CARLOS TERCERO, or Charles the Third, ascended the throne of Spain in the
year 1759, and died in 1788. No Spanish monarch has left behind a more
favourable impression on the minds of the generality of his countrymen;
indeed, he is the only one who is remembered at all by all ranks and
conditions;—perhaps he took the surest means for preventing his name
being forgotten, by erecting a durable monument in every large town,—we
do not mean a pillar surmounted by a statue, or a colossal figure on
horseback, but some useful and stately public edifice. All the
magnificent modern buildings which attract the eye of the traveller in
Spain, sprang up during the reign of Carlos Tercero,—for example, the
museum at Madrid, the gigantic tobacco fabric at Seville,—half fortress,
half manufactory,—and the Farol, at Coruña. We suspect that these
erections, which speak to the eye, have gained him far greater credit
amongst Spaniards than the support which he afforded to liberal opinions,
which served to fan the flame of insurrection in the new world, and
eventually lost for Spain her transatlantic empire.
We have said that he left behind him a favourable impression amongst the
generality of his countrymen; by which we mean the great body found in
every nation, who neither think nor reason,—for there are amongst the
Spaniards not a few who deny that any of his actions entitle him to the
gratitude of the nation. ‘All his thoughts,’ say they, ‘were directed to
hunting—and hunting alone; and all the days of the year he employed
himself either in hunting or in preparation for the sport. In one
expedition, in the parks of the Pardo, he spent several millions of
reals. The noble edifices which adorn Spain, though built by his orders,
are less due to his reign than to the anterior one,—to the reign of
Ferdinand the Sixth, who left immense treasures, a small portion of which
Carlos Tercero devoted to these purposes, squandering away the remainder.
It is said that Carlos Tercero was no friend to superstition; yet how
little did Spain during his time gain in religious liberty! The great
part of the nation remained intolerant and theocratic as before, the
other and smaller section turned philosophic, but after the insane manner
of the French revolutionists, intolerant in its incredulity, and
believing more in the _Encyclopédie_ than in the Gospel of the Nazarene.’
{167}
We should not have said thus much of Carlos Tercero, whose character has
been extravagantly praised by the multitude, and severely criticised by
the discerning few who look deeper than the surface of things, if a law
passed during his reign did not connect him intimately with the history
of the Gitános, whose condition to a certain extent it has already
altered, and over whose future destinies there can be no doubt that it
will exert considerable influence. Whether Carlos Tercero had anything
farther to do with its enactment than subscribing it with his own hand,
is a point difficult to determine; the chances are that he had not; there
is damning evidence to prove that in many respects he was a mere Nimrod,
and it is not probable that such a character would occupy his thoughts
much with plans for the welfare of his people, especially such a class as
the Gitános, however willing to build public edifices, gratifying to his
vanity, with the money which a provident predecessor had amassed.
The law in question is dated 19th September 1783. It is entitled, ‘Rules
for repressing and chastising the vagrant mode of life, and other
excesses, of those who are called Gitános.’ It is in many respects
widely different from all the preceding laws, and on that account we have
separated it from them, deeming it worthy of particular notice. It is
evidently the production of a comparatively enlightened spirit, for Spain
had already begun to emerge from the dreary night of monachism and
bigotry, though the light which beamed upon her was not that of the
Gospel, but of modern philosophy. The spirit, however, of the writers of
the _Encyclopédie_ is to be preferred to that of _Torquemada and
Moncada_, and however deeply we may lament the many grievous omissions in
the law of Carlos Tercero (for no provision was made for the spiritual
instruction of the Gitános), we prefer it in all points to that of Philip
the Third, and to the law passed during the reign of that unhappy victim
of monkish fraud, perfidy, and poison, Charles the Second.
Whoever framed the law of Carlos Tercero with respect to the Gitános, had
sense enough to see that it would be impossible to reclaim and bring them
within the pale of civilised society by pursuing the course invariably
adopted on former occasions—to see that all the menacing edicts for the
last three hundred years, breathing a spirit of blood and persecution,
had been unable to eradicate Gitanismo from Spain; but on the contrary,
had rather served to extend it. Whoever framed this law was, moreover,
well acquainted with the manner of administering justice in Spain, and
saw the folly of making statutes which were never put into effect.
Instead, therefore, of relying on corregidors and alguazils for the
extinction of the Gypsy sect, the statute addresses itself more
particularly to the Gitános themselves, and endeavours to convince them
that it would be for their interest to renounce their much cherished
Gitanismo. Those who framed the former laws had invariably done their
best to brand this race with infamy, and had marked out for its members,
in the event of abandoning their Gypsy habits, a life to which death
itself must have been preferable in every respect. They were not to
speak to each other, nor to intermarry, though, as they were considered
of an impure caste, it was scarcely to be expected that the other
Spaniards would form with them relations of love or amity, and they were
debarred the exercise of any trade or occupation but hard labour, for
which neither by nature nor habit they were at all adapted. The law of
Carlos Tercero, on the contrary, flung open to them the whole career of
arts and sciences, and declared them capable of following any trade or
profession to which they might please to addict themselves. Here follow
extracts from the above-mentioned law:—
‘Art. 1. I declare that those who go by the name of Gitános are not so
by origin or nature, nor do they proceed from any infected root.
‘2. I therefore command that neither they, nor any one of them shall use
the language, dress, or vagrant kind of life which they have followed
unto the present time, under the penalties here below contained.
‘3. I forbid all my vassals, of whatever state, class, and condition
they may be, to call or name the above-mentioned people by the names of
Gitános, or new Castilians, under the same penalties to which those are
subject who injure others by word or writing.
‘5. It is my will that those who abandon the said mode of life, dress,
language, or jargon, be admitted to whatever offices or employments to
which they may apply themselves, and likewise to any guilds or
communities, without any obstacle or contradiction being offered to them,
or admitted under this pretext within or without courts of law.
‘6. Those who shall oppose and refuse the admission of this class of
reclaimed people to their trades and guilds shall be mulcted ten ducats
for the first time, twenty for the second, and a double quantity for the
third; and during the time they continue in their opposition they shall
be prohibited from exercising the same trade, for a certain period, to be
determined by the judge, and proportioned to the opposition which they
display.
‘7. I grant the term of ninety days, to be reckoned from the publication
of this law in the principal town of every district, in order that all
the vagabonds of this and any other class may retire to the towns and
villages where they may choose to locate themselves, with the exception,
for the present, of the capital and the royal residences, in order that,
abandoning the dress, language, and behaviour of those who are called
Gitános, they may devote themselves to some honest office, trade, or
occupation, it being a matter of indifference whether the same be
connected with labour or the arts.
‘8. It will not be sufficient for those who have been formerly known to
follow this manner of life to devote themselves solely to the occupation
of shearing and clipping animals, nor to the traffic of markets and
fairs, nor still less to the occupation of keepers of inns and ventas in
uninhabited places, although they may be innkeepers within towns, which
employment shall be considered as sufficient, provided always there be no
well-founded indications of their being delinquents themselves, or
harbourers of such people.
‘9. At the expiration of ninety days, the justices shall proceed against
the disobedient in the following manner:—Those who, having abandoned the
dress, name, language or jargon, association, and manners of Gitános, and
shall have moreover chosen and established a domicile, but shall not have
devoted themselves to any office or employment, though it be only that of
day-labourers, shall be considered as vagrants, and be apprehended and
punished according to the laws in force against such people without any
distinction being made between them and the other vassals.
‘10. Those who henceforth shall commit any crimes, having abandoned the
language, dress, and manners of Gitános, chosen a domicile, and applied
themselves to any office, shall be prosecuted and chastised like others
guilty of the same crimes, without any difference being made between
them.
‘11. But those who shall have abandoned the aforesaid dress, language
and behaviour, and those who, pretending to speak and dress like the
other vassals, and even to choose a domiciliary residence, shall continue
to go forth, wandering about the roads and uninhabited places, although
it be with the pretext of visiting markets and fairs, such people shall
be pursued and taken by the justices, and a list of them formed, with
their names and appellations, age, description, with the places where
they say they reside and were born.
‘16. I, however, except from punishment the children and young people
of both sexes who are not above sixteen years of age.
‘17. Such, although they may belong to a family, shall be separated from
their parents who wander about and have no employment, and shall be
destined to learn something, or shall be placed out in hospices or houses
of instruction.
‘20. When the register of the Gitános who have proved disobedient shall
have taken place, it shall be notified and made known to them, that in
case of another relapse, the punishment of death shall be executed upon
them without remission, on the examination of the register, and proof
being adduced that they have returned to their former life.’
What effect was produced by this law, and whether its results at all
corresponded to the views of those who enacted it, will be gathered from
the following chapters of this work, in which an attempt will be made to
delineate briefly the present condition of the Gypsies in Spain.
THE ZINCALI
PART II
CHAPTER I
ABOUT twelve in the afternoon of the 6th of January 1836, I crossed the
bridge of the Guadiana, a boundary river between Portugal and Spain, and
entered Badajoz, a strong town in the latter kingdom, containing about
eight thousand inhabitants, supposed to have been founded by the Romans.
I instantly returned thanks to God for having preserved me in a journey
of five days through the wilds of the Alemtejo, the province of Portugal
the most infested by robbers and desperate characters, which I had
traversed with no other human companion than a lad, almost an idiot, who
was to convey back the mules which had brought me from Aldea Gallega. I
intended to make but a short stay, and as a diligence would set out for
Madrid the day next but one to my arrival, I purposed departing therein
for the capital of Spain.
