the sea, and the fishing-boats which lay at anchor. Before

midnight we saw Boston lighthouse, and soon afterwards several other

such lights on the coast, which are a most welcome sight, and increase

the impatience of the stranger in a remote quarter of the globe.

The following day (4th of July), on which I landed for the second time

in the New World, was the anniversary of the day on which America

proclaimed its independence. Early in the morning, the salutes of

artillery resounded from the coasts, which we now saw clearly before

us. In the centre, in the direction of the city of Boston, was the

white lighthouse, with its black roof, on a small rocky island,[18]

and around it several little picturesque islands, partly of white

sand, with plots of grass; partly rocks, which adorn the beautiful

bay. At a distance we saw some low mountains, the coast covered with

numerous villages, obscured by the smoke of the gunpowder, and numbers

of ships and boats sailing in every direction, all adorned with gay

flags in honour of the day. We passed in succession several islands,

the lighthouse, the telegraph, and drew nearer and nearer to the coast

of the Continent, diversified with gentle eminences covered with corn,

or beautifully green as in England: and here and there, in the bays

and inlets, adorned with lofty trees. These coasts, with the numerous

white buildings of the towns and villages, presented a most charming

scene in the splendour of the morning sun. At length the long-expected

pilot came on board, and in the bay, on our right, we saw the city of

Boston, and many steam-boats before it. The sea had no longer the blue

colour, but the green tinge which it has on all coasts, and was

covered with medusae, and the leaves of the sea grass, which grows on

these shores. The heat was very great, 18 deg. in the shade, by Reaumur's

thermometer, on board the ship, when we cast anchor at India Wharf,

Boston, on the forty-eighth day of our voyage. The temperature in this

oblong basin, which is surrounded with large magazines of naval

stores, was by no means agreeable at the moment of our arrival; we,

therefore, left the ship as soon as possible, and repaired to the

Commercial Coffee House, where we took up our quarters.

Boston, an extensive city, with above 80,000 inhabitants,[19] reminded

me, at first sight, of one of the old English towns; but various

differences soon appeared. The streets are partly long and broad,

partly narrow and irregular, with good flag pavement for foot

passengers; the buildings are of brick or stone; but in a great

portion of the old town the houses are of wood; the roofs are, for the

most part, covered with shingles; the chimneys resemble those in

England, but do not seem to be so lofty; the dark colours of the

buildings give the city, on the whole, a gloomy appearance. [pg. 4]

There are many important buildings and churches, which have been

described by numerous travellers. In the front of the houses there are

frequently little plots of garden, next the street, in the English

fashion, planted with tall, shady trees, and flowers. Strangers will

immediately look for American plants, especially for those species of

trees which are generally cultivated in Europe; but, instead of them,

they will observe only European trees, such as Lombardy poplars,

Babylonian willows, syringa hibiscus, chestnuts, elms, &c., and it was

with much difficulty that I found some stems of the catalpa, which was

just then on the point of flowering, and some other native trees.

Besides the little grass plots, planted with flowers, in the front of

the houses, there are, in Boston, many plantations and avenues of very

tall and shady elms, which, like the same species in England, are

remarkably vigorous and flourishing. Among these avenues, the

principal is that called the _Commons_, where there were fireworks in

the evening of the 4th of July.

Washington-street is looked upon as the finest and longest street in

Boston; its length is nearly equal to that of the whole city. Here, as

in the first cities of Europe, there are numerous fine and elegant

shops, with the most costly articles; and the productions of the West

Indies. Cocoa-nuts, oranges, bananas, &c., are nowhere to be found so

fresh, and in such perfection as in the seaports of North America. On

account of the celebration of this day, most of the shops were closed;

