in the oare which wants excoriating and refineing. A witt requires much
cultivation, much paines, and art and good conversation to perfect a
man.
<_His father's brother._>
[1228]He[1229] had an elder brother[FH] whose name was Francis, a
wealthy man, and had been alderman[XC.] of the borough; by profession
a glover[XCI.], which is a great trade here[XCII.], and in times past
much greater. Having no[1230]child, he contributed much to, or rather
altogether maintained, his nephew Thomas at Magdalen hall in Oxon; and
when he dyed gave him an _agellum_ (a moweing-ground[1231]) called the
Gasten-ground, lyeing neer to the horse-faire, worth 16 or 18 poundes
per annum; the rest of his landes he gave to his nephew Edmund.
[XC.] 'Alderman' is the title of the chiefe magistrate here. Alderman
and ...; vide; quaere Sir J<ames> Long.
[XCI.] Shall I expresse or conceale this (_glover_)? The philosopher
would acknowledge it.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 29ᵛ.
[XCII.] Malmesbury famous for good gloves.
[1232]At Sherston about 3 miles hence (vide map) are groundes likewise
called the Gasten-grounds--perhaps 'tis Garston grounds. At Sherston
was heretofore a castle, and perhaps (and quaere) if these grounds
are not where the _vallum_ or bulwarkes might be drawne. _Gaer_,
Britannicè, signifies some such thing, vide Dr. Davys' British
Dictionary.
In Hexham's Dutch dictionary _Gast_ signifies 'a guest'; so that
_Gasten-ground_ will be 'the ground for the guests'; probably to putt
the horses of the guests (that came to lye at the abbey) to grasse.
They speake broad in our countrey, and do pronounce guest, _gast_, etc.
Monasterys had their guest-halls; and it should seeme they had likewise
their guest-grounds for the strangers' horses: as here.
<_His brother and sister._>
[1233]Thomas, the vicar of Westport, maried ... Middleton[FI] of
Brokenborough[XCIII.] (of a yeomanly family), by whom he had two
sonnes and one daughter (quaere my brother William Aubrey)--Edmund,
his eldest (was bred-up to[1234] his uncle's profession of a glover);
and Thomas (philosopher), second son, whose life I now write. Edmund
was neer[1235] two yeares elder then his brother Thomas, and something
resembled him in aspect[1236], not so tall, but fell much short
of him in his intellect, though he was a good plain understanding
countrey-man[1237]. He had been bred at schoole with his brother; could
have made theme, and verse, and understood a little Greek to his dyeing
day. He dyed (quaere William Aubrey) about 13 yeares since, aetat.
circiter 80.
[XCIII.] Brokenbrig: vide Camden.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 30ᵛ.
<_His nephews and nieces._>
This Edmund had only one son named Francis, and two daughters maried
to countreymen (renters) in the neighborhood. This Francis pretty well
resembled his uncle Thomas, especially about the eie; and probably had
he had good education might have been ingeniose; but he drowned his
witt[1238] in ale[XCIV.]. He was left by his father and uncle Thomas,
80 _li._ (quaere W. A.) or better per annum, but he was an ill husband.
He dyed about two yeares after his father, and left five children.--His
eldest son is Thomas, a clothier, now about 23, living at[XCV.] ...
(quaere W. A.[1239]). The second, <Edmund>, lives at ...[XCVI.], and
has some lines of Thomas the philosopher. When he was a child[1240],
his genius inclined him to ([1241]quaere W. A.) draweing[1242] and
engraving in copper. He is now about 21.
[XCIV.] This part much given to drunkennes.
[XCV.] He did live at Tedbury.
[XCVI.] Did live at Chippenham.
<_Description of Malmsbury._>
<As may be seen from his intended preface (_supra_, p. 19)
Aubrey thought of beginning the life of Hobbes with an account
of Malmsbury.
For this purpose in MS. Aubr. 9 he has drawn three
plans[1243]:--
(a) plan of environs of Malmsbury (a slip at fol. 31ᵛ).