I was standing at the door of the inn where I had taken up my temporary
abode; the weather was gloomy, and rain seemed to be at hand; I was
thinking on the state of the country I had just entered, which was
involved in bloody anarchy and confusion, and where the ministers of a
religion falsely styled Catholic and Christian were blowing the trump of
war, instead of preaching the love-engendering words of the blessed
Gospel.
Suddenly two men, wrapped in long cloaks, came down the narrow and almost
deserted street; they were about to pass, and the face of the nearest was
turned full towards me; I knew to whom the countenance which he displayed
must belong, and I touched him on the arm. The man stopped, and likewise
his companion; I said a certain word, to which, after an exclamation of
surprise, he responded in the manner I expected. The men were Gitános or
Gypsies, members of that singular family or race which has diffused
itself over the face of the civilised globe, and which, in all lands, has
preserved more or less its original customs and its own peculiar
language.
We instantly commenced discoursing in the Spanish dialect of this
language, with which I was tolerably well acquainted. I asked my two
newly-made acquaintances whether there were many of their race in Badajoz
and the vicinity: they informed me that there were eight or ten families
in the town, and that there were others at Merida, a town about six
leagues distant. I inquired by what means they lived, and they replied
that they and their brethren principally gained a livelihood by
trafficking in mules and asses, but that all those in Badajoz were very
poor, with the exception of one man, who was exceedingly _balbalo_, or
rich, as he was in possession of many mules and other cattle. They
removed their cloaks for a moment, and I found that their under-garments
were rags.
They left me in haste, and went about the town informing the rest that a
stranger had arrived who spoke Rommany as well as themselves, who had the
face of a Gitáno, and seemed to be of the ‘erráte,’ or blood. In less
than half an hour the street before the inn was filled with the men,
women, and children of Egypt. I went out amongst them, and my heart sank
within me as I surveyed them: so much vileness, dirt, and misery I had
never seen amongst a similar number of human beings; but worst of all was
the evil expression of their countenances, which spoke plainly that they
were conversant with every species of crime, and it was not long before I
found that their countenances did not belie them. After they had asked
me an infinity of questions, and felt my hands, face, and clothes, they
retired to their own homes.
That same night the two men of whom I have already particularly spoken
came to see me. They sat down by the brasero in the middle of the
apartment, and began to smoke small paper cigars. We continued for a
considerable time in silence surveying each other. Of the two Gitános
one was an elderly man, tall and bony, with lean, skinny, and whimsical
features, though perfectly those of a Gypsy; he spoke little, and his
expressions were generally singular and grotesque. His companion, who
was the man whom I had first noticed in the street, differed from him in
many respects; he could be scarcely thirty, and his figure, which was
about the middle height, was of Herculean proportions; shaggy black hair,
like that of a wild beast, covered the greatest part of his immense head;
his face was frightfully seamed with the small-pox, and his eyes, which
glared like those of ferrets, peered from beneath bushy eyebrows; he wore
immense moustaches, and his wide mouth was garnished with teeth
exceedingly large and white. There was one peculiarity about him which
must not be forgotten: his right arm was withered, and hung down from his
shoulder a thin sapless stick, which contrasted strangely with the huge
brawn of the left. A figure so perfectly wild and uncouth I had scarcely
ever before seen. He had now flung aside his cloak, and sat before me
gaunt in his rags and nakedness. In spite of his appearance, however, he
seemed to be much the most sensible of the two; and the conversation
which ensued was carried on chiefly between him and myself. This man,
whom I shall call the first Gypsy, was the first to break silence; and he
thus addressed me, speaking in Spanish, broken with words of the Gypsy
tongue:—
_First Gypsy_.—‘Arromáli (in truth), I little thought when I saw the
erraño standing by the door of the posada that I was about to meet a
brother—one too who, though well dressed, was not ashamed to speak to a
poor Gitáno; but tell me, I beg you, brother, from whence you come; I
have heard that you have just arrived from Laloró, but I am sure you are
no Portuguese; the Portuguese are very different from you; I know it, for
I have been in Laloró; I rather take you to be one of the Corahai, for I
have heard say that there is much of our blood there. You are a
Corahano, are you not?’
_Myself_.—‘I am no Moor, though I have been in the country. I was born
in an island in the West Sea, called England, which I suppose you have
heard spoken of.’
_First Gypsy_.—‘Yes, yes, I have a right to know something of the
English. I was born in this foros, and remember the day when the English
hundunares clambered over the walls, and took the town from the Gabiné:
well do I remember that day, though I was but a child; the streets ran
red with blood and wine! Are there Gitános then amongst the English?’
_Myself_.—‘There are numbers, and so there are amongst most nations of
the world.’
_Second Gypsy_.—‘Vaya! And do the English Caloré gain their bread in the
same way as those of Spain? Do they shear and trim? Do they buy and
change beasts, and (lowering his voice) do they now and then chore a
gras?’ {181}
_Myself_.—‘They do most of these things: the men frequent fairs and
markets with horses, many of which they steal; and the women tell
fortunes and perform all kinds of tricks, by which they gain more money
than their husbands.’
_First Gypsy_.—‘They would not be callees if they did not: I have known a
Gitána gain twenty ounces of gold, by means of the hokkano baro, in a few
hours, whilst the silly Gypsy, her husband, would be toiling with his
shears for a fortnight, trimming the horses of the Busné, and yet not be
a dollar richer at the end of the time.’
_Myself_.—‘You seem wretchedly poor. Are you married?’
_First Gypsy_.—‘I am, and to the best-looking and cleverest callee in
Badajoz; nevertheless we have never thriven since the day of our
marriage, and a curse seems to rest upon us both. Perhaps I have only to
thank myself; I was once rich, and had never less than six borricos to
sell or exchange, but the day before my marriage I sold all I possessed,
in order to have a grand fiesta. For three days we were merry enough; I
entertained every one who chose to come in, and flung away my money by
handfuls, so that when the affair was over I had not a cuarto in the
world; and the very people who had feasted at my expense refused me a
dollar to begin again, so we were soon reduced to the greatest misery.
True it is, that I now and then shear a mule, and my wife tells the bahi
(fortune) to the servant-girls, but these things stand us in little
stead: the people are now very much on the alert, and my wife, with all
her knowledge, has been unable to perform any grand trick which would set
us up at once. She wished to come to see you, brother, this night, but
was ashamed, as she has no more clothes than myself. Last summer our
distress was so great that we crossed the frontier into Portugal: my wife
sung, and I played the guitar, for though I have but one arm, and that a
left one, I have never felt the want of the other. At Estremoz I was
cast into prison as a thief and vagabond, and there I might have remained
till I starved with hunger. My wife, however, soon got me out: she went
to the lady of the corregidor, to whom she told a most wonderful bahi,
promising treasures and titles, and I wot not what; so I was set at
liberty, and returned to Spain as quick as I could.’
_Myself_.—‘Is it not the custom of the Gypsies of Spain to relieve each
other in distress?—it is the rule in other countries.’
_First Gypsy_.—‘El krallis ha nicobado la liri de los Calés—(The king has
destroyed the law of the Gypsies); we are no longer the people we were
once, when we lived amongst the sierras and deserts, and kept aloof from
the Busné; we have lived amongst the Busné till we are become almost like
them, and we are no longer united, ready to assist each other at all
times and seasons, and very frequently the Gitáno is the worst enemy of
his brother.’
_Myself_.—‘The Gitános, then, no longer wander about, but have fixed
residences in the towns and villages?’
_First Gypsy_.—‘In the summer time a few of us assemble together, and
live about amongst the plains and hills, and by doing so we frequently
contrive to pick up a horse or a mule for nothing, and sometimes we knock
down a Busné, and strip him, but it is seldom we venture so far. We are
much looked after by the Busné, who hold us in great dread, and abhor us.
Sometimes, when wandering about, we are attacked by the labourers, and
then we defend ourselves as well as we can. There is no better weapon in
the hands of a Gitáno than his “cachas,” or shears, with which he trims
the mules. I once snipped off the nose of a Busné, and opened the
greater part of his cheek in an affray up the country near Trujillo.’
_Myself_.—‘Have you travelled much about Spain?’
_First Gypsy_.—‘Very little; I have never been out of this province of
Estremadura, except last year, as I told you, into Portugal. When we
wander we do not go far, and it is very rare that we are visited by our
brethren of other parts. I have never been in Andalusia, but I have
heard say that the Gitános are many in Andalusia, and are more wealthy
than those here, and that they follow better the Gypsy law.’
_Myself_.—‘What do you mean by the Gypsy law?’
_First Gypsy_.—‘Wherefore do you ask, brother? You know what is meant by
the law of the Calés better even than ourselves.’
_Myself_.—‘I know what it is in England and in Hungary, but I can only
give a guess as to what it is in Spain.’
_Both Gypsies_.—‘What do you consider it to be in Spain?’
_Myself_.—‘Cheating and choring the Busné on all occasions, and being
true to the erráte in life and in death.’
At these words both the Gitános sprang simultaneously from their seats,
and exclaimed with a boisterous shout—‘Chachipé.’
This meeting with the Gitános was the occasion of my remaining at Badajoz
a much longer time than I originally intended. I wished to become better
acquainted with their condition and manners, and above all to speak to
them of Christ and His Word; for I was convinced, that should I travel to
the end of the universe, I should meet with no people more in need of a
little Christian exhortation, and I accordingly continued at Badajoz for
nearly three weeks.
