We demand, first and foremost, the instant Repeal of the Fugitive Slave
Bill. [_Cheers._]
We demand the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
[_Cheers._]
We demand of Congress the exercise of its time-honored power to
prohibit Slavery in the Territories. [_Cheers._]
We demand of Congress that it shall refuse to receive any new Slave
State into the Union. [_Cheers, repeated._]
We demand the Abolition of the Domestic Slave-Trade, so far as it can
be constitutionally reached, but particularly on the high seas under
the National Flag.
And, generally, we demand from the National Government the exercise
of all constitutional power to relieve itself from responsibility for
Slavery.
And yet one thing further must be done. The Slave Power must be
overturned,--so that the National Government may be put openly,
actively, and perpetually on the side of Freedom. [_Prolonged
applause._]
In demanding the overthrow of the Slave Power, we but seek to exclude
from the operations of the National Government a _political_ influence,
having its origin in Slavery, which has been more potent, sinister, and
mischievous than any other in our history. This Power, though unknown
to the Constitution, and existing in defiance of its true spirit, now
predominates over Congress, gives the tone to its proceedings, seeks to
control all our public affairs, and humbles both the great political
parties to its will. It is that combination of Slave-masters, whose
bond of union is a common interest in Slavery. Time would fail me in
exposing the extent to which its influence has been felt, the undue
share of offices it has enjoyed, and the succession of its evil deeds.
Suffice it to say, that, for a long period, the real principle of
this union was not observed by the Free States. In the game of office
and legislation the South has always won. It has played with loaded
dice,--_loaded with Slavery_. [_Laughter._] The trick of the Automaton
Chess-Player, so long an incomprehensible marvel, has been repeated,
with similar success. Let the Free States make a move on the board,
and the South says, "Check!" ["_Hear! hear!_"] Let them strive for
Free Trade, as they did once, and the cry is, "Check!" Let them jump
towards Protection, and it is again, "Check!" Let them move towards
Internal Improvements, and the cry is still, "Check!" Whether forward
or backward, to the right or left, wherever they turn, the Free States
are pursued by an inexorable "Check!" But the secret is now discovered.
Amid the well-arranged machinery which seemed to move the victorious
chess-player is a _living force_,--only recently discovered,--being
none other than the Slave Power. It is the Slave Power which has been
perpetual victor, saying always, "Check!" to the Free States. As this
influence is now disclosed, it only remains that it should be openly
encountered in the field of _politics_. [_A voice, "That is the true
way."_]
* * * * *
Such is our cause. It is not sectional; for it simply aims to establish
under the National Government those great principles of Justice and
Humanity which are broad and universal as Man. It is not aggressive;
for it does not seek in any way to interfere through Congress with
Slavery in the States. It is not contrary to the Constitution; for
it recognizes this paramount law, and in the administration of the
Government invokes the spirit of its founders. It is not hostile to
the quiet of the country; for it proposes the only course by which
agitation can be allayed, and quiet be permanently established. And
yet there is an attempt to suppress this cause, and to stifle its
discussion.
Vain and wretched attempt! [_A band of music in the street here
interrupted the speaker._]
* * * * *
I am willing to stop for one moment, if the audience will allow me,
that they may enjoy that music. [_Several voices, "Go on! go on!"
Another voice, "We have better music here." After a pause the speaker
proceeded._]
* * * * *
Fellow-citizens, I was saying that it is proposed to suppress this
cause, and to stifle this discussion. But this cannot be done.
That subject which more than all other subjects needs careful,
conscientious, and kind consideration in the national councils, which
will not admit of postponement or hesitation, which is allied with the
great interests of the country, which controls the tariff and causes
war, which concerns alike all parts of the land, North and South, East
and West, which affects the good name of the Republic in the family
of civilized nations, _the subject of subjects_, has now at last,
after many struggles, been admitted within the pale of legislative
discussion. From this time forward it must be entertained by Congress.
It will be one of the orders of the day. It cannot be passed over or
forgotten. It cannot be blinked out of sight. The combinations of party
cannot remove it. The intrigues of politicians cannot jostle it aside.
There it is, in towering colossal proportions, filling the very halls
of the Capitol, while it overshadows and darkens all other subjects.