but then the entire population seemed to throng the streets, and the

gay crowd was very interesting to strangers, as it was not difficult

to catch the general features. Though a great part of the Americans

have much of the English stamp, there are, however, some essential

differences. The peculiar character of the English countenance seems

to have disappeared in America, in the strange climate; the men are of

a slenderer make, and of taller stature; a general expression of the

physiognomy seems to be wanting. The women are elegant, and have

handsome features, but frequently a paleness, which does not indicate

a salubrious climate, or a healthy judicious way of living.[20] Straw

hats, trimmed with black or green ribbons, were in general use. Cloth

was much worn, and everything was according to the newest English and

French fashions. Among the busy throng were a great number of negroes,

who, in the Northern and Eastern States, have been made free. Not far

from the public walks was a small narrow street, almost entirely

inhabited by negroes and their hybrids. The stranger in Boston looks

in vain for the original American race of the Indians. Instead of its

former state of nature, this country now shows a mixture of all

nations, which is rapidly proceeding in the unjustifiable expulsion

and extirpation of the aborigines, which began on the arrival of the

Europeans in the New World, and has unremittingly continued.

After we had enjoyed a hasty view of the city, we returned to our inn,

where we had an opportunity of making ourselves acquainted with many

new customs, differing from those of Europe. It must be confessed that

the arrangements in the large and much frequented inns of [pg. 5] the

great towns in the United States, are, in many respects, inferior to

those of Europe. The rooms are very small, and all have beds in them:

parlours, that is, rooms without beds, must be hired separately. The

hours for meals are fixed--three times in the day; and the signal is

usually given, two or three times, by ringing a bell. In general, a

number of persons habitually take their meals in these inns; they

besiege the house before the appointed time arrives, and, when the

signal is given, they rush tumultuously into the eating-room; every

one strives to get before the other, and, for the most part, the crowd

of guests is far too great, in proportion to the number of the black

attendants. Then every one takes possession of the dish that he can

first lay his hands on, and in ten minutes all is consumed; in laconic

silence the company rise from table, put on their hats, and the busy

gentlemen hasten away, whom you see all the day long posted before

the inns, or at the fire-side in the lower rooms, smoking cigars and

reading the colossal newspapers. The hat, which the Americans seldom

lay aside, except in the company of the women, is always taken off at

table, which is certainly no small exertion in this land of perfect

liberty, as Captain Morrell expresses it.[21] Elegance of dress is far

more common in America than in Europe; but then this is all that the

gentleman in America cares about, when he has finished his mercantile

business, read the newspaper, and performed his part in the government

of the State. I have often been surprised at the crowd of idle

gentlemen before and in the American inns, who spend the whole day in

total inactivity; and these elegant loiterers are, in fact, a

characteristic feature of these inns. Here, too, there is a peculiar

arrangement, which many travellers have noticed, and which we do not

meet with in ours--I mean the bar-room, where a man stationed behind

the bar, mixes compounds, and sells all sorts of beverages, in which a

quantity of ice and of freshly gathered peppermint leaves are

employed. Very agreeable cooling liquors are here prepared, which the

heat of the climate calls for. In the evening the European is

surprised at being desired to pull off his shoes before a number of

people in the bar-room, and to exchange them for slippers, which are

piled up in large heaps. The attendance is, in general, indifferent.

There are scarcely any white servants, or, at least, they are almost

useless; all menial offices must be performed by blacks, who, though

free people, are still held in contempt by the Americans, who so

highly estimate the dignity of man, and form a rejected caste, like

the Parias in India.