(b) plan of Malmsbury (fol. 31ᵛ).
(c) a drawing of the house in which Hobbes was born (fol. 31ᵛ).
These are reproduced in facsimile at the end of this edition.
He gives there (fol. 31ᵛ) these dimensions of the town:--'From
St. John's Bridge <south limit of the town> to the abbey
<north> is about a quarter of a mile; and from the same bridge
to Westport church <west limit> is neer about a mile. Height of
the borough from the levill belowe is about 100 foot high.'
The references on the plan of Malmsbury (see the facsimile)
are:--
'α = the house of his birth.
ω = Westport church.
W = the West port (_olim_).
β = the smyth's shop.
δ = the private house where Mr. Latimer taught him.
ξ = Three Tunnes (as I take it), opposite to the smyth's shop.
[Illustration] = the religious <house> dedicated to Our Lady: the chapell is yet standing.
H = <Hobbes's> house at the upper <end> faces the Horse fayre.
[Illustration] = quaere if not a chapell here?'
On fol. 31ᵛ of MS. Aubr. 9, Aubrey has these remarks about
these plans, etc.:--
'If these notes are not now inserted, probably they will be
lost: or should it not be a marginall commentary?'
'I have drawne this rude sketch meerly for your clearer
understanding, not that I think it worth while to grave it for
'tis at randome. I intended if it had pleased God that I had
prospered in the world to have had taken an exact map[1244] of
Malmesbury.'
'Whitechurch, about a mile ferè off:--quaere ubi stat?' 'Vide
Speed's mappe in Wiltshire.'
'Burnevall, quasi Bournevall.'>
<_Description of Westport._>
[1245]Westport[FJ] is the parish without the west-gate (which is
now demolished), which gate stood on the neck of land that joines
Malmesbury (vide verses[FK]) to Westport. Here[FL] was, before the
late warres, a very pretty church, consisting of 3 aisles, or rather a
nave and two aisles (which tooke up the whole area[1246]), dedicated
to St. Mary; and a fair spire-steeple, with five tuneable bells,
which, when the towne was taken (about 1644; quaere William Aubrey)
by Sir W. Waller, were converted[1247] into ordinance, and the
church pulled-downe to the ground, that the enemie might not shelter
themselves against the garrison. The steeple was higher then that now
standing in the borough, which much added to[1248] the prospect. The
windowes were well painted, and in them were inscriptions that declared
much antiquitie; now is here rebuilt a church like a stable.
<_Place and date of his birth._>
Thomas Hobbes, Malmesburiensis, Philosophus, was borne at his father's
house in Westport, being that extreme howse that pointes into, or[1249]
faces, the Horse-fayre; the farthest howse on the left hand as you goe
to Tedbury, leaving the church on your right. To prevent mistakes,
and that hereafter may rise no doubt[1250] what house was famous for
this famous man's birth; I doe here testifie that in April, 1659, his
brother Edmond went with me into this house, and into the chamber where
he was borne. Now things begin to be antiquated, and I have heard some
guesse it might be at the howse where his brother Edmund lived and
dyed. But this is so, as I here[1251] deliver it. This house was given
by Thomas, the vicar, to his daughter[XCVII.] ... whose daughter or
granddaughter possessed[1252] it, when I was there.[1253]It is a firme
house, stone-built and tiled, of one roome (besides[1254] a buttery, or
the like, within) below, and two chambers above. 'Twas in the innermost
where he first drew breath.
[XCVII.] Quaere William Aubrey if ... Potluck[1255].
The day of his birth was April the fifth, Anno Domini 1588, on a Fryday
morning, which that yeare was Good Fryday. His mother fell in labour
with him upon the fright of the invasion of the Spaniards--
[[1256]Fama[1257] ferebat enim, sparsitque per oppida nostra
Extremum genti classe venire diem;
Atque metum tantum concepit tunc mea mater
Ut pareret geminos meque metumque simul.]
