(aforesayd), given to him by his uncle, upon his nephew Francis[CIX.]
for life, the remaynder to his nephew's eldest son, Thomas Hobbes. He
also not long after[1330] dischardged a mortgage (to my knowledge[CX.],
to Richard Thorne, an attorney) of two hundred pounds, besides the
interest thereof, with which his nephew Francis (a careles[1331]
husband) had incumbred his estate.
[CIX.] Or brother: I have now forgott. But surely 'twas to his
nephewe[1332].--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30ᵛ.
[CX.] I doe not insert this to be published, but only my familiar way
of writing to you and to give to you the greater testimonie.--MS. Aubr.
9, fol. 39ᵛ.
<_Residence in London._>
He was much in London till the restauration of his majesty, having here
convenience not only of bookes, but of learned conversation, as Mr.
John Selden, Dr. William Harvey, John Vaughan, etc., wherof anon in the
catalogue of his acquaintance.
I have heard him say, that at his lord's house in the countrey[1333]
there was a good library, and bookes enough for him, and that his
lordship stored the library with what bookes he thought fitt to be
bought; but he sayd, the want of learned[1334] conversation[CXI.] was a
very great inconvenience[1335], and that though he conceived[1336] he
could order his thinking as well perhaps as another man, yet he found a
great defect[1337].
[CXI.] Methinkes in the country, in long time, for want of good
conservation, one's understanding (witt, invention) growes mouldy.--MS.
Aubr. 9, fol. 39ᵛ.
<_Acquaintance and studies._>
Amongst other of his acquaintance I must not forget our common friend,
Mr. Samuel Cowper, the prince of limners of this last age, who drew his
picture[CXII.] as like as art could afford, and one of the best pieces
that ever he did: which his majesty, at his returne, bought of him, and
conserves as one of his great rarities in his closet at Whitehall.
[CXII.] This picture I intend[1338] to be borrowed of his majesty, for
Mr. <David> Loggan to engrave an accurate piece by, which will sell
well both at home and abroad. Mr. Loggan is well acquainted.--MS. Aubr.
9, fol. 39ᵛ.
[1339]1659. In 1659 his lord was--and some yeares before--at Little
Salisbury-house (now turned to the Middle-Exchange), where he wrot,
among other things, a poeme, in Latin hexameter and pentameter, of
the encroachment of the clergie (both Roman and reformed) on the
civil power[FS]. I remember I saw then 500 + verses, for he numbred
every tenth as he wrote. I remember he did read Cluverius's _Historia
Universalis_, and made-up his poeme from thence. His amanuensis
remembers this poeme, for he wrote them out, but knows <not what became
of it>.
His place of meditation was then in the portico in the garden.
_His manner[1340] of thinking_:--he sayd that he sometimes would sett
his thoughts upon researching[1341] and contemplating, always with this
rule[1342] that he very much and deeply considered one thing at a time
(scilicet, a weeke or sometimes a fortnight).
There was a report[CXIII.] (and surely true) that in parliament, not
long after the king was setled, some of the bishops made a motion to
have the good old gentleman burn't for a heretique. Which he hearing,
feared that his papers might be search't by their order, and he told
me he had burn't part of them.--I have received word[1343] from his
amanuensis and executor that he 'remembers there were such verses[1344]
for he wrote them out, but knowes not what became of them, unlesse he
presented them to Judge Vaughan[1345], or burned them as I did seeme to
intimate.' ☞ But I understand since by W. Crooke, that he can retrive a
good[1346] many of them.
[CXIII.] Quaere[1347] the bishop of Sarum de hoc, i.e. pro
tempore.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41ᵛ.
<_Secures the protection of Charles II._>
[1348]1660. The[1349] winter-time of 1659 he spent in Derbyshire.
In[FT]March following was the dawning of the coming in of our gracious
soveraigne, and in April the Aurora.
[1350]I then sent a letter to him in the countrey to advertise him of
the Advent[1351] of his master the king and desired him by all meanes
to be in London before his arrivall; and knowing[1352] his majestie
was a great lover of good painting I must needs presume he could not
but suddenly see Mr. Cowper's curious pieces, of whose fame he had so
much heard abroad and seene some of his worke, and likewise that he
would sitt to him for his picture, at which place and time he would
have the best convenience[1353] of renewing his majestie's graces to
him.[1354]He returned me thankes for my friendly intimation and came to
London in May following.
It happened, about two or three dayes after his majestie's happy
returne, that, as he was passing in his coach through the Strand, Mr.