At the approach of evening, on the 4th of July, the whole population

of Boston was in motion; but the streets were soon entirely deserted,

and all the inhabitants had collected in the promenade, called the

Commons. The sight was highly interesting. An extensive piece of

ground, covered with green sward, stretches in a gentle slope to the

water, and is surrounded by avenues of lofty, shady elms. Numerous

paths cross each other in the centre, and here there is a gigantic

elm, with a wide-spreading crown, measuring from thirty to forty paces

in diameter. We regretted that the great crowd of people rendered it

impossible to approach this fine tree, on [pg. 6] this busy evening. All

Boston, rich and poor, was here assembled, in the most elegant

dresses. Groups were sitting, or lying in the grass; rows of tables

and little stalls were set out, where there was a real oyster feast,

in which the people indulged to an extent that rendered the appearance

of the tables anything but inviting. As it grew dark, there was a very

indifferent display of fireworks, on the eminence, in honour of the

day, the expense of which was defrayed by subscription. Several

companies of city militia had previously paraded the streets; they are

all volunteers, who equip themselves, and that in a very superior

manner; but their uniforms are very gay and motley, as may be

expected, where every one is left to follow his own taste. Each

company, or troop, had a different uniform--one red, another blue,

and, in part, richly embroidered with gold. There were very few men in

a company. It seemed very strange that the musicians, who preceded

them, were, for the most, in plain clothes of all colours, with round

hats. "The Yankee-doodle," the favourite popular song of the

Americans, was heard in different directions; and it is much to the

credit of this motley assemblage, that there was no impropriety of

conduct or unseemly noise. The effect of the light on the mixed crowd

of whites and negroes was very interesting, and we enjoyed the scene

till the coolness and damp of the night air made us retire to our inn.

On the following morning, the shops were opened, and Boston resumed

its usual appearance of commercial activity. Our baggage was put on

board a schooner bound to New York, to which city I wished to go by

land. Our next excursion was to the monument on Bunker's Hill, from

which there is the best view of the surrounding country.

Early in the morning we got into our carriages, and drove rapidly

through the streets, refreshed by the cool morning breeze, where many

wagons were arriving with the productions of the environs. We noticed

vehicles of various descriptions, with four or two wheels, often with

an awning of linen, or leather, open at the sides, and drawn by two or

four horses. The drivers, generally in a white summer dress, with

straw hats, sit on a bear skin, which is here worth eight or ten

dollars. On the causeway, out of the city, the dust was troublesome,

but a number of water-carts (like those used in the streets of London)

were already preparing to water the road.

Boston is joined to the continent by a narrow tongue of land, at the

two sides of which creeks, or bays run into the land. Over these

creeks there are several long wooden bridges, made to draw up in the

middle, one of which leads, in a north-west direction, to the

neighbouring town of Charlestown; another, more to the south, to

Cambridge, where there is a college, or university. All these places

have been described by several travellers. We took the road through

Charlestown, to the Navy Yard, close to which is the eminence on which

the Bunker's Hill monument is erected. The hill is called Breed's

Hill, and immediately beyond it is Bunker's Hill, where the English

troops were posted during the battle fought in 1775. The Americans

were repulsed, and lost their leader, who was a physician. The

monument in memory of this action [pg. 7] has been begun on the

foremost, or Breed's Hill. The granite (Quincy granite) employed in it

is found in the neighbourhood, and is of a grey colour.

It was intended, originally, that this monument should be 210 feet

high; it is now meant to be only 180 feet high. What is already done

is a pyramid between fifty and sixty feet in height, which was covered

with a temporary wooden roof. Withinside, a convenient stone staircase

leads to the top, and from the small windows in the roof, there is an

incomparable view over the city of Boston, Charlestown, the two

inlets, the long bridges, the Bay of Boston, with its diversified

islands, and the ships with their white swelling sails, coming from,

and bound to, all parts of the world. Looking into the country, there

is an alternation of verdant hills, numerous villages, and dark woods;

the whole forming a highly picturesque landscape. Cattle were grazing

near the monument, on the green hill; a well-dressed boy was employed

in milking the cows.[22]

From Bunker's Hill we went to Cambridge, and had, on this road, the

first sight of an American landscape. Meadows, partly covered with

arundinaceous plants, corn-fields, and European fruit trees,

alternated with small thickets and groves. The apples that grow here

are said to be yellow, and not particularly good; they are chiefly

used to make cider. On almost all these fruit trees we saw

caterpillars' nests of extraordinary size, they being often a foot and

more in diameter. The butterfly which produces them must be in vast

numbers, and it is surprising that more care is not taken to destroy

them. The road was bordered with trees, as is generally the case here;