During this time I was almost constantly amongst them, and as I spoke
their language, and was considered by them as one of themselves, I had
better opportunity of arriving at a fair conclusion respecting their
character than any other person could have had, whether Spanish or
foreigner, without such an advantage. I found that their ways and
pursuits were in almost every respect similar to those of their brethren
in other countries. By cheating and swindling they gained their daily
bread; the men principally by the arts of the jockey,—by buying, selling,
and exchanging animals, at which they are wonderfully expert; and the
women by telling fortunes, selling goods smuggled from Portugal, and
dealing in love-draughts and diablerie. The most innocent occupation
which I observed amongst them was trimming and shearing horses and mules,
which in their language is called ‘monrabar,’ and in Spanish ‘esquilar’;
and even whilst exercising this art, they not unfrequently have recourse
to foul play, doing the animal some covert injury, in hope that the
proprietor will dispose of it to themselves at an inconsiderable price,
in which event they soon restore it to health; for knowing how to inflict
the harm, they know likewise how to remove it.
Religion they have none; they never attend mass, nor did I ever hear them
employ the names of God, Christ, and the Virgin, but in execration and
blasphemy. From what I could learn, it appeared that their fathers had
entertained some belief in metempsychosis; but they themselves laughed at
the idea, and were of opinion that the soul perished when the body ceased
to breathe; and the argument which they used was rational enough, so far
as it impugned metempsychosis: ‘We have been wicked and miserable enough
in this life,’ they said; ‘why should we live again?’
I translated certain portions of Scripture into their dialect, which I
frequently read to them; especially the parable of Lazarus and the
Prodigal Son, and told them that the latter had been as wicked as
themselves, and both had suffered as much or more; but that the
sufferings of the former, who always looked forward to a blessed
resurrection, were recompensed by admission, in the life to come, to the
society of Abraham and the Prophets, and that the latter, when he
repented of his sins, was forgiven, and received into as much favour as
the just son.
They listened with admiration; but, alas! not of the truths, the eternal
truths, I was telling them, but to find that their broken jargon could be
written and read. The only words denoting anything like assent to my
doctrine which I ever obtained, were the following from the mouth of a
woman: ‘Brother, you tell us strange things, though perhaps you do not
lie; a month since I would sooner have believed these tales, than that
this day I should see one who could write Rommany.’
Two or three days after my arrival, I was again visited by the Gypsy of
the withered arm, who I found was generally termed Paco, which is the
diminutive of Francisco; he was accompanied by his wife, a rather
good-looking young woman with sharp intelligent features, and who
appeared in every respect to be what her husband had represented her on
the former visit. She was very poorly clad, and notwithstanding the
extreme sharpness of the weather, carried no mantle to protect herself
from its inclemency,—her raven black hair depended behind as far down as
her hips. Another Gypsy came with them, but not the old fellow whom I
had before seen. This was a man about forty-five, dressed in a zamarra
of sheep-skin, with a high-crowned Andalusian hat; his complexion was
dark as pepper, and his eyes were full of sullen fire. In his appearance
he exhibited a goodly compound of Gypsy and bandit.
_Paco_.—‘Laches chibeses te diñele Undebel (May God grant you good days,
brother). This is my wife, and this is my wife’s father.’
_Myself_.—‘I am glad to see them. What are their names?’
_Paco_.—‘Maria and Antonio; their other name is Lopez.’
_Myself_.—‘Have they no Gypsy names?’
_Paco_.—‘They have no other names than these.’
_Myself_.—‘Then in this respect the Gitános of Spain are unlike those of
my country. Every family there has two names; one by which they are
known to the Busné, and another which they use amongst themselves.’
_Antonio_.—‘Give me your hand, brother! I should have come to see you
before, but I have been to Olivenzas in search of a horse. What I have
heard of you has filled me with much desire to know you, and I now see
that you can tell me many things which I am ignorant of. I am Zíncalo by
the four sides—I love our blood, and I hate that of the Busné. Had I my
will I would wash my face every day in the blood of the Busné, for the
Busné are made only to be robbed and to be slaughtered; but I love the
Caloré, and I love to hear of things of the Caloré, especially from those
of foreign lands; for the Caloré of foreign lands know more than we of
Spain, and more resemble our fathers of old.’
_Myself_.—‘Have you ever met before with Caloré who were not Spaniards?’
_Antonio_.—‘I will tell you, brother. I served as a soldier in the war
of the independence against the French. War, it is true, is not the
proper occupation of a Gitáno, but those were strange times, and all
those who could bear arms were compelled to go forth to fight: so I went
with the English armies, and we chased the Gabiné unto the frontier of
France; and it happened once that we joined in desperate battle, and
there was a confusion, and the two parties became intermingled and fought
sword to sword and bayonet to bayonet, and a French soldier singled me
out, and we fought for a long time, cutting, goring, and cursing each
other, till at last we flung down our arms and grappled; long we
wrestled, body to body, but I found that I was the weaker, and I fell.
The French soldier’s knee was on my breast, and his grasp was on my
throat, and he seized his bayonet, and he raised it to thrust me through
the jaws; and his cap had fallen off, and I lifted up my eyes wildly to
his face, and our eyes met, and I gave a loud shriek, and cried Zíncalo,
Zíncalo! and I felt him shudder, and he relaxed his grasp and started up,
and he smote his forehead and wept, and then he came to me and knelt down
by my side, for I was almost dead, and he took my hand and called me
Brother and Zíncalo, and he produced his flask and poured wine into my
mouth, and I revived, and he raised me up, and led me from the concourse,
and we sat down on a knoll, and the two parties were fighting all around,
and he said, “Let the dogs fight, and tear each others’ throats till they
are all destroyed, what matters it to the Zíncali? they are not of our
blood, and shall that be shed for them?” So we sat for hours on the
knoll and discoursed on matters pertaining to our people; and I could
have listened for years, for he told me secrets which made my ears
tingle, and I soon found that I knew nothing, though I had before
considered myself quite Zíncalo; but as for him, he knew the whole
cuenta; the Bengui Lango {189} himself could have told him nothing but
what he knew. So we sat till the sun went down and the battle was over,
and he proposed that we should both flee to his own country and live
there with the Zíncali; but my heart failed me; so we embraced, and he
departed to the Gabiné, whilst I returned to our own battalions.’
_Myself_.—‘Do you know from what country he came?’
_Antonio_.—‘He told me that he was a Mayoro.’
_Myself_.—‘You mean a Magyar or Hungarian.’
_Antonio_.—‘Just so; and I have repented ever since that I did not follow
him.’
_Myself_.—‘Why so?’
_Antonio_.—‘I will tell you: the king has destroyed the law of the Calés,
and has put disunion amongst us. There was a time when the house of
every Zíncalo, however rich, was open to his brother, though he came to
him naked; and it was then the custom to boast of the “erráte.” It is no
longer so now: those who are rich keep aloof from the rest, will not
speak in Calo, and will have no dealings but with the Busné. Is there
not a false brother in this foros, the only rich man among us, the swine,
the balichow? he is married to a Busnee and he would fain appear as a
Busno! Tell me one thing, has he been to see you? The white blood, I
know he has not; he was afraid to see you, for he knew that by Gypsy law
he was bound to take you to his house and feast you, whilst you remained,
like a prince, like a crallis of the Calés, as I believe you are, even
though he sold the last gras from the stall. Who have come to see you,
brother? Have they not been such as Paco and his wife, wretches without
a house, or, at best, one filled with cold and poverty; so that you have
had to stay at a mesuna, at a posada of the Busné; and, moreover, what
have the Calés given you since you have been residing here? Nothing, I
trow, better than this rubbish, which is all I can offer you, this
Meligrána de los Bengues.’
Here he produced a pomegranate from the pocket of his zamarra, and flung
it on the table with such force that the fruit burst, and the red grains
were scattered on the floor.
The Gitános of Estremadura call themselves in general Chai or Chabos, and
say that their original country was Chal or Egypt. I frequently asked
them what reason they could assign for calling themselves Egyptians, and
whether they could remember the names of any places in their supposed
fatherland; but I soon found that, like their brethren in other parts of
the world, they were unable to give any rational account of themselves,
and preserved no recollection of the places where their forefathers had
wandered; their language, however, to a considerable extent, solved the
riddle, the bulk of which being Hindui, pointed out India as the
birthplace of their race, whilst the number of Persian, Sclavonian, and
modern Greek words with which it is checkered, spoke plainly as to the
countries through which these singular people had wandered before they
arrived in Spain.
They said that they believed themselves to be Egyptians, because their
fathers before them believed so, who must know much better than
themselves. They were fond of talking of Egypt and its former greatness,
though it was evident that they knew nothing farther of the country and
its history than what they derived from spurious biblical legends current
amongst the Spaniards; only from such materials could they have composed
the following account of the manner of their expulsion from their native
land.
‘There was a great king in Egypt, and his name was Pharaoh. He had
numerous armies, with which he made war on all countries, and conquered
them all. And when he had conquered the entire world, he became sad and
sorrowful; for as he delighted in war, he no longer knew on what to
employ himself. At last he bethought him on making war on God; so he
sent a defiance to God, daring him to descend from the sky with his
angels, and contend with Pharaoh and his armies; but God said, I will not
measure my strength with that of a man. But God was incensed against
Pharaoh, and resolved to punish him; and he opened a hole in the side of
an enormous mountain, and he raised a raging wind, and drove before it
Pharaoh and his armies to that hole, and the abyss received them, and the
mountain closed upon them; but whosoever goes to that mountain on the
night of St. John can hear Pharaoh and his armies singing and yelling
therein. And it came to pass, that when Pharaoh and his armies had
disappeared, all the kings and the nations which had become subject to
Egypt revolted against Egypt, which, having lost her king and her armies,
was left utterly without defence; and they made war against her, and
prevailed against her, and took her people and drove them forth,
dispersing them over all the world.’