Hobbes was standing at Little Salisbury-house gate (where his lord
then lived). The king espied him, putt of his hatt very kindly to
him, and asked him how he did. About a weeke after he had[1355] orall
conference with his majesty at[1356] Mr. S. Cowper's, where, as he
sate for his picture, he was diverted[1357] by Mr. Hobbes's pleasant
discourse[1358]. Here his majestie's favours were redintegrated to him,
and order was given that he should have free accesse to his majesty,
who was always much delighted in his witt and smart repartees.
The witts at Court were wont to bayte him. But he feared none of
them[1359], and would make his part good. The king would call him _the
beare_[CXIV.]: 'Here comes the beare to be bayted!'
[CXIV.] This is _too low_ witt to be published.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 40ᵛ.
_Repartees._ He was marvellous happy and ready in his replies, and
that without rancor (except provoked)--but now[1360] I speake of his
readinesse in replies as to witt and drollery. He would say that he did
not care to give, neither was he adroit[1361] at, a present answer to
a serious quaere: he had as lieve they should have expected an[1362]
extemporary solution to an arithmeticall probleme, for he turned and
winded and compounded in philosophy, politiques, etc., as if he had
been at analyticall[1363] worke. He alwayes avoided, as much as he
could, to conclude hastily (_Humane Nature_, p. 2). Vide[1364] p. 15 b.
<_Re-enters the household of the earl of Devonshire._>
[1365]Memorandum--from 1660 till the time[CXV.] he[1366] last went into
Derbyshire, he spent most of his time in London at his lord's (viz. at
Little Salisbury-howse; then, Queen Street; lastly, Newport-house),
following his contemplation and study. ☞ He contemplated and
invented (set downe a hint with a pencill or so) in the morning, but
compiled[1367] in the afternoon.
[CXV.] Quaere when. Quaere W. Crooke de hoc. [You[1368] say
somewhere[1369] that he went into Derbyshire, 1675. Here, while he was
at London, he was much sought after and courted: taught and directed
those that sought after him.--
MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 41ᵛ.]
<_His treatise De Legibus._>
1664. In[1370] 1664 I sayd to him 'Me thinkes 'tis pitty that you
that have such a cleare reason and working[1371] head did never take
into consideration the learning of the lawes'; and I endeavoured to
perswade him to it. But he answered that[1372] he was not like to have
life enough left to goe through with such a long and difficult taske.
I then presented him the lord chancellor Bacon's Elements of the Lawe
(a thin quarto), in order therunto and to drawe him on; which he was
pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he
shewed me therin two cleare paralogismes in the 2nd page (_one_, I well
remember, was in page 2), which I am heartily sory are now out of my
remembrance.[1373] I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make
any _tentamen_[1374] towards this designe; but afterwards, it seemes,
in the countrey he writt his treatise _De Legibus_[FU] (unprinted) of
which Sir John Vaughan, Lord Chiefe Justice of the Common Pleas, had a
transcript, and I doe affirme that he much admired it.
[1375]Insert here part of his lettre to me about it.
'Tis thus, viz., in a letter to me[1376], dated Aug. 18, 1679, among
severall other things, he writes[1377]:--
'I have been told that my booke of the Civill Warr is come abroad
and am heartily sorry for it, especially because I could not get
his majestie to license it, not because it is ill printed or hath a
foolish title set to it, for I beleeve that any ingeniose man may
understand the wickednes of that time, notwithstanding the errors of
the presse[CXVI.].
[CXVI.] Quaere is it best to let the letter stand whole[1378] or to let
that part, of the Civill Warr, be referred to the catalogue of bookes?
'The treatise _De Legibus_ (at the end of it) is imperfect. I desire
Mr. Horne[1379] to pardon me that I cannot consent to his motion; nor
shall Mr. Crooke himselfe get my consent to print it.
'I pray you present my humble thankes to Mr. Sam. Butler.
'The privilege of stationers is, in my opinion, a very great hinderance
to the advancement of all humane learning[1380].
'I am, sir, your very humble servant,
'Th. Hobbes.'
<_Proposed foundation at Malmsbury._>
[1381]1665. This yeare he told me that he was willing to doe some good
to the towne where he was borne; that his majestie loved him well, and
if I could find out something in our countrey that was in his guift,
he did beleeve he could beg it of his majestie, and seeing[1382]
he was bred a scholar, he thought it most proper to endowe[1383] a
free-schoole there; which is wanting _now_[CXVII.] (for, before the
reformation, all monasteries had great schooles appendant to them;
e.g. Magdalen schoole and New College schoole). After[1384] enquiry I
found out a piece of land in Bradon-forest (of about 25 _li._ per annum
value) that was in his majesties guift[1385], which he designed[1386]
to have obtained of his majestie for a salary for a schoolmaster;
but[CXVIII.] the queen's priests[1387] smelling-out the designe and
being[1388] his enemies, hindred[1389] this publique and charitable
intention.