we observed _Celtis occidentalis_, Lombardy poplars, partly lopped,

and not growing to any great height. The thickets consisted of oaks,

with various deeply indented leaves, in general of a beautiful shining

green; different kinds of walnut, ash, and elm, which always attain a

great height here, and, where they stand free, the stems are clothed

with thick boughs down to the ground. The low thickets were of a

bright green, and in adjacent meadows, which were partly marshy, grew

plants, much resembling those of Europe, such as _Ranunculus_,

_Pyrethrum_, several with white flowers of the genus _Syngenesia_;

both a white clover and a red clover, common with us, seemed to be

generally cultivated, as well as potatoes, corn, and maize. This part

of the country has, on the whole, the European character--like

England, for instance--but it is even now more wooded, and pines of

different kinds give a variety: the population, too, is distributed in

a different manner. In one of the nearest thickets, a little songster

(_Sylvia aestiva_), and some other birds, reminded me that I was not in

Europe, but on the borders of the northern part of the New World, and

the beautiful Icterus Baltimore flew to the higher thickets; and I

very well distinguished its black and bright red plumage. These new

objects gave [pg. 8] us great pleasure, and we only regretted that we

could not immediately pursue them. On the summit of the gentle

eminences we came to Cambridge College, which is very agreeably

situated on a verdant lawn, shaded with trees, and surrounded by

avenues of elms, Weymouth pines, maples, ash, planes, and other shady

trees. The buildings stand separately; and in all the gardens of the

neat habitations, we observed, in general, European plants--the rose,

syringa, hibiscus, and but few American plants, of which the trumpet

tree was not then in blossom. My visit might have been very

interesting if I had known that Mr. Nuttal,[23] one of the most active

naturalists and travellers in North America, held an office in this

college.

On our return to Boston, we visited many of the curiosities of the

city, which are enumerated in various works. Among them I mention only

the New England Museum,[24] as in part, at least, an institution for

natural history, but where the expectation of the stranger is

grievously disappointed. These museums, as they are styled, in all the

larger cities of the United States, except, perhaps, the Peale Museum,

at Philadelphia, are an accumulation of all sorts of curiosities, the

selection of which is most extraordinary. Here we find specimens of

natural history; stiff, awkward, wax figures; mathematical and other

instruments, models, bad paintings and engravings, caricatures; nay,

even the little prints out of our journals of the fashions, &c., hung

up without any order. Among the animals there are some interesting

specimens, but without any ticket or further direction. This

collection was placed in several stories of a lofty house, in narrow

passages, rooms, and closets, connected by many flights of steps; and

to attract the public, a man played on the harpsichord during our

visit--a concert which could have no great charms for us.

Boston, however, has much that is worthy of notice, and numerous

excellent institutions, respecting which the many descriptive works

may be consulted, which treat on the subject more in detail than a

passing traveller can do. As my time was limited, I took places in a

stage-coach that was to set out at noon for Providence, from Bunker's

coach-office, at the Marlborough hotel. The establishment of

stage-coaches, and the mode of travelling in this country, have been

accurately described by Duke Bernhard of Saxe Weimar;[25] I therefore

merely say, that we went in a commodious stage, with nine seats

inside, and four good horses, which carried us at a rapid pace from

Boston to New Providence, forty-one miles distant, where we embarked

for New York.

The causeway was a good, solid, broad road, paved in some places, and

very dusty at this dry season; it led over low hills and plains. Near

the city there is a great number of pretty, and some elegant country

houses; and as they became less numerous, they were succeeded by the

houses of the farmers and planters, which are spread over the whole

country. All these farm-houses are slightly built, boarded, and roofed

with shingles; often grey, of the natural colour of the wood; but many

of those belonging to the richer class are neatly painted, and

variously ornamented. The walls, even of large buildings of this kind,

are extremely thin, and one would think they [pg. 9] must be too slight

for the cold winters of this country. It seems quite inconceivable

that, throughout the United States, you find only open fireplaces; and

very rarely good stoves, against which the Americans are prejudiced,

because they are not aware of their great superiority. The business of

the occupant is painted on the house in large letters, as in England

and France.