So that now, say the Chai, ‘Our horses drink the water of the
Guadiana’—(Apilyela gras Chai la panee Lucalee).
‘THE STEEDS OF THE EGYPTIANS DRINK THE WATERS OF THE GUADIANA
‘The region of Chal was our dear native soil,
Where in fulness of pleasure we lived without toil;
Till dispersed through all lands, ’twas our fortune to be—
Our steeds, Guadiana, must now drink of thee.
‘Once kings came from far to kneel down at our gate,
And princes rejoic’d on our meanest to wait;
But now who so mean but would scorn our degree—
Our steeds, Guadiana, must now drink of thee.
‘For the Undebel saw, from his throne in the cloud,
That our deeds they were foolish, our hearts they were proud;
And in anger he bade us his presence to flee—
Our steeds, Guadiana, must now drink of thee.
‘Our horses should drink of no river but one;
It sparkles through Chal, ’neath the smile of the sun,
But they taste of all streams save that only, and see—
Apilyela gras Chai la panee Lucalee.’
CHAPTER II
IN Madrid the Gitános chiefly reside in the neighbourhood of the
‘mercado,’ or the place where horses and other animals are sold,—in two
narrow and dirty lanes, called the Calle de la Comadre and the Callejon
de Lavapies. It is said that at the beginning of last century Madrid
abounded with these people, who, by their lawless behaviour and dissolute
lives, gave occasion to great scandal; if such were the case, their
numbers must have considerably diminished since that period, as it would
be difficult at any time to collect fifty throughout Madrid. These
Gitános seem, for the most part, to be either Valencians or of Valencian
origin, as they in general either speak or understand the dialect of
Valencia; and whilst speaking their own peculiar jargon, the Rommany, are
in the habit of making use of many Valencian words and terms.
[Picture: Seville]
The manner of life of the Gitános of Madrid differs in no material
respect from that of their brethren in other places. The men, every
market-day, are to be seen on the skirts of the mercado, generally with
some miserable animal—for example, a foundered mule or galled borrico, by
means of which they seldom fail to gain a dollar or two, either by sale
or exchange. It must not, however, be supposed that they content
themselves with such paltry earnings. Provided they have any valuable
animal, which is not unfrequently the case, they invariably keep such at
home snug in the stall, conducting thither the chapman, should they find
any, and concluding the bargain with the greatest secrecy. Their general
reason for this conduct is an unwillingness to exhibit anything
calculated to excite the jealousy of the chalans, or jockeys of Spanish
blood, who on the slightest umbrage are in the habit of ejecting them
from the fair by force of palos or cudgels, in which violence the chalans
are to a certain extent countenanced by law; for though by the edict of
Carlos the Third the Gitános were in other respects placed upon an
equality with the rest of the Spaniards, they were still forbidden to
obtain their livelihood by the traffic of markets and fairs.
They have occasionally however another excellent reason for not exposing
the animal in the public mercado—having obtained him by dishonest means.
The stealing, concealing, and receiving animals when stolen, are
inveterate Gypsy habits, and are perhaps the last from which the Gitáno
will be reclaimed, or will only cease when the race has become extinct.
In the prisons of Madrid, either in that of the Saladero or De la Corte,
there are never less than a dozen Gitános immured for stolen horses or
mules being found in their possession, which themselves or their
connections have spirited away from the neighbouring villages, or
sometimes from a considerable distance. I say spirited away, for so well
do the thieves take their measures, and watch their opportunity, that
they are seldom or never taken in the fact.
The Madrilenian Gypsy women are indefatigable in the pursuit of prey,
prowling about the town and the suburbs from morning till night, entering
houses of all descriptions, from the highest to the lowest; telling
fortunes, or attempting to play off various kinds of Gypsy tricks, from
which they derive much greater profit, and of which we shall presently
have occasion to make particular mention.
From Madrid let us proceed to Andalusia, casting a cursory glance on the
Gitános of that country. I found them very numerous at Granada, which in
the Gitáno language is termed Meligrana. Their general condition in this
place is truly miserable, far exceeding in wretchedness the state of the
tribes of Estremadura. It is right to state that Granada itself is the
poorest city in Spain; the greatest part of the population, which exceeds
sixty thousand, living in beggary and nakedness, and the Gitános share in
the general distress.
[Picture: The Gypsy Smith of Granada]
Many of them reside in caves scooped in the sides of the ravines which
lead to the higher regions of the Alpujarras, on a skirt of which stands
Granada. A common occupation of the Gitános of Granada is working in
iron, and it is not unfrequent to find these caves tenanted by Gypsy
smiths and their families, who ply the hammer and forge in the bowels of
the earth. To one standing at the mouth of the cave, especially at
night, they afford a picturesque spectacle. Gathered round the forge,
their bronzed and naked bodies, illuminated by the flame, appear like
figures of demons; while the cave, with its flinty sides and uneven roof,
blackened by the charcoal vapours which hover about it in festoons, seems
to offer no inadequate representation of fabled purgatory. Working in
iron was an occupation strictly forbidden to the Gitános by the ancient
laws, on what account does not exactly appear; though, perhaps, the trade
of the smith was considered as too much akin to that of the chalan to be
permitted to them. The Gypsy smith of Granada is still a chalan, even as
his brother in England is a jockey and tinker alternately.
Whilst speaking of the Gitános of Granada, we cannot pass by in silence a
tragedy which occurred in this town amongst them, some fifteen years ago,
and the details of which are known to every Gitáno in Spain, from
Catalonia to Estremadura. We allude to the murder of Pindamonas by Pepe
Conde. Both these individuals were Gitános; the latter was a celebrated
contrabandista, of whom many remarkable tales are told. On one occasion,
having committed some enormous crime, he fled over to Barbary and turned
Moor, and was employed by the Moorish emperor in his wars, in company
with the other renegade Spaniards, whose grand depôt or presidio is the
town of Agurey in the kingdom of Fez. After the lapse of some years,
when his crime was nearly forgotten, he returned to Granada, where he
followed his old occupations of contrabandista and chalan. Pindamonas
was a Gitáno of considerable wealth, and was considered as the most
respectable of the race at Granada, amongst whom he possessed
considerable influence. Between this man and Pepe Conde there existed a
jealousy, especially on the part of the latter, who, being a man of proud
untamable spirit, could not well brook a superior amongst his own people.
It chanced one day that Pindamonas and other Gitános, amongst whom was
Pepe Conde, were in a coffee-house. After they had all partaken of some
refreshment, they called for the reckoning, the amount of which
Pindamonas insisted on discharging. It will be necessary here to
observe, that on such occasions in Spain it is considered as a species of
privilege to be allowed to pay, which is an honour generally claimed by
the principal man of the party. Pepe Conde did not fail to take umbrage
at the attempt of Pindamonas, which he considered as an undue assumption
of superiority, and put in his own claim; but Pindamonas insisted, and at
last flung down the money on the table, whereupon Pepe Conde instantly
unclasped one of those terrible Manchegan knives which are generally
carried by the contrabandistas, and with a frightful gash opened the
abdomen of Pindamonas, who presently expired.
[Picture: The Murder of Pindamonas by Pepe Conde]
After this exploit, Pepe Conde fled, and was not seen for some time. The
cave, however, in which he had been in the habit of residing was watched,
as a belief was entertained that sooner or later he would return to it,
in the hope of being able to remove some of the property contained in it.
This belief was well founded. Early one morning he was observed to enter
it, and a band of soldiers was instantly despatched to seize him. This
circumstance is alluded to in a Gypsy stanza:—
‘Fly, Pepe Conde, seek the hill;
To flee’s thy only chance;
With bayonets fixed, thy blood to spill,
See soldiers four advance.’
And before the soldiers could arrive at the cave, Pepe Conde had
discovered their approach and fled, endeavouring to make his escape
amongst the rocks and barrancos of the Alpujarras. The soldiers
instantly pursued, and the chase continued a considerable time. The
fugitive was repeatedly summoned to surrender himself, but refusing, the
soldiers at last fired, and four balls entered the heart of the Gypsy
contrabandista and murderer.
Once at Madrid I received a letter from the sister’s son of Pindamonas,
dated from the prison of the Saladero. In this letter the writer, who it
appears was in durance for stealing a pair of mules, craved my charitable
assistance and advice; and possibly in the hope of securing my favour,
forwarded some uncouth lines commemorative of the death of his relation,
and commencing thus:—
‘The death of Pindamonas fill’d all the world with pain;
At the coffee-house’s portal, by Pepe he was slain.’
The faubourg of Triana, in Seville, has from time immemorial been noted
as a favourite residence of the Gitános; and here, at the present day,
they are to be found in greater number than in any other town in Spain.