--[1258]he told me himself between the houres of four and six: but by
rectification his nativity is found to be at ...[XCVIII.].
[XCVIII.] See my collection of genitures[FM], where I have it more
exact from his owne mouth, viz. 5 h. 2´ mane.
His horoscope[FN] is Taurus, having in it a _satellitium_ of 5 of the
7 planets. It is a maxime in astrologie--vide Ptol. Centil.--that a
native that hath a _satellitium_ in his ascendent becomes[1259] more
eminent in his life then ordinary[1260], e.g. divers which see in
Origanus, etc., and Oliver Cromwell had so, etc.
<_His school and college life._>
At four yeares old[FO] he went to schoole in Westport church, till
eight; by that time[1261] he could read well, and number four figures.
Afterwards he went to schoole to Malmesbury, to Mr. Evans, the minister
of the towne; and afterwards to Mr. Robert Latimer, a young man of
about nineteen or twenty, newly come from the University, who then
kept a private schoole in Westport, where the broad place (quaere
nomen) is, next dore north from the smyth's shop, opposite to the Three
Cuppes[1262] (as I take it). He was a batchelour and delighted in his
scholar, T. H.'s company, and used to instruct him, and two or three
ingeniose youths more, in the evening till nine a clock. Here T. H.
so well profited in his learning, that at fourteen yeares of age, he
went away a good schoole-scholar to Magdalen-hall, in Oxford. It is not
to be forgotten, that before he went to the University, he had turned
Euripidis Medea[1263] out of Greeke into Latin Iambiques, which he
presented to his master. Mr. H. told me that he would faine have had
them, to have seen how he did grow in.... Twenty odde[1264] yeares
agoe I searcht all old Mr. Latimer's papers, but could not find them;
the[1265] good huswives had sacrificed them.
I have heard his brother Edmund and Mr. Wayte (his schoolefellowe) say
that when he was a boy he was playsome enough, but withall he had even
then a contemplative melancholinesse; he would gett him into a corner,
and learne his lesson by heart presently. His haire was black, and his
schoolfellows[1266] were wont to call him 'Crowe.'
This Mr. Latimer was a good Graecian, and the first that came into our
parts hereabout since the Reformation. He was afterwards minister of
Malmesbury, and from thence preferred to a better living of 100 _li._
per annum, or +, at Leigh-de-la-mere within this hundred.
At Oxford Mr. T. H. used, in the summer time especially, to rise
very early in the morning, and would tye the leaden-counters (which
they used in those dayes at Christmas, at post and payre) with
pacthreds[1267], which he did besmere with[1268] birdlime, and bayte
them with parings of cheese, and the jack-dawes would spye them a vast
distance up in the aire[XCIX.] and as far as Osney-abbey, and strike
at the bayte, and so be harled in the string, which the wayte of the
counter would make cling about ther wings. He did not much care for
logick, yet he learnd it, and thought himselfe a good disputant. He
tooke great delight there to goe to the[1269] booke-binders' shops, and
lye gaping on mappes, of which he takes notice in his life written by
himselfe in verse:
[XCIX.] This story he happened to tell me, discoursing of the Optiques,
to instance such sharpnes of sight in so little an eie.
Ergo ad amoena magis me verto, librosque revolvo,
Quos prius edoctus, non bene doctus eram.[1270]
Pascebamque animum chartis imitantibus orbem,
Telluris faciem, et sydera picta videns,
Gaudebam soli comes ire, et cernere cunctis
Terricolis justos qua facit arte dies; etc.
[1271]Quaere A<nthony> W<ood> what moneth and day he was matriculated?
[He[1272] came[1273] to Magdalen hall in the beginning of an. 1603,
at what time, Dr. James Hussee, LL.D., was principall. This James
Hussee was afterwards knighted by king James and was made Chancellour
of Sarum. This Dr. Hussee was a great encourager of towardly youths.