The road by which we travelled was often bounded by hedges, or by

walls of blocks of granite, or other kinds of stone, on which

plantain, elder, stagshorn, sumach, &c., were growing. In the low

marshy meadows were willows, a kind of reed mace, cotton grass,

rushes, and, in the water, adder's tongue. Near the road, the hills,

which here and there gradually rise to a great elevation, are covered

with shrubs and trees, among which we noticed some firs, mixed with

the other trees.

Juniper trees, from fifteen to twenty feet high, grew in all these

woods, partly as underwood. In the low grounds, near the road, we

observed luxuriant tufts of various kinds of oak, walnut trees--some

with large shining leaves, chestnuts, now in blossom, and many other

kinds of trees cultivated in European gardens. Wild vines, with the

under side of the leaves whitish, twine round many of the bushes; but,

in these northern parts, they do not attain a great height. These

thickets alternate with open tracts of land, where the peasants,

tanned by the powerful American sun, wearing large straw hats, were

busily employed in making hay.

However small and poor the dwellings, we still saw at the windows, and

before the doors, the women, most elegantly and fashionably dressed,

engaged in their household employments. In this land of freedom,

nobody, of course, will allow his neighbour to have an advantage over

him; hence we often see silk gowns, and the newest fashions of all

kinds, in laughable contrast with the poor little habitations. Small

country carts pass the traveller, in which, beside the owner, who

drives, sits a country lady, handsomely attired, who looks like a copy

of some _journal des modes_. The dress of the countrymen is, in

general, not so fine, but is, in some degree, according to the man's

circumstances.

We were much pleased with some thick forests of oak, with beautiful

glossy (often deeply indented) leaves, of a great variety of forms.

Forests, consisting wholly of the Weymouth pine, alternated with the

oak. The trunks were large, but the height of the tree was not great

in proportion. Among them there was always a number of dead trees;

others had a quantity of bearded moss hanging on them; in a word,

though so near to the habitations of man, and in a cultivated country,

they had more of the wild character of unreclaimed nature than our

European forests. In many places there were openings into dark

forests, to a great distance; and, now and then, into lovely valleys,

with a lake or a river, where the white buildings had a very

picturesque appearance, contrasted with the dark woods and the green

meadows. Mr. Bodmer, however, was not satisfied with all these

landscapes: he had expected to find, at once, in America, forms

differing from those of Europe; but these must be looked for under

another zone; for, in [pg. 10] North America, the general character of

the vegetation resembles that of Europe. In some parts, we remarked in

the meadows large stones, something like those in Westphalia, or in

the Westerwald, in Germany.

We changed horses at three places, at one of which we had dinner,

which, as in England, was ready when the passengers arrived. The

regulations here have an advantage over those in most parts of Europe,

inasmuch as fees are nowhere given, so that you cannot be molested by

the importunity of the driver: on the other hand, the coachman dines

at the same table as the passengers. You are, however, pretty secure

against the conversation of unpolished people, because the Americans

are usually mute at table.

Towards evening we reached Pawtucket, a neat town on the river of the

same name, in the state of Massachusetts. The place has manufactures

of various kinds, and is animated by trade and industry. The river

empties itself into Narraganset bay, and is said to have falls of

fifty feet. We soon travelled the few miles from this place to

Providence. The evening being fine, the journey was very pleasant: the

road was full of stages, cabriolets, farmers' wagons, and smart

country ladies, whose veils on their large fashionable hats waved in

the wind; they were generally seated in little chaise carts, the seats

of which were covered with bear skins.

At Providence, which we reached before night, we put up at Franklin

House, a respectable inn. A crowd of idle gentlemen and other curious

persons stared at us, and laughed in our faces, when they found, by

our pronunciation, that we were foreigners. We had to pass some days

here, waiting for the return of a steam-boat from New York; we

therefore employed this interval in exploring the town and

neighbourhood.