This faubourg is indeed chiefly inhabited by desperate characters, as,
besides the Gitános, the principal part of the robber population of
Seville is here congregated. Perhaps there is no part even of Naples
where crime so much abounds, and the law is so little respected, as at
Triana, the character of whose inmates was so graphically delineated two
centuries and a half back by Cervantes, in one of the most amusing of his
tales. {199}
In the vilest lanes of this suburb, amidst dilapidated walls and ruined
convents, exists the grand colony of Spanish Gitános. Here they may be
seen wielding the hammer; here they may be seen trimming the fetlocks of
horses, or shearing the backs of mules and borricos with their cachas;
and from hence they emerge to ply the same trade in the town, or to
officiate as terceros, or to buy, sell, or exchange animals in the
mercado, and the women to tell the bahi through the streets, even as in
other parts of Spain, generally attended by one or two tawny bantlings in
their arms or by their sides; whilst others, with baskets and
chafing-pans, proceed to the delightful banks of the Len Baro, {200} by
the Golden Tower, where, squatting on the ground and kindling their
charcoal, they roast the chestnuts which, when well prepared, are the
favourite bonne bouche of the Sevillians; whilst not a few, in league
with the contrabandistas, go from door to door offering for sale
prohibited goods brought from the English at Gibraltar. Such is Gitáno
life at Seville; such it is in the capital of Andalusia.
[Picture: Roasting Chestnuts by the side of the Guadalquiver]
It is the common belief of the Gitános of other provinces that in
Andalusia the language, customs, habits, and practices peculiar to their
race are best preserved. This opinion, which probably originated from
the fact of their being found in greater numbers in this province than in
any other, may hold good in some instances, but certainly not in all. In
various parts of Spain I have found the Gitános retaining their primitive
language and customs better than in Seville, where they most abound:
indeed, it is not plain that their number has operated at all favourably
in this respect. At Cordova, a town at the distance of twenty leagues
from Seville, which scarcely contains a dozen Gitáno families, I found
them living in much more brotherly amity, and cherishing in a greater
degree the observances of their forefathers.
I shall long remember these Cordovese Gitános, by whom I was very well
received, but always on the supposition that I was one of their own race.
They said that they never admitted strangers to their houses save at
their marriage festivals, when they flung their doors open to all, and
save occasionally people of influence and distinction, who wished to hear
their songs and converse with their women; but they assured me, at the
same time, that these they invariably deceived, and merely made use of as
instruments to serve their own purposes. As for myself, I was admitted
without scruple to their private meetings, and was made a participator of
their most secret thoughts. During our intercourse some remarkable
scenes occurred. One night more than twenty of us, men and women, were
assembled in a long low room on the ground floor, in a dark alley or
court in the old gloomy town of Cordova. After the Gitános had discussed
several jockey plans, and settled some private bargains amongst
themselves, we all gathered round a huge brasero of flaming charcoal, and
began conversing _sobre las cosas de Egypto_, when I proposed that, as we
had no better means of amusing ourselves, we should endeavour to turn
into the Calo language some pieces of devotion, that we might see whether
this language, the gradual decay of which I had frequently heard them
lament, was capable of expressing any other matters than those which
related to horses, mules, and Gypsy traffic. It was in this cautious
manner that I first endeavoured to divert the attention of these singular
people to matters of eternal importance. My suggestion was received with
acclamations, and we forthwith proceeded to the translation of the
Apostles’ creed. I first recited in Spanish, in the usual manner and
without pausing, this noble confession, and then repeated it again,
sentence by sentence, the Gitános translating as I proceeded. They
exhibited the greatest eagerness and interest in their unwonted
occupation, and frequently broke into loud disputes as to the best
rendering—many being offered at the same time. In the meanwhile, I wrote
down from their dictation; and at the conclusion I read aloud the
translation, the result of the united wisdom of the assembly, whereupon
they all raised a shout of exultation, and appeared not a little proud of
the composition.
The Cordovese Gitános are celebrated esquiladors. Connected with them
and the exercise of the _arte de esquilar_, in Gypsy monrabar, I have a
curious anecdote to relate. In the first place, however, it may not be
amiss to say something about the art itself, of all relating to which it
is possible that the reader may be quite ignorant.
Nothing is more deserving of remark in Spanish grooming than the care
exhibited in clipping and trimming various parts of the horse, where the
growth of hair is considered as prejudicial to the perfect health and
cleanliness of the animal, particular attention being always paid to the
pastern, that part of the foot which lies between the fetlock and the
hoof, to guard against the arestin—that cutaneous disorder which is the
dread of the Spanish groom, on which account the services of a skilful
esquilador are continually in requisition.
The esquilador, when proceeding to the exercise of his vocation,
generally carries under his arm a small box containing the instruments
necessary, and which consist principally of various pairs of scissors,
and the _aciál_, two short sticks tied together with whipcord at the end,
by means of which the lower lip of the horse, should he prove restive, is
twisted, and the animal reduced to speedy subjection. In the girdle of
the esquilador are stuck the large scissors called in Spanish _tijeras_,
and in the Gypsy tongue _cachas_, with which he principally works. He
operates upon the backs, ears, and tails of mules and borricos, which are
invariably sheared quite bare, that if the animals are galled, either by
their harness or the loads which they carry, the wounds may be less
liable to fester, and be more easy to cure. Whilst engaged with horses,
he confines himself to the feet and ears. The esquiladores in the two
Castiles, and in those provinces where the Gitános do not abound, are for
the most part Aragonese; but in the others, and especially in Andalusia,
they are of the Gypsy race. The Gitános are in general very expert in
the use of the cachas, which they handle in a manner practised nowhere
but in Spain; and with this instrument the poorer class principally
obtain their bread.
In one of their couplets allusion is made to this occupation in the
following manner:—
‘I’ll rise to-morrow bread to earn,
For hunger’s worn me grim;
Of all I meet I’ll ask in turn,
If they’ve no beasts to trim.’
Sometimes, whilst shearing the foot of a horse, exceedingly small
scissors are necessary for the purpose of removing fine solitary hairs;
for a Spanish groom will tell you that a horse’s foot behind ought to be
kept as clean and smooth as the hand of a señora: such scissors can only
be procured at Madrid. My sending two pair of this kind to a Cordovese
Gypsy, from whom I had experienced much attention whilst in that city,
was the occasion of my receiving a singular epistle from another whom I
scarcely knew, and which I shall insert as being an original Gypsy
composition, and in some points not a little characteristic of the people
of whom I am now writing.
‘Cordova, 20th day of January, 1837.
‘SEÑOR DON JORGE,
‘After saluting you and hoping that you are well, I proceed to tell
you that the two pair of scissors arrived at this town of Cordova
with him whom you sent them by; but, unfortunately, they were given
to another Gypsy, whom you neither knew nor spoke to nor saw in your
life; for it chanced that he who brought them was a friend of mine,
and he told me that he had brought two pair of scissors which an
Englishman had given him for the Gypsies; whereupon I, understanding
it was yourself, instantly said to him, “Those scissors are for me”;
he told me, however, that he had already given them to another, and
he is a Gypsy who was not even in Cordova during the time you were.
Nevertheless, Don Jorge, I am very grateful for your thus remembering
me, although I did not receive your present, and in order that you
may know who I am, my name is Antonio Salazar, a man pitted with the
small-pox, and the very first who spoke to you in Cordova in the
posada where you were; and you told me to come and see you next day
at eleven, and I went, and we conversed together alone. Therefore I
should wish you to do me the favour to send me scissors for trimming
beasts,—good scissors, mind you,—such would be a very great favour,
and I should be ever grateful, for here in Cordova there are none, or
if there be, they are good for nothing. Señor Don Jorge, you
remember I told you that I was an esquilador by trade, and only by
that I got bread for my babes. Señor Don Jorge, if you do send me
the scissors for trimming, pray write and direct to the alley De la
Londiga, No. 28, to Antonio Salazar, in Cordova. This is what I have
to tell you, and do you ever command your trusty servant, who kisses
your hand and is eager to serve you.
‘ANTONIO SALAZAR.’
FIRST COUPLET
‘That I may clip and trim the beasts, a pair of cachas grant,
If not, I fear my luckless babes will perish all of want.’
SECOND COUPLET
‘If thou a pair of cachas grant, that I my babes may feed,
I’ll pray to the Almighty God, that thee he ever speed.’
It is by no means my intention to describe the exact state and condition
of the Gitános in every town and province where they are to be found;
perhaps, indeed, it will be considered that I have already been more
circumstantial and particular than the case required. The other
districts which they inhabit are principally those of Catalonia, Murcia,
and Valencia; and they are likewise to be met with in the Basque
provinces, where they are called Egipcioac, or Egyptians. What I next
purpose to occupy myself with are some general observations on the
habits, and the physical and moral state of the Gitános throughout Spain,
and of the position which they hold in society.
CHAPTER III
ALREADY, from the two preceding chapters, it will have been perceived
that the condition of the Gitános in Spain has been subjected of late to
considerable modification. The words of the Gypsy of Badajoz are indeed,
in some respects, true; they are no longer the people that they were; the
roads and ‘despoblados’ have ceased to be infested by them, and the
traveller is no longer exposed to much danger on their account; they at
present confine themselves, for the most part, to towns and villages, and
if they occasionally wander abroad, it is no longer in armed bands,
formidable for their numbers, and carrying terror and devastation in all
directions, bivouacking near solitary villages, and devouring the
substance of the unfortunate inhabitants, or occasionally threatening
even large towns, as in the singular case of Logroño, mentioned by
Francisco de Cordova. As the reader will probably wish to know the cause
of this change in the lives and habits of these people, we shall, as
briefly as possible, afford as much information on the subject as the
amount of our knowledge will permit.