[CXVII.] The burghesses give a schoolmaster X _li._ per annum out of
their....
[CXVIII.] Aubrey queries--'Will not this give offence?'--Anthony Wood
replies--'Perhaps no.'--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 42ᵛ.
<_Controversy with Dr. John Fell._>
[1674[1390]. Anno[1391] Domini 1674 Mr. Anthony à Wood sett forth
an elaborate worke of eleven[1392] yeares study, intituled _the
History and Antiquities of the University of Oxford_, wherin, in
every respective Colledge and Hall, he mentions the writers there
educated and what bookes they wrote. The deane of Christ Church having
plenipotentiary[1393] power of the presse there], perused every sheet
before 'twas to be sent to the presse[1394]; and maugre the author and
to his[1395] sore displeasure did expunge and inserted what he pleased.
Among other authors[CXIX.], he made divers alterations in Mr. Wood's
copie in the account he gives of Mr. T. Hobbes of Malmesbury's life, in
pag. 444, 445[1396], Lib. II--
[CXIX.] Memorandum--bishop John Fell did not only expunge and insert
what he pleased in Mr. Hobbes' life; but also in the lives of other
very learned men, to their disparagement, particularly of Dr. John
Prideaux, afterwards bishop of Worcester, and in the life of Dr.
<William> Twiss.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 48ᵛ.
'Vir sane de quo (inter tot prosperae et adversae famae qui de eo
sparguntur hominum sermones) hoc verissime pronuntiare fas est, animum
ipsi obtigisse, uti omnis scientiae capacissimum et infertum, ita
divitiarum, saeculi, et invidiae negligentissimum; erga cognatos et
alios pium et beneficum; inter eos quibuscum vixit, hilarem et apertum,
et sermone libero; apud exteros in summa semper veneratione habitum,'
&c.; this and much more was quite dashed out of the author's copie by
the sayd deane.
[1397]These[CXX.] additions and expunctions being made by the sayd
deane of Christ Church, without[1398] the knowledge or advice of the
authour and quite contrary to his mind, he told him it was fitt Mr.
Hobbes should know it[1399], because that his name being set to the
booke and all people knowing it to be his, he should be liable to an
answer, and so consequently be in perpetuall controversie. To this the
deane replied, 'Yea, in God's name; and great reason it was that he
should know what he had done, and what he had donne he would answer
for,' etc.
[CXX.] Me thinkes[1400] page 15 might be something extracted and
abridged; but doe you consider of it.
1674. Hereupon[1401], the author acquaints[1402]J. A., Mr. Hobbes's
correspondent, with all that had passed; J. A. acquaints Mr. Hobbes.
Mr. Hobbes takeing it ill, was resolved to vindicate himselfe in an
Epistle to the Author. Accordingly an epistle, dated Apr. 20, 1674, was
sent to the author in MS., with an intention to publish it when the
History of Oxford was to be published. Upon the reciept of Mr. Hobbes's
Epistle by Anthony à Wood, he forthwith repaired, very honestly and
without any guile, to the dean of Christ Church to communicate it to
him[1403]. The deane read it over carelesly, and not without scorne,
and when he had donne, bid Mr. Wood tell Mr. Hobbes, 'that he was an
old man, had one foote in the grave, that he should mind his latter
end, and not trouble the world any more with his papers,' etc., or to
that effect.
In the meane time Mr. Hobbes meetes with the king in the Pall-mall, in
St. James's parke; tells him how he had been served by the deane of
Christ Church, in a booke then in the presse (scilicet the 'History'
aforesayd), intituled the History and Antiquities of the Universitie of
Oxon, and withall desires his majestie to be pleased to give him leave
to vindicate himselfe. The king seeming to be troubled at the dealing
of the deane, gave Mr. Hobbes leave, conditionally that he touch
no-body but him who had abused him, neither that he should reflect upon
the Universitie.
Mr. Hobbes understanding that this History would be published at
the common Act at Oxon, about 11 July, the said yeare 1674, prints
his Epistle[1404] at London, and sends downe divers copies to Oxon,
which being dispersed at coffee-houses and stationers' shops, a copie
forthwith came to the deane's hands, who upon the reading of it fretted
and fumed[1405], sent[1406] for the author of the History and chid him,
telling withall that he had corresponded with his enemie (Hobbes). The
author replied that surely he had forgot what he had donne, for he
had communicated to him before what Mr. Hobbes had sayd and written;
wherupon the deane recollecting himselfe, told him that Hobbes should
suddenly heare more of him[1407]; so that the last sheete[1408] of
paper being then in the presse and one leafe thereof being left vacant,
the deane supplied it with this answer. Both the epistle and answer I
here exhibite.