But he resigning his principallity about 1605, Mr. John Wilkinson
succeeded him: so that Mr. Hobs was under the government of two
principalls.[FP]--Thomas Hobs was admitted to the reading of any book
of logic ('ad[1274] lectionem cujuslibet libri logices'), that is, he
was admitted to the degree of Bachelaur of Arts, 5 Feb., 1607[1275],
and in the Lent that then began did determine[1276], that is, did his
exercise for the completion of that degree. Vide _Hist. <et Antiq.
Univ.> Oxon._, lib. 2, pag. 376 a.]
<_Enters the earl of Devonshire's service._>
[1277]After he had taken his batchelor of Arts degree (quaere A. Wood
de hoc), the than principall of Magdalen-hall (Sir James Hussey[1278])
recommended him to his yong lord when he left Oxon, who had a
conceit[1279] that he should profitt more in his learning if he had a
scholar of his owne age to wayte on him then if he had the information
of a grave doctor. He was his lordship's page, and rode a hunting and
hawking with him, and kept his privy-purse.
By this way of life he had almost forgott his Latin; vide Latin verses.
He therefore[1280] bought him bookes of an Amsterdam print that he
might carry in his pocket (particularly Caesar's Commentarys), which he
did read in the lobbey, or ante-chamber, whilest his lord was making
his visits.
<_Is servant to Francis Bacon._>
The Lord Chancellour Bacon loved to converse[C.] with him. He assisted
his lordship in translating severall of his Essayes into Latin, one,
I well remember, is[1281] that _Of the Greatnes of Cities_: the rest
I have forgott. His lordship was a very contemplative person, and
was wont to contemplate in his delicious walkes at Gorambery[FQ],
and dictate to Mr. Thomas Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen,
that attended him with inke and paper ready to sett downe presently
his thoughts. His lordship would often say that he better liked Mr.
Hobbes's taking his thoughts[1282], then any of the other, because
he understood what he wrote, which the others not understanding, my
Lord[1283] would many times have a hard taske to make sense of what
they writt.
[C.] This, I beleeve, was after his first lord's death[1284].
It is to be remembred that about these times, Mr. T. H. was much
addicted to musique, and practised on the base-violl.
<_Visits his native county, Wiltshire._>
1634: this summer--I remember 'twas in venison season[1285] (July or
August)--Mr. T. H. came into his native country[1286] to visitt his
friends, and amongst others he came then to see his old school-master,
Mr. Robert Latimer[CI.], at Leigh-de-la-mer, where I was then at
schoole[CII.] in the church[1287], newly entred into my grammar by him.
Here was the first place and time that ever I had the honour to see
this worthy, learned man, who was then pleased to take notice of me,
and the next day visited[1288] my relations[1289]. He was then a proper
man, briske, and in very good habit[1290]. His hayre was then quite
black[1291]. He stayed at Malmsbury and in the neighborhood a weeke or
better. 'Twas the last time that ever he was in Wiltshire.
[CI.] Robert Latimer obiit November 2, 1634; sed hoc nihil ad
rhombum.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 35ᵛ.
[CII.] I had then a fine little horse and commonly rode--(but this is
impertinent)--i.e. I was not a vulgar boy and carried not a satchell at
my back.--Sed hoc inter nos.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 31.
[1292]His conversation about those times was much about Ben: Jonson,
Mr. Ayton, etc.
<_His mathematical studies._>
[1293]He was (vide his life) 40 yeares[1294] old before he looked on
geometry; which happened accidentally. Being in a gentleman's library
in ..., Euclid's Elements lay open, and 'twas the 47 El.[1295] libri I.
He read the proposition. By[CIII.] G--,' sayd he, 'this is impossible!'
So he reads the demonstration of it, which referred him back to such
a proposition; which proposition he read. That referred him back to
another, which he also read. Et sic deinceps, that at last he was
demonstratively convinced of that trueth. This made him in love with
geometry.