One fact has always struck us with particular force in the history of
these people, namely, that Gitanismo—which means Gypsy villainy of every
description—flourished and knew nothing of decay so long as the laws
recommended and enjoined measures the most harsh and severe for the
suppression of the Gypsy sect; the palmy days of Gitanismo were those in
which the caste was proscribed, and its members, in the event of
renouncing their Gypsy habits, had nothing farther to expect than the
occupation of tilling the earth, a dull hopeless toil; then it was that
the Gitános paid tribute to the inferior ministers of justice, and were
engaged in illicit connection with those of higher station, and by such
means baffled the law, whose vengeance rarely fell upon their heads; and
then it was that they bid it open defiance, retiring to the deserts and
mountains, and living in wild independence by rapine and shedding of
blood; for as the law then stood they would lose all by resigning their
Gitanismo, whereas by clinging to it they lived either in the
independence so dear to them, or beneath the protection of their
confederates. It would appear that in proportion as the law was harsh
and severe, so was the Gitáno bold and secure. The fiercest of these
laws was the one of Philip the Fifth, passed in the year 1745, which
commands that the refractory Gitános be hunted down with fire and sword;
that it was quite inefficient is satisfactorily proved by its being twice
reiterated, once in the year ‘46, and again in ‘49, which would scarcely
have been deemed necessary had it quelled the Gitános. This law, with
some unimportant modifications, continued in force till the year ‘83,
when the famous edict of Carlos Tercero superseded it. Will any feel
disposed to doubt that the preceding laws had served to foster what they
were intended to suppress, when we state the remarkable fact, that since
the enactment of that law, as humane as the others were unjust, _we have
heard nothing more of the Gitános from official quarters_; _they have
ceased to play a distinct part in the history of Spain_; _and the law no
longer speaks of them as a distinct people_? The caste of the Gitáno
still exists, but it is neither so extensive nor so formidable as a
century ago, when the law in denouncing Gitanismo proposed to the Gitános
the alternatives of death for persisting in their profession, or slavery
for abandoning it.
There are fierce and discontented spirits amongst them, who regret such
times, and say that Gypsy law is now no more, that the Gypsy no longer
assists his brother, and that union has ceased among them. If this be
true, can better proof be adduced of the beneficial working of the later
law? A blessing has been conferred on society, and in a manner highly
creditable to the spirit of modern times; reform has been accomplished,
not by persecution, not by the gibbet and the rack, but by justice and
tolerance. The traveller has flung aside his cloak, not compelled by the
angry buffeting of the north wind, but because the mild, benignant
weather makes such a defence no longer necessary. The law no longer
compels the Gitános to stand back to back, on the principal of mutual
defence, and to cling to Gitanismo to escape from servitude and thraldom.
Taking everything into consideration, and viewing the subject in all its
bearings with an impartial glance, we are compelled to come to the
conclusion that the law of Carlos Tercero, the provisions of which were
distinguished by justice and clemency, has been the principal if not the
only cause of the decline of Gitanismo in Spain. Some importance ought
to be attached to the opinion of the Gitános themselves on this point.
‘El Crallis ha nicobado la liri de los Cales,’ is a proverbial saying
among them. By Crallis, or King, they mean Carlos Tercero, so that the
saying, the proverbial saying, may be thus translated: _The Law of Carlos
Tercero has superseded Gypsy Law_.
By the law the schools are open to them, and there is no art or science
which they may not pursue, if they are willing. Have they availed
themselves of the rights which the law has conferred upon them?
Up to the present period but little—they still continue jockeys and
blacksmiths; but some of these Gypsy chalans, these bronzed smiths, these
wild-looking esquiladors, can read or write in the proportion of one man
in three or four; what more can be expected? Would you have the Gypsy
bantling, born in filth and misery, ‘midst mules and borricos, amidst the
mud of a choza or the sand of a barranco, grasp with its swarthy hands
the crayon and easel, the compass, or the microscope, or the tube which
renders more distinct the heavenly orbs, and essay to become a Murillo,
or a Feijoo, or a Lorenzo de Hervas, as soon as the legal disabilities
are removed which doomed him to be a thievish jockey or a sullen
husbandman? Much will have been accomplished, if, after the lapse of a
hundred years, one hundred human beings shall have been evolved from the
Gypsy stock, who shall prove sober, honest, and useful members of
society,—that stock so degraded, so inveterate in wickedness and evil
customs, and so hardened by brutalising laws. Should so many beings,
should so many souls be rescued from temporal misery and eternal woe;
should only the half of that number, should only the tenth, nay, should
only one poor wretched sheep be saved, there will be joy in heaven, for
much will have been accomplished on earth, and those lines will have been
in part falsified which filled the stout heart of Mahmoud with dismay:—
‘For the root that’s unclean, hope if you can;
No washing e’er whitens the black Zigan:
The tree that’s bitter by birth and race,
If in paradise garden to grow you place,
And water it free with nectar and wine,
From streams in paradise meads that shine,
At the end its nature it still declares,
For bitter is all the fruit it bears.
If the egg of the raven of noxious breed
You place ‘neath the paradise bird, and feed
The splendid fowl upon its nest,
With immortal figs, the food of the blest,
And give it to drink from Silisbél, {211}
Whilst life in the egg breathes Gabriél,
A raven, a raven, the egg shall bear,
And the fostering bird shall waste its care.’—
FERDOUSI.
The principal evidence which the Gitános have hitherto given that a
partial reformation has been effected in their habits, is the
relinquishment, in a great degree, of that wandering life of which the
ancient laws were continually complaining, and which was the cause of
infinite evils, and tended not a little to make the roads insecure.
Doubtless there are those who will find some difficulty in believing that
the mild and conciliatory clauses of the law in question could have much
effect in weaning the Gitános from this inveterate habit, and will be
more disposed to think that this relinquishment was effected by energetic
measures resorted to by the government, to compel them to remain in their
places of location. It does not appear, however, that such measures were
ever resorted to. Energy, indeed, in the removal of a nuisance, is
scarcely to be expected from Spaniards under any circumstances. All we
can say on the subject, with certainty, is, that since the repeal of the
tyrannical laws, wandering has considerably decreased among the Gitános.
Since the law has ceased to brand them, they have come nearer to the
common standard of humanity, and their general condition has been
ameliorated. At present, only the very poorest, the parias of the race,
are to be found wandering about the heaths and mountains, and this only
in the summer time, and their principal motive, according to their own
confession, is to avoid the expense of house rent; the rest remain at
home, following their avocations, unless some immediate prospect of gain,
lawful or unlawful, calls them forth; and such is frequently the case.
They attend most fairs, women and men, and on the way frequently bivouac
in the fields, but this practice must not be confounded with systematic
wandering.
Gitanismo, therefore, has not been extinguished, only modified; but that
modification has been effected within the memory of man, whilst
previously near four centuries elapsed, during which no reform had been
produced amongst them by the various measures devised, all of which were
distinguished by an absence not only of true policy, but of common-sense;
it is therefore to be hoped, that if the Gitános are abandoned to
themselves, by which we mean no arbitrary laws are again enacted for
their extinction, the sect will eventually cease to be, and its members
become confounded with the residue of the population; for certainly no
Christian nor merely philanthropic heart can desire the continuance of
any sect or association of people whose fundamental principle seems to be
to hate all the rest of mankind, and to live by deceiving them; and such
is the practice of the Gitános.
During the last five years, owing to the civil wars, the ties which unite
society have been considerably relaxed; the law has been trampled under
foot, and the greatest part of Spain overrun with robbers and miscreants,
who, under pretence of carrying on partisan warfare, and not unfrequently
under no pretence at all, have committed the most frightful excesses,
plundering and murdering the defenceless. Such a state of things would
have afforded the Gitános a favourable opportunity to resume their former
kind of life, and to levy contributions as formerly, wandering about in
bands. Certain it is, however, that they have not sought to repeat their
ancient excesses, taking advantage of the troubles of the country; they
have gone on, with a few exceptions, quietly pursuing that part of their
system to which they still cling, their jockeyism, which, though based on
fraud and robbery, is far preferable to wandering brigandage, which
necessarily involves the frequent shedding of blood. Can better proof be
adduced, that Gitanismo owes its decline, in Spain, not to force, not to
persecution, not to any want of opportunity of exercising it, but to some
other cause?—and we repeat that we consider the principal if not the only
cause of the decline of Gitanismo to be the conferring on the Gitános the
rights and privileges of other subjects.
We have said that the Gitános have not much availed themselves of the
permission, which the law grants them, of embarking in various spheres of
life. They remain jockeys, but they have ceased to be wanderers; and the
grand object of the law is accomplished. The law forbids them to be
jockeys, or to follow the trade of trimming and shearing animals, without
some other visible mode of subsistence. This provision, except in a few
isolated instances, they evade; and the law seeks not, and perhaps
wisely, to disturb them, content with having achieved so much. The chief
evils of Gitanismo which still remain consist in the systematic frauds of
the Gypsy jockeys and the tricks of the women. It is incurring
considerable risk to purchase a horse or a mule, even from the most
respectable Gitáno, without a previous knowledge of the animal and his
former possessor, the chances being that it is either diseased or stolen
from a distance. Of the practices of the females, something will be said
in particular in a future chapter.
The Gitános in general are very poor, a pair of large cachas and various
scissors of a smaller description constituting their whole capital;
occasionally a good hit is made, as they call it, but the money does not
last long, being quickly squandered in feasting and revelry. He who has
habitually in his house a couple of donkeys is considered a thriving
Gitáno; there are some, however, who are wealthy in the strict sense of
the word, and carry on a very extensive trade in horses and mules.