[1409]Here insert the Epistle[1410] and Answer[1411].
To this angry[1412] answer the old gentleman never[1413] made any
reply, but slighted[1414] the Dr's passion and forgave it. But 'tis
supposed it might be the cause why Mr. Hobbes was not afterwards so
indulgent, or spared the lesse to speake his opinion, concerning the
Universities and how much their doctrine and method had contributed to
the late troubles [e.g. in his History of the Civill Warre].
<_Withdraws to Derbyshire._>
1675, mense ..., he left London _cum animo nunquam revertendi_, and
spent the remaynder of his dayes in Derbyshire with the earl of
Devonshire at Chatsworth and Hardwyck, in contemplation and study. He
wrote there[1415] ... (vide vitam).
<_His death and burial._>
[1416]Then[1417], <insert an account of> his sicknesse, death, buriall
and place, and epitaph, _which send for_[1418].
[1419]Extracted out of the executor's lettre (January 16, 1679) to me:--
'To his highly honoured friend, Jo. Aubrey, esq., these.'--
(His sicknesse) 'Worthy sir--he fell sick about the middle of October
last,' etc.[1420]--
[1421]☞ 'He dyed worth neer 1000 _li._, which (considering his charity)
was more then I expected: vide his verses[1422] in the last page.--From
W. Crooke, from Mr. Jackson who had 500 _li._ of his in his hands.--
<_Personal characteristics._>
[1423]Describe face, eyes, forehead, nose, mouth, eyebrows, figure of
the face, complexion; stature of body; shape (slender, large, neat, or
otherwise); figure of head and magnitude of head; shoulders (large,
round, etc.); arms, legs, how?--
[1424]Mr. Hobbes's person, etc.:--hazel, quick eie, which continued to
his last. He was a tall man, higher then I am by about halfe a head
(scil.... feet), i.e. I could putt my hand between my head and his
hatt.--When young he loved musique and practised on the lute. In his
old age he used to sing prick-song every night (when all were gonne and
sure nobody could heare him) for his health, which he did beleeve would
make him live two or three yeares longer.
[1425]In his youth unhealthy; of an ill yellowish complexion: wett in
his feet, and trod both his shoes the same way.
[1426]_His complexion._ In his youth he was unhealthy, and of an ill
complexion (yellowish).
His[CXXI.] lord, who was a waster, sent him up and downe to borrow
money, and to gett gentlemen to be bound for him, being ashamed to
speake him selfe: he tooke colds, being wett in his feet (then were
no hackney coaches to stand in the streetes), and trod both his shoes
aside the same way. Notwithstanding he was well-beloved: they lov'd his
company for his pleasant facetiousnes and good-nature[1427].
[CXXI.] This only _inter nos_.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 45ᵛ.
From forty, or better, he grew healthier, and then he had a fresh,
ruddy, complexion. He was _sanguineo-melancholicus_; which the
physiologers say is the most ingeniose complexion. He would say that
'there might be good witts of all complexions; but good-natured,
impossible.'
_Head._ In his old age he was very bald[1428] (which claymed a
veneration); yet within dore, he used to study, and sitt, bare-headed,
and sayd he never tooke cold in his head, but that the greatest trouble
was to keepe-off the flies from pitching on the baldnes. His head was
... inches in compasse (I have the measure), and of a mallet-forme
(approved by the physiologers).
[1429]_Skin._ His skin was soft and of that kind which my Lord
Chancellor Bacon in his _History of Life and Death_ calles a
goose-skin, i.e. of a wide texture:--
Crassa cutis, crassum cerebrum, crassum ingenium.
_Face_ not very great; ample forehead; whiskers yellowish-redish, which
naturally turned up--which is a signe of a brisque witt, e.g. James
Howell, Henry Jacob of Merton College.
<_Beard._> Belowe he was shaved close, except a little tip under his
lip. Not but that nature[1430] could have afforded a venerable beard
(Sapientem pascere barbam--Horat. Satyr. lib. 2), but being naturally
of a cheerfull and pleasant humour[1431], he affected not at all
austerity and gravity and to looke severe. [Vide[1432] page 47 of _Mr.
Hobbes considered_--'Gravity and heavinesse of countenance are not so
good marks of assurance of God's favour, as a chearfull, charitable,
and upright behaviour, which are better signes of religion than the
zealous maintaining of controverted doctrines.'] He desired not[1433]
the reputation of his wisdome to be taken[1434] from the cutt of his
beard, but from his reason--
Barba non facit philosophum. 'Il consiste tout en la pointe de sa barbe
et en ses deux moustaches; et, par consequence, pour le diffaire il ne
faut que trois coups de ciseau.'--Balzac, _Lettres_, tom. 2, p. 242.