[CIII.] He would now and then sweare, by way of emphasis[1296].
I have heard Sir Jonas Moore (and others[FR]) say that 'twas a great
pity he had not began the study of the mathematics sooner, for such
a working head[1297] would have made great advancement in it. So
had he donne[1298], he would not have layn so open to his learned
mathematicall antagonists[1299]. But one may say of him, as one
(quaere who) sayes of Jos. Scaliger, that where he erres, he erres so
ingeniosely, that one had rather erre with him then hitt the mark[1300]
with Clavius. I have heard Mr. Hobbes say[1301] that he was wont to
draw lines[1302] on his thigh and on the sheetes, abed, and[1303] also
multiply and divide. He would often complain that algebra[CIV.] (though
of great use) was too much admired, and so followed after, that it made
men not contemplate and consider so much the nature and power of lines,
which was a great hinderance to the groweth of geometrie; for that
though algebra did rarely well and quickly, and easily in right lines,
yet 'twould not _bite_ in _solid_ (I thinke) geometrie. Quod N.B.
[CIV.] Vide de hoc in his _De corpore_, and also in his 5 Dialogue.
Quaere Dr. Blackburne:--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 36.
[1304]Memorandum--After he began to reflect on[1305] the interest
of the king of England as touching his affaires between him and the
parliament, for ten yeares together his thoughts were much, or almost
altogether, unhinged from the mathematiques; but chiefly intent on
his _De Cive_, and after that on his _Leviathan_: which was a great
putt-back to his mathematicall improvement[1306]--quod N.B.--for in ten
yeares' (or better) discontinuance of that study (especially) one's
mathematiques will become very rusty[1307].
<_Champions the king's cause against the parliament._>
[1308]Vide _Mr. Hobbes considered_, p. 4: printed London 1662 (since
reprinted, 1680, by William Crooke):--
1640: 'when the parliament sate that began in April 1640 and was
dissolved in May following, and in which many pointes of the regall
power, which were necessary for the peace of the kingdome and safety
of his majestye's person, were disputed[1309] and denyed, Mr. Hobbes
wrote a little treatise in English, wherin he did sett-forth and
demonstrate, that the sayd power and rights were inseperably annexed
to the soveraignty, which soveraignty they did not then deny to be in
the king; but it seemes understood not, or would not understand, that
inseperability. Of this treatise, though not printed, many gentlemen
had copies, which occasioned much talke of the author; and had not his
majestie dissolved the parliament, it had brought him in danger of his
life.'
[1310]Vide _Mr. Hobbes considered_, if more may not be inserted,
scilicet as to the politiques. Sed cave--
Incedis per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso.
HORATIUS _ad Asin. Pollionem_, ode 1, lib. 2.
Memorandum the parliament was then sitting and runne violently against
the king's prerogative.
[1311]Memorandum he told me that bp. Manwaring[1312] (of St. David's)
preach'd _his doctrine_; for which, among others, he was sent prisoner
to the Tower. Then thought Mr. Hobbes, 'tis time now for me to shift
for my selfe, and so withdrew[1313] into France, and resided[1314]
at Paris. As I remember, there were others[1315] likewise did preach
his doctrine. This little MS. treatise grew to be[1316] his book _De
Cive_[1317], and at last grew there to be the so formidable and ...
LEVIATHAN; the manner of writing of which booke (he told me) was
thus. He walked much and contemplated, and he had in the head of his
staffe[1318] a pen and inke-horne, carried alwayes a note-booke in his
pocket, and as soon as a thought[1319] darted, he presently entred
it into his booke, or otherwise he might[1320] perhaps have lost it.
He had drawne the designe of the booke into chapters, etc. so he knew
whereabout it would come in. Thus that booke was made.
'He wrote and published the Leviathan far from the intention either of
disadvantage to his majestie, or to flatter Oliver (who was not made
Protector till three or four yeares after) on purpose to facilitate
his returne; for there is scarce a page in it that he does not upbraid
him.'--_Mr. Hobbes considered_, p. 8.