Providence is a busy town, the capital of the state of Rhode Island,

and situated on an arm of the sea. It is built partly on sandy hills,

partly on the low ground next the sea, has some good new streets, and

a brisk trade, as appears from the many ships at anchor. There is no

want of handsome shops, and several public buildings deserve notice;

such as twelve churches, several colleges, and other public

institutions, which I forbear to enumerate. In the churches the

singular style of the architecture calls for censure:--they are of

brick, with steeples variously ornamented, but often painted with

glaring colours; for instance, the lower part reddish brown, with the

frames of the windows and of the doors white; the upper part bright

yellow with white. There is a considerable degree of luxury at

Providence. The women appear in the streets in the most expensive

dresses; and the country ladies (farmers' wives), whom I have so often

mentioned, dressed in silk, and wearing large straw bonnets and veils,

bring milk to market in little carts. This love of finery is quite a

characteristic trait in the American people; but it is, at the same

time, an indication of prosperity; for it is true that, in this

country, there are neither poor nor beggars; and if you see people

doing nothing, they are generally new comers from Europe. Negroes and

their coloured descendants are more numerous here than in Boston and

the northern parts.

[pg. 11] The next day was Sunday, in the observance of which the

Americans are very scrupulous. All the people, with their books under

their arms, proceeded to the churches, the bells of which were very

slowly tolled. The streets were quite still on this day, and all the

shops closed; but, then, numerous carriages and cabriolets, filled

with finely-dressed people, were in motion. We strolled about the

surrounding country, which, in general, has a dead and rather sterile

appearance. Here, too, we saw, almost exclusively, European trees and

flowers in the gardens; there were, however, some peculiar to the

country, among which the magnolia was now in blossom.

Intelligence had been received from New York that the cholera had

broken out there, and that numbers of the inhabitants were leaving the

city. On the arrival of the Boston steam-boat, the Captain confirmed

this unwelcome news, which, however, did not deter us from embarking

in this fine vessel for New York. On the 8th of July, in the

afternoon, we went on board the steam-boat, which had above 100

passengers. The Boston was a large, handsome vessel, about the size of

a frigate. It had three decks; in the lower part was the large dining

and sleeping room, where above 100 persons were very well provided

for. On the middle deck there was a cabin for the ladies, with

twenty-four beds. The numerous attendants were negroes and mulattoes

of both sexes, all free people. The vessel had two low-pressure

engines, which are thought to be less dangerous than the high-pressure

engines, though the Americans affirm the contrary. On the upper deck

was a pavilion, with glass windows, in which, when the weather was

unfavourable, the company could sit and enjoy the prospect.

When all the passengers were on board, one of the engines was set to

work, and when we got further from shore, the other also. The low,

sandy coast, partly covered with trees, where towns alternated with

forests, quickly disappeared. The sky was dark and cloudy, and a cool,

fresh breeze blew. We reached the strongly fortified town of Newport,

where many small vessels lay at anchor. The place is distinguished by

three forts, and other fortifications, and a lighthouse. When twilight

set in we were already in sight of the open sea, which, however,

remained visible for a short time only, because we steered to the

right, into the channel between the continent and Long Island.