[1435]_Eie._ He had a good eie, and that of a hazell colour, which
was full of life and spirit, even to the last. When he was earnest
in discourse, there shone (as it were) a bright live-coale within
it.[1436]He had two kind of looks:--when he laugh't, was witty, and
in a merry humour, one could scarce see his eies; by and by, when he
was serious and positive[1437], he open'd his eies round (i.e. his
eie-lids). He had midling eies, not very big, nor very little (from Sir
W<illiam> P<etty>).
[1438]_Stature._ He was six foote high, and something better (quaere
James Wh<eldon>), and went indifferently erect, or rather, considering
his great age, very erect.
_Sight; witt._ His sight and witt continued to the last. He had a
curious sharp sight, as he had a sharpe witt, which was also so sure
and steady (and contrary to that men call _bro<a>dwittednes_) that I
have heard him oftentimes say that in[1439]multiplying and dividing
he[1440] never mistooke a figure: and so in other things.
<_Habits of body and mind._>
He thought much and with excellent method and stedinesse, which made
him seldome make a false step.
_His bookes_, vide page[1441] 22. [1442]☞ He had very few bookes. I
never sawe (nor Sir William Petty) above halfe a dozen about him in
his chamber. Homer and Virgil were commonly on his table; sometimes
Xenophon, or some probable historie, and Greek Testament, or so.
[1443]_Reading._ He had read much, if one considers his long life;
but[1444] his contemplation was much more then his reading. He was wont
to say that if he had read as much as other men, he[1445] should have
knowne no more then other men.
[1446]_His physique._ He seldome used any physique (quaere Sir
W<illiam> P<etty>). What 'twas I have forgot, but will enquire of Mr.
Shelbrooke his apothecary at the Black Spread-eagle in the Strand.
Memorandum--Mr. Hobbes was very sick and like to dye at Bristoll-house
in Queen Street, about 1668.
[1447]He had a sicknes, anno....
He was wont to say that he had rather have the advice, or take physique
from an experienced old woman, that had been at many sick people's
bed-sides, then from the learnedst but unexperienced physitian.
[1448]'Tis[1449] not consistent with an harmonicall soule to be a
woman-hater, neither had he an abhorrescence to good wine but ...--this
only _inter nos_.
[1450]_Temperance and diet._ He was, even in his youth, (generally)
temperate, both as to wine and women, (et tamen haec omnia
mediocriter)--
Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto.
I have heard him say that he did beleeve he had been in excesse[1451]
in his life, a hundred times; which, considering his great[1452] age,
did not amount to above once a yeare. When he did drinke, he would
drinke to excesse to have the benefitt of vomiting, which he did
easily; by which benefit neither his witt was disturbt longer then he
was spuing nor his stomach oppressed; but he never was, nor could not
endure to be, habitually a good fellow, i.e. to drinke every day wine
with company, which, though not to drunkennesse, spoiles the braine.
For his last 30+ yeares, his dyet, etc., was very moderate and regular.
After sixty he dranke no wine, his stomach grew weak, and he did eate
most fish, especially whitings, for he sayd he digested fish better
then flesh. He rose about seaven, had[1453] his breakefast of bread and
butter; and tooke his walke, meditating till ten; then he did putt
downe the minutes of his thoughts, which he penned in the afternoon.
[1454]He had an inch thick board about 16 inches square, whereon paper
was pasted. On this board he drew his lines (schemes). When a line came
into his head, he would, as he was walking, take a rude memorandum of
it, to preserve it in his memory till he came to his chamber. ☞ He was
never idle; his thoughts were always working.
[1455]His dinner was provided for him exactly by eleaven, for he could
not now stay till his lord's howre--scil. about two: that his stomach
could not beare.
After dinner he tooke a pipe of tobacco, and then threw himselfe
immediately on his bed, with his band off, and slept (tooke a nap of
about halfe an howre).
In the afternoon he penned his morning thoughts.
_Exercises._ Besides his dayly walking, he did twice or thrice a yeare
play at tennis[CXXII.] (at about 75 he did it); then went to bed there
and was well rubbed[CXXIII.]. This he did believe would make him live
two or three yeares the longer.
[CXXII.] Quaere James Wheldon _de hoc_--how often, and to what
age?--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46ᵛ.
[CXXIII.] Memorandum there was no bagnio in his time. That in Newgate
Street was built about the time of his death.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 46ᵛ.