[1321]''Twas written in the behalfe of the faithfull subjects of his
majestie, that had taken his part in the war, or otherwise donne their
utmost endeavour to defend his majestie's right and person against the
rebells: wherby, having no other meanes of protection, nor (for the
most part) of subsistence, were forced to compound with your masters,
and to promise obedience for the saving of their lives and fortunes,
which, in his booke he hath affirmed, they might lawfully doe, and
consequently not bear arms against the victors. They had done their
utmost endeavour to performe their obligation to the king, had done
all they could be obliged unto; and were consequently at liberty to
seeke the safety of their lives and livelihood wheresoever, and without
treachery.'--<ibid.> p. 20.
'His majestie was displeased with him' (at Paris) 'for a while, but
not very long, by means of some's complayning of and misconstruing his
writing. But his majestie had a good opinion of him, and sayd openly
that he thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt.'--p. 28.
'Before his booke _De Homine_ came forth, nothing of the optiques
writt intelligibly. As for the Optiques of Vitellio[1322], and several
others, he accounts them rather geometry than optiques.'--p. 54. [Will
not this p. 54 more aptly come in in another place?]
'So also of all other arts; not every one that brings from beyond seas
a new gin, or other janty devise, is therfore a philosopher. For if you
reckon that way, not only apothecaries and gardiners, but many other
sorts of workmen will put-in for, and get the prize--
'Then,[1323] when I see the gentlemen of Gresham Colledge apply
themselves to the doctrine of motion (as Mr. Hobbes has done, and will
be ready to helpe them in it, if they please, and so long as they use
him civilly), I will looke to know some causes of naturall events from
them, and their register, and not before; for nature does nothing but
by motion.
'The reason given by him, why the drop of glasse so much wondred at
shivers into so many pieces by breaking only one small part of it, is
approved for probable by the Royall Societie and registred in their
colledge:[CV.] but he has no reason to take it for a favour, because
hereafter the invention may be taken, by that means, not for his, but
theirs.'--p. 55.
[CV.] This clause I leave to your judgment, if not fitt to be left
out.--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.
'As for his selfe-prayse[CVI.], they can have very little skill in
morality, that cannot see the justice of commending a man's selfe, as
well as of any thing else, in his own defence.'--p. 57.
[CVI.] Should these excerpts of his moralls come in here, or rather be
cast-after to another place?--MS. Aubr. 9, fol. 38ᵛ.
'Then for his morosity and peevishnesse, with which some asperse him,
all that know him familiarly, know the contrary. 'Tis true that when
vain and ignorant young scholars, unknowne to him before, come to him
on purpose to argue with him, and fall into undiscreet and uncivill
expressions, and he then appeare not well contented, 'twas not his
morosity, but their vanity, which should be blamed.'--<_Mr. Hobbes
considered_> p. 59.
<_Residence in Paris._>
[1324]During his stay at Paris he went through a course of chymistry
with Dr. ... Davison; and he there also studied Vesalius's Anatomie.
This I am sure was before 1648; for that Sir William Petty (then Dr.
Petty, physitian) studyed and dissected with him. Vide pag. 18b. A.
W.[1325]
<_Return to England._>
[1326]Anno 165-[CVII.], he returned into England, and lived most
part[CVIII.] in London, in Fetter lane, where he writt, or finished,
his booke _De Corpore_, ...[1327], in Latin and then in English; and
writt his lessons against the two Savillian professors at Oxon[1328],
etc.; vide the anno Domini when printed. (Puto 1655 or 56.)
[CVII.] Quaere de hoc: vide his life.--'Twas 1650 or 1651.--MS. Aubr.
9, fol. 38ᵛ.
[CVIII.] Quaere etiam de hoc. I thinke true as I remember.--MS. Aubr.
9, fol. 38ᵛ.
<_Kindness to his nephew._>