There it will continue, till driven into oblivion by the irresistible
Genius of Freedom. [_Cheers._]
I am not blind to adverse signs. The wave of reaction, after sweeping
over Europe, has reached our shores. The barriers of Human Rights
are broken down. Statesmen, writers, scholars, speakers, once their
uncompromising professors, have become professors of compromise. All
this must be changed. Reaction must be stayed. The country must be
aroused. The cause must again be pressed,--with the fixed purpose
never to moderate our efforts until crowned by success. [_Applause._]
The National Government, everywhere within its proper constitutional
sphere, must be placed on the side of Freedom. The policy of Slavery,
which has so long prevailed, must give place to the policy of Freedom.
The Slave Power, fruitful parent of national ills, must be driven from
its supremacy. Until all this is done, the friends of the Constitution
and of Human Rights cannot cease from labor, nor can the Republic hope
for any repose but the repose of submission.
Men of all parties and pursuits, who wish well to their country,
and would preserve its good name, must join now. Welcome here the
Conservative and the Reformer! for our cause stands on the truest
Conservatism and the truest Reform. In seeking the reform of existing
evils, we seek also the conservation of the principles handed down
by our fathers. Welcome especially the young! To you I appeal with
confidence. Trust to your generous impulses, and to that reasoning
of the heart, which is often truer, as it is less selfish, than
the calculations of the head. [_Enthusiasm._] Do not exchange your
aspirations for the skepticism of age. Yours is the better part. In
the Scriptures it is said that "your young men shall see visions and
your old men shall dream dreams"; on which Lord Bacon has recorded the
ancient inference, "that young men are admitted nearer to God than old,
because vision is a clearer revelation than a dream."[59]
It is not uncommon to hear people declare themselves against Slavery,
and willing to unite in _practical_ efforts. _Practical_ is the
favorite word. At the same time, in the loftiness of pharisaic pride,
they have nothing but condemnation, reproach, or contempt for the
earnest souls that have striven long years in this struggle. To such I
would say, If you are sincere in what you declare, if your words are
not merely lip-service, if in your heart you are entirely willing to
join in practical effort against Slavery, then, by life, conversation,
influence, vote, disregarding "the ancient forms of party strife,"
seek to carry the principles of Freedom into the National Government,
wherever its jurisdiction is acknowledged and its power can be felt.
Thus, without any interference with the States which are beyond this
jurisdiction, may you help to efface the blot of Slavery from the
National brow.
[59] Essays, XLII. Of Youth and Age.
Do this, and you will most truly promote that harmony which you so
much desire. And under this blessed influence tranquillity will
be established throughout the country. Then, at last, the Slavery
Question will be settled. Banished from its usurped foothold under the
National Government, Slavery will no longer enter, with distracting
force, into national politics, making and unmaking laws, making and
unmaking Presidents. Confined to the States, where it is left by the
Constitution, it will take its place as a local institution,--if,
alas! continue it must,--for which we are in no sense responsible, and
against which we cannot exert any political power. We shall be relieved
from the present painful and irritating connection with it, the
existing antagonism between the South and the North will be softened,
crimination and recrimination will cease, and the wishes of the
Fathers will be fulfilled, while this Great Evil is left to all kindly
influences and the prevailing laws of social economy.
To every laborer in a cause like this there are satisfactions unknown
to the common political partisan. Amidst all apparent reverses,
notwithstanding the hatred of enemies or the coldness of friends,
he has the consciousness of duty done. Whatever may be existing
impediments, his also is the cheering conviction that every word
spoken, every act performed, every vote cast for this cause, helps to
swell those quickening influences by which Truth, Justice, and Humanity
will be established upon earth. [_Cheers._] He may not live to witness
the blessed consummation, but it is none the less certain. Others may
dwell on the Past as secure. Under the laws of a beneficent God _the
Future also is secure_,--on the single condition that we labor for its
great objects. [_Enthusiastic applause._]
The language of jubilee, which, amidst reverse and discouragement,
burst from the soul of Milton, as he thought of sacrifice for the
Church, will be echoed by every one who toils and suffers for Freedom.
"Now by this little diligence," says the great patriot of the English
Commonwealth, "mark what a privilege I have gained with good men and
saints, to claim my right of lamenting the tribulations of the Church,
if she should suffer, _when others, that have ventured nothing for her
sake, have not the honor to be admitted mourners_. But if she lift up
her drooping head and prosper, among those that have something more
than wished her welfare, I have my charter and freehold of rejoicing
to me and my heirs."[60] We, too, may have our charter and freehold of
rejoicing to ourselves and our heirs, if we now do our duty.