These, occasionally, visit the most distant fairs, traversing the
greatest part of Spain. There is a celebrated cattle-fair held at Leon
on St. John’s or Midsummer Day, and on one of these occasions, being
present, I observed a small family of Gitános, consisting of a man of
about fifty, a female of the same age, and a handsome young Gypsy, who
was their son; they were richly dressed after the Gypsy fashion, the men
wearing zamarras with massy clasps and knobs of silver, and the woman a
species of riding-dress with much gold embroidery, and having immense
gold rings attached to her ears. They came from Murcia, a distance of
one hundred leagues and upwards. Some merchants, to whom I was
recommended, informed me that they had credit on their house to the
amount of twenty thousand dollars.
They experienced rough treatment in the fair, and on a very singular
account: immediately on their appearing on the ground, the horses in the
fair, which, perhaps, amounted to three thousand, were seized with a
sudden and universal panic; it was one of those strange incidents for
which it is difficult to assign a rational cause; but a panic there was
amongst the brutes, and a mighty one; the horses neighed, screamed, and
plunged, endeavouring to escape in all directions; some appeared
absolutely possessed, stamping and tearing, their manes and tails stiffly
erect, like the bristles of the wild boar—many a rider lost his seat.
When the panic had ceased, and it did cease almost as suddenly as it had
arisen, the Gitános were forthwith accused as the authors of it; it was
said that they intended to steal the best horses during the confusion,
and the keepers of the ground, assisted by a rabble of chalans, who had
their private reasons for hating the Gitános, drove them off the field
with sticks and cudgels. So much for having a bad name.
These wealthy Gitános, when they are not ashamed of their blood or
descent, and are not addicted to proud fancies, or ‘barbales,’ as they
are called, possess great influence with the rest of their brethren,
almost as much as the rabbins amongst the Jews; their bidding is
considered law, and the other Gitános are at their devotion. On the
contrary, when they prefer the society of the Busné to that of their own
race, and refuse to assist their less fortunate brethren in poverty or in
prison, they are regarded with unbounded contempt and abhorrence, as in
the case of the rich Gypsy of Badajoz, and are not unfrequently doomed to
destruction: such characters are mentioned in their couplets:—
‘The Gypsy fiend of Manga mead,
Who never gave a straw,
He would destroy, for very greed,
The good Egyptian law.
‘The false Juanito day and night
Had best with caution go;
The Gypsy carles of Yeira height
Have sworn to lay him low.’
However some of the Gitános may complain that there is no longer union to
be found amongst them, there is still much of that fellow-feeling which
springs from a consciousness of proceeding from one common origin, or, as
they love to term it, ‘blood.’ At present their system exhibits less of
a commonwealth than when they roamed in bands amongst the wilds, and
principally subsisted by foraging, each individual contributing to the
common stock, according to his success. The interests of individuals are
now more distinct, and that close connection is of course dissolved which
existed when they wandered about, and their dangers, gains, and losses
were felt in common; and it can never be too often repeated that they are
no longer a proscribed race, with no rights nor safety save what they
gained by a close and intimate union. Nevertheless, the Gitáno, though
he naturally prefers his own interest to that of his brother, and envies
him his gain when he does not expect to share in it, is at all times
ready to side with him against the Busno, because the latter is not a
Gitáno, but of a different blood, and for no other reason. When one
Gitáno confides his plans to another, he is in no fear that they will be
betrayed to the Busno, for whom there is no sympathy, and when a plan is
to be executed which requires co-operation, they seek not the fellowship
of the Busné, but of each other, and if successful, share the gain like
brothers.
As a proof of the fraternal feeling which is not unfrequently displayed
amongst the Gitános, I shall relate a circumstance which occurred at
Cordova a year or two before I first visited it. One of the poorest of
the Gitános murdered a Spaniard with the fatal Manchegan knife; for this
crime he was seized, tried, and found guilty. Blood-shedding in Spain is
not looked upon with much abhorrence, and the life of the culprit is
seldom taken, provided he can offer a bribe sufficient to induce the
notary public to report favourably upon his case; but in this instance
money was of no avail; the murdered individual left behind him powerful
friends and connections, who were determined that justice should take its
course. It was in vain that the Gitános exerted all their influence with
the authorities in behalf of their comrade, and such influence was not
slight; it was in vain that they offered extravagant sums that the
punishment of death might be commuted to perpetual slavery in the dreary
presidio of Ceuta; I was credibly informed that one of the richest
Gitános, by name Fruto, offered for his own share of the ransom the sum
of five thousand crowns, whilst there was not an individual but
contributed according to his means—nought availed, and the Gypsy was
executed in the Plaza. The day before the execution, the Gitános,
perceiving that the fate of their brother was sealed, one and all quitted
Cordova, shutting up their houses and carrying with them their horses,
their mules, their borricos, their wives and families, and the greatest
part of their household furniture. No one knew whither they directed
their course, nor were they seen in Cordova for some months, when they
again suddenly made their appearance; a few, however, never returned. So
great was the horror of the Gitános at what had occurred, that they were
in the habit of saying that the place was cursed for evermore; and when I
knew them, there were many amongst them who, on no account, would enter
the Plaza which had witnessed the disgraceful end of their unfortunate
brother.
The position which the Gitános hold in society in Spain is the lowest, as
might be expected; they are considered at best as thievish chalans, and
the women as half sorceresses, and in every respect thieves; there is not
a wretch, however vile, the outcast of the prison and the presidio, who
calls himself Spaniard, but would feel insulted by being termed Gitáno,
and would thank God that he is not; and yet, strange to say, there are
numbers, and those of the higher classes, who seek their company, and
endeavour to imitate their manners and way of speaking. The connections
which they form with the Spaniards are not many; occasionally some
wealthy Gitáno marries a Spanish female, but to find a Gitána united to a
Spaniard is a thing of the rarest occurrence, if it ever takes place. It
is, of course, by intermarriage alone that the two races will ever
commingle, and before that event is brought about, much modification must
take place amongst the Gitános, in their manners, in their habits, in
their affections, and their dislikes, and, perhaps, even in their
physical peculiarities; much must be forgotten on both sides, and
everything is forgotten in the course of time.
The number of the Gitáno population of Spain at the present day may be
estimated at about forty thousand. At the commencement of the present
century it was said to amount to sixty thousand. There can be no doubt
that the sect is by no means so numerous as it was at former periods;
witness those barrios in various towns still denominated Gitánerias, but
from whence the Gitános have disappeared even like the Moors from the
Morerias. Whether this diminution in number has been the result of a
partial change of habits, of pestilence or sickness, of war or famine, or
of all these causes combined, we have no means of determining, and shall
abstain from offering conjectures on the subject.
CHAPTER IV
IN the autumn of the year 1839, I landed at Tarifa, from the coast of
Barbary. I arrived in a small felouk laden with hides for Cadiz, to
which place I was myself going. We stopped at Tarifa in order to perform
quarantine, which, however, turned out a mere farce, as we were all
permitted to come on shore; the master of the felouk having bribed the
port captain with a few fowls. We formed a motley group. A rich Moor
and his son, a child, with their Jewish servant Yusouf, and myself with
my own man Hayim Ben Attar, a Jew. After passing through the gate, the
Moors and their domestics were conducted by the master to the house of
one of his acquaintance, where he intended they should lodge; whilst a
sailor was despatched with myself and Hayim to the only inn which the
place afforded. I stopped in the street to speak to a person whom I had
known at Seville. Before we had concluded our discourse, Hayim, who had
walked forward, returned, saying that the quarters were good, and that we
were in high luck, for that he knew the people of the inn were Jews.
‘Jews,’ said I, ‘here in Tarifa, and keeping an inn, I should be glad to
see them.’ So I left my acquaintance, and hastened to the house. We
first entered a stable, of which the ground floor of the building
consisted, and ascending a flight of stairs entered a very large room,
and from thence passed into a kitchen, in which were several people. One
of these was a stout, athletic, burly fellow of about fifty, dressed in a
buff jerkin, and dark cloth pantaloons. His hair was black as a coal and
exceedingly bushy, his face much marked from some disorder, and his skin
as dark as that of a toad. A very tall woman stood by the dresser, much
resembling him in feature, with the same hair and complexion, but with
more intelligence in her eyes than the man, who looked heavy and dogged.
A dark woman, whom I subsequently discovered to be lame, sat in a corner,
and two or three swarthy girls, from fifteen to eighteen years of age,
were flitting about the room. I also observed a wicked-looking boy, who
might have been called handsome, had not one of his eyes been injured.
‘Jews,’ said I, in Moorish, to Hayim, as I glanced at these people and
about the room; ‘these are not Jews, but children of the Dar-bushi-fal.’
[Picture: A Gypsy Family]
‘List to the Corahai,’ said the tall woman, in broken Gypsy slang, ‘hear
how they jabber (hunelad como chamulian), truly we will make them pay for
the noise they raise in the house.’ Then coming up to me, she demanded
with a shout, fearing otherwise that I should not understand, whether I
would not wish to see the room where I was to sleep. I nodded: whereupon
she led me out upon a back terrace, and opening the door of a small room,
of which there were three, asked me if it would suit. ‘Perfectly,’ said
I, and returned with her to the kitchen.
‘O, what a handsome face! what a royal person!’ exclaimed the whole
family as I returned, in Spanish, but in the whining, canting tones
peculiar to the Gypsies, when they are bent on victimising. ‘A more ugly
Busno it has never been our chance to see,’ said the same voices in the
next breath, speaking in the jargon of the tribe. ‘Won’t your Moorish
Royalty please to eat something?’ said the tall hag. ‘We have nothing in
the house; but I will run out and buy a fowl, which I hope may prove a
royal peacock to nourish and strengthen you.’ ‘I hope it may turn to
drow in your entrails,’ she muttered to the rest in Gypsy. She then ran
down, and in a minute returned with an old hen, which, on my arrival, I
had observed below in the stable. ‘See this beautiful fowl,’ said she,
‘I have been running over all Tarifa to procure it for your kingship;
trouble enough I have had to obtain it, and dear enough it has cost me.