On the morning of the 9th of July, the sky was gloomy, and the sea

much agitated. On our left we had the coast of Long Island, which, in

general, is not high, but has some more elevated parts, with an

alternation of sand, bushes, and brushwood. Some very picturesque and

diversified inlets run into the land. The channel becomes gradually

narrower, and the beauty of the landscape increases in the same

proportion. One narrow place is called Hellgate: there are here many

rocky islets covered with sumach bushes (_Rhus typhinum_). At length,

turning round a point of the continent, a new and most picturesque

scene presented itself. We were in what is called the East River, an

arm of the sea, open towards New York, which is connected with the

Hudson or North River, one of the most beautiful rivers in North

America. At the conflux [pg. 12] of both, lies the city. The banks of

the East River are like an English park, shaded by beautiful copses

and groups of lofty trees: the ground was clothed with the brightest

and most luxuriant verdure, with tall tulip trees, planes, Babylonian

willows, Lombardy poplars, and many others, alternating with green

meadows, where there are neat, and often elegant country-houses; and

the eye is charmed by many fine prospects and a great diversity of

scenery. Passing the Navy Yard, which is situated on a point of land,

the great city of New York, with its innumerable masts, lies before

you. As you approach and enter the broad and extensive piece of water

formed by the conflux of the East and North Rivers, you see the whole

mass of houses, with countless ships, which line both the banks to a

considerable distance, with a forest of masts, to which few other

cities can present a parallel. The steamer landed us at a spot where,

notwithstanding the heavy rain, there was a great crowd of people

collected. Porters, black workmen, and coachmen in abundance, with

loud cries, and much importunity, offered their services; and we

immediately proceeded to the American Hotel, a considerable inn, in

one of the handsomest squares in the city.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] Charles Lucien Bonaparte, prince of Canino and Musignano

(1803-1857), a noted ornithologist, was the eldest son of Lucien,

brother of the great Napoleon. In 1822 he married Joseph Bonaparte's

daughter, came to the United States, and until 1828 resided with his

father-in-law, near Philadelphia, making a careful study of the birds

of that locality. Returning to Italy, he headed the republican forces

at Rome in the Revolution of 1848, and from 1854 until his death,

three years later, was director of the Jardin des Plantes, at Paris.

In the United States, Bonaparte published a supplement to Wilson's

_Ornithology_, entitled _American Ornithology, or History of the Birds

of the United States_ (4 volumes, Philadelphia, 1825-33), containing

more than a hundred species which he had discovered. He wrote numerous

articles for scientific journals both in this country and Europe.--ED.

[18] See Plate 1, in the accompanying atlas, our volume xxv.--ED.

[19] According to the census of 1830, Boston had 61,392 souls, and

with Charlestown, Roxbury, and Cambridge, about 80,000.--MAXIMILIAN.

[20] Vide Mrs. Trollope's "Domestic Manners of the Americans," page 106,

where the authoress is probably right in many points.--MAXIMILIAN.

_Comment by Ed._ See Wyeth's _Oregon_, in our volume xxi, p. 44, note

24.

[21] Captain Benjamin Morrell was born on Long Island (1795), entered

the service of a privateer during the War of 1812-15, was captured by

the British and held in prison until the declaration of peace. After

his release he was made captain of a whaling vessel, and in 1832

published a book of travels entitled, _A Narrative of Four Voyages to

the South Sea, North and South Pacific Ocean, Chinese Sea, Ethiopic

and Southern Atlantic Ocean, Indian and Arctic Oceans, Comprising

Critical Surveys of Coasts and Islands with Sailing Directions_ (New

York). A critical analysis of the book is given in _American Quarterly

Review_, xiii, pp. 314 ff.--ED.

[22] The cattle in this part of the country are, in general, large and

handsome: there are oxen with immense horns, almost as in the

_Campagna di Roma_, in Italy; and they are also large and fat. Their

colour is generally brown, as in Germany, but for the most part, a

very shining yellowish, or reddish brown, often spotted with white.

The horns of many are turned rather forwards, and round balls are just

on their tips, that they may not gore with them.--MAXIMILIAN.

[23] See preface to Nuttall's _Journal_, in our volume xiii.--ED.

[24] E. A. Greenwood having (1825) purchased the Columbian Museum,

founded in Boston in 1795 by Daniel Bowen, erected a building on Court

Street between Brattle and Cornhill, and started the New England

Museum. The latter was purchased by Moses Kimball (1839), who seven

years later constructed the Boston Museum and Gallery of Fine Arts

building on Tremont Street, near Court, at a cost of a quarter of a

million dollars. The stock-company theatre operated in connection with

this institution was long regarded as the best in Boston.--ED.

[25] For the work of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, see Wyeth's _Oregon_, in

our volume xxi, p. 71, note 47.--ED.

Maximilian, Prince of Wied's, Travels in the Interior of North America, 1832-1834, part 1 · 第 1 / 15 章