* * * * *
I have spoken of votes. Living in a community where political power
is lodged with the people, and each citizen is an elector, the vote
is an important expression of opinion. The vote is the cutting edge.
It is well to have correct opinions, but the vote must follow. The
vote is the seed planted; without it there can be no sure fruit. The
winds of heaven, in their beneficence, may scatter the seed in the
furrow; but it is not from such accidents that our fields wave with
the golden harvest. He is a foolish husbandman who neglects to sow his
seed; and he is an unwise citizen, who, desiring the spread of good
principles, neglects to deposit his vote for the candidate who is the
representative of those principles.
[60] The Reason of Church Government, Book II., Introduction:
Prose Works, ed. Symmons, Vol. I. p. 117.
Admonished by experience of timidity, irresolution, and weakness in
our public men, particularly at Washington, amidst the temptations of
ambition and power, the friends of Freedom cannot lightly bestow their
confidence. They can put trust only in men of tried character and
inflexible will. Three things at least they must require: the first
is _backbone_; the second is _backbone_; and the third is _backbone_.
[_Loud cheers._] My language is homely; I hardly pardon myself for
using it; but it expresses an idea which must not be forgotten. When
I see a person of upright character and pure soul yielding to a
temporizing policy, I cannot but say, _He wants backbone_. When I see
a person talking loudly against Slavery in private, but hesitating in
public, and failing in the time of trial, I say, _He wants backbone_.
When I see a person who coöperated with Antislavery men, and then
deserted them, I say, _He wants backbone_. ["_Hear! hear!_"] When I
see a person leaning upon the action of a political party, and never
venturing to think for himself, I say, _He wants backbone_. When I
see a person careful always to be on the side of the majority, and
unwilling to appear in a minority, or, if need be, to stand alone, I
say, _He wants backbone_. [_Applause._] Wanting this, they all want
that courage, constancy, firmness, which are essential to the support
of PRINCIPLE. Let no such man be trusted. [_Renewed applause._]
For myself, fellow-citizens, my own course is determined. The first
political convention which I ever attended was in the spring of 1845,
against the annexation of Texas. I was at that time a silent and
passive Whig. I had never held political office, nor been a candidate
for any. No question ever before drew me to any active political
exertion. The strife of politics seemed to me ignoble. A desire to
do what I could against Slavery led me subsequently to attend two
different State Conventions of Whigs, where I coöperated with eminent
citizens in endeavor to arouse the party in Massachusetts to its
Antislavery duties. A conviction that the Whig party was disloyal to
Freedom, and an ardent aspiration to help the advancement of this great
cause, has led me to leave that party, and dedicate what of strength
and ability I have to the present movement. [_Great applause._]
To vindicate Freedom, and oppose Slavery, so far as I may
constitutionally,--with earnestness, and yet, I trust, without personal
unkindness on my part,--is the object near my heart. Would that I
could impress upon all who now hear me something of the strength of
my own convictions! Would that my voice, leaving this crowded hall
to-night, could traverse the hills and valleys of New England, that
it could run along the rivers and the lakes of my country, lighting
in every heart a beacon-flame to arouse the slumberers throughout
the land! [_Sensation._] In this cause I care not for the name by
which I am called. Let it be Democrat, or "Loco-foco," if you please.
No man in earnest will hesitate on account of a name. Rejoicing in
associates from any quarter, I shall be found ever with that party
which most truly represents the principles of Freedom. [_Applause._]
Others may become indifferent to these principles, bartering them for
political success, vain and short-lived, or forgetting the visions of
youth in the dreams of age. Whenever I forget them, whenever I become
indifferent to them, whenever I cease to be constant in maintaining
them, through good report and evil report, in any future combinations
of party, then may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, may my
right hand forget its cunning! [_Cheers._]
And now as I close, fellow-citizens, I return in thought to the
political election with which I began. If from this place I could make
myself heard by the friends of Freedom throughout the Commonwealth,
I would give them for a rallying-cry three words,--FREEDOM, UNION,
VICTORY!
The peroration was received with the most earnest applause,
followed by cries of "_Three cheers for Charles Sumner!_" "_Three
cheers for Phillips and Walker!_" "_Three cheers for Horace Mann
and the cause!_"
* * * * *