I will now cut its throat.’ ‘Before you kill it,’ said I, ‘I should wish
to know what you paid for it, that there may be no dispute about it in
the account.’ ‘Two dollars I paid for it, most valorous and handsome
sir; two dollars it cost me, out of my own quisobi—out of my own little
purse.’ I saw it was high time to put an end to these zalamerias, and
therefore exclaimed in Gitáno, ‘You mean two brujis (reals), O mother of
all the witches, and that is twelve cuartos more than it is worth.’ ‘Ay
Dios mio, whom have we here?’ exclaimed the females. ‘One,’ I replied,
‘who knows you well and all your ways. Speak! am I to have the hen for
two reals? if not, I shall leave the house this moment.’ ‘O yes, to be
sure, brother, and for nothing if you wish it,’ said the tall woman, in
natural and quite altered tones; ‘but why did you enter the house
speaking in Corahai like a Bengui? We thought you a Busno, but we now
see that you are of our religion; pray sit down and tell us where you
have been.’ . .
_Myself_.—‘Now, my good people, since I have answered your questions, it
is but right that you should answer some of mine; pray who are you? and
how happens it that you are keeping this inn?’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘Verily, brother, we can scarcely tell you who we are. All
we know of ourselves is, that we keep this inn, to our trouble and
sorrow, and that our parents kept it before us; we were all born in this
house, where I suppose we shall die.’
_Myself_.—‘Who is the master of the house, and whose are these children?’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘The master of the house is the fool, my brother, who stands
before you without saying a word; to him belong these children, and the
cripple in the chair is his wife, and my cousin. He has also two sons
who are grown-up men; one is a chumajarri (shoemaker), and the other
serves a tanner.’
_Myself_.—‘Is it not contrary to the law of the Cales to follow such
trades?’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘We know of no law, and little of the Cales themselves.
Ours is the only Calo family in Tarifa, and we never left it in our
lives, except occasionally to go on the smuggling lay to Gibraltar. True
it is that the Cales, when they visit Tarifa, put up at our house,
sometimes to our cost. There was one Rafael, son of the rich Fruto of
Cordova, here last summer, to buy up horses, and he departed a baria and
a half in our debt; however, I do not grudge it him, for he is a handsome
and clever Chabó—a fellow of many capacities. There was more than one
Busno had cause to rue his coming to Tarifa.’
_Myself_.—‘Do you live on good terms with the Busné of Tarifa?’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘Brother, we live on the best terms with the Busné of
Tarifa; especially with the errays. The first people in Tarifa come to
this house, to have their baji told by the cripple in the chair and by
myself. I know not how it is, but we are more considered by the grandees
than the poor, who hate and loathe us. When my first and only infant
died, for I have been married, the child of one of the principal people
was put to me to nurse, but I hated it for its white blood, as you may
well believe. It never throve, for I did it a private mischief, and
though it grew up and is now a youth, it is—mad.’
_Myself_.—‘With whom will your brother’s children marry? You say there
are no Gypsies here.’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘Ay de mi, hermano! It is that which grieves me. I would
rather see them sold to the Moors than married to the Busné. When Rafael
was here he wished to persuade the chumajarri to accompany him to
Cordova, and promised to provide for him, and to find him a wife among
the Callees of that town; but the faint heart would not, though I myself
begged him to comply. As for the curtidor (tanner), he goes every night
to the house of a Busnee; and once, when I reproached him with it, he
threatened to marry her. I intend to take my knife, and to wait behind
the door in the dark, and when she comes out to gash her over the eyes.
I trow he will have little desire to wed with her then.’
_Myself_.—‘Do many Busné from the country put up at this house?’
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘Not so many as formerly, brother; the labourers from the
Campo say that we are all thieves; and that it is impossible for any one
but a Calo to enter this house without having the shirt stripped from his
back. They go to the houses of their acquaintance in the town, for they
fear to enter these doors. I scarcely know why, for my brother is the
veriest fool in Tarifa. Were it not for his face, I should say that he
is no Chabó, for he cannot speak, and permits every chance to slip
through his fingers. Many a good mule and borrico have gone out of the
stable below, which he might have secured, had he but tongue enough to
have cozened the owners. But he is a fool, as I said before; he cannot
speak, and is no Chabó.’
How far the person in question, who sat all the while smoking his pipe,
with the most unperturbed tranquillity, deserved the character bestowed
upon him by his sister, will presently appear. It is not my intention to
describe here all the strange things I both saw and heard in this Gypsy
inn. Several Gypsies arrived from the country during the six days that I
spent within its walls; one of them, a man, from Moron, was received with
particular cordiality, he having a son, whom he was thinking of
betrothing to one of the Gypsy daughters. Some females of quality
likewise visited the house to gossip, like true Andalusians. It was
singular to observe the behaviour of the Gypsies to these people,
especially that of the remarkable woman, some of whose conversation I
have given above. She whined, she canted, she blessed, she talked of
beauty of colour, of eyes, of eyebrows, and pestañas (eyelids), and of
hearts which were aching for such and such a lady. Amongst others, came
a very fine woman, the widow of a colonel lately slain in battle; she
brought with her a beautiful innocent little girl, her daughter, between
three and four years of age. The Gypsy appeared to adore her; she
sobbed, she shed tears, she kissed the child, she blessed it, she fondled
it. I had my eye upon her countenance, and it brought to my recollection
that of a she-wolf, which I had once seen in Russia, playing with her
whelp beneath a birch-tree. ‘You seem to love that child very much, O my
mother,’ said I to her, as the lady was departing.
_Gypsy Hag_.—‘No lo camélo, hijo! I do not love it, O my son, I do not
love it; I love it so much, that I wish it may break its leg as it goes
downstairs, and its mother also.’
On the evening of the fourth day, I was seated on the stone bench at the
stable door, taking the fresco; the Gypsy innkeeper sat beside me,
smoking his pipe, and silent as usual; presently a man and woman with a
borrico, or donkey, entered the portal. I took little or no notice of a
circumstance so slight, but I was presently aroused by hearing the
Gypsy’s pipe drop upon the ground. I looked at him, and scarcely
recognised his face. It was no longer dull, black, and heavy, but was
lighted up with an expression so extremely villainous that I felt uneasy.
His eyes were scanning the recent comers, especially the beast of burden,
which was a beautiful female donkey. He was almost instantly at their
side, assisting to remove its housings, and the alforjas, or bags. His
tongue had become unloosed, as if by sorcery; and far from being unable
to speak, he proved that, when it suited his purpose, he could discourse
with wonderful volubility. The donkey was soon tied to the manger, and a
large measure of barley emptied before it, the greatest part of which the
Gypsy boy presently removed, his father having purposely omitted to mix
the barley with the straw, with which the Spanish mangers are always kept
filled. The guests were hurried upstairs as soon as possible. I
remained below, and subsequently strolled about the town and on the
beach. It was about nine o’clock when I returned to the inn to retire to
rest; strange things had evidently been going on during my absence. As I
passed through the large room on my way to my apartment, lo, the table
was set out with much wine, fruits, and viands. There sat the man from
the country, three parts intoxicated; the Gypsy, already provided with
another pipe, sat on his knee, with his right arm most affectionately
round his neck; on one side sat the chumajarri drinking and smoking, on
the other the tanner. Behold, poor humanity, thought I to myself, in the
hands of devils; in this manner are human souls ensnared to destruction
by the fiends of the pit. The females had already taken possession of
the woman at the other end of the table, embracing her, and displaying
every mark of friendship and affection. I passed on, but ere I reached
my apartment I heard the words mule and donkey. ‘Adios,’ said I, for I
but too well knew what was on the carpet.
In the back stable the Gypsy kept a mule, a most extraordinary animal,
which was employed in bringing water to the house, a task which it
effected with no slight difficulty; it was reported to be eighteen years
of age; one of its eyes had been removed by some accident, it was
foundered, and also lame, the result of a broken leg. This animal was
the laughing-stock of all Tarifa; the Gypsy grudged it the very straw on
while alone he fed it, and had repeatedly offered it for sale at a
dollar, which he could never obtain. During the night there was much
merriment going on, and I could frequently distinguish the voice of the
Gypsy raised to a boisterous pitch. In the morning the Gypsy hag entered
my apartment, bearing the breakfast of myself and Hayim. ‘What were you
about last night?’ said I.
‘We were bargaining with the Busno, evil overtake him, and he has
exchanged us the ass, for the mule and the reckoning,’ said the hag, in
whose countenance triumph was blended with anxiety.
‘Was he drunk when he saw the mule?’ I demanded.
‘He did not see her at all, O my son, but we told him we had a beautiful
mule, worth any money, which we were anxious to dispose of, as a donkey
suited our purpose better. We are afraid that when he sees her he will
repent his bargain, and if he calls off within four-and-twenty hours, the
exchange is null, and the justicia will cause us to restore the ass; we
have, however, already removed her to our huérta out of the town, where
we have hid her below the ground. Dios sabe (God knows) how it will turn
out.’
When the man and woman saw the lame, foundered, one-eyed creature, for
which and the reckoning they had exchanged their own beautiful borrico,
they stood confounded. It was about ten in the morning, and they had not
altogether recovered from the fumes of the wine of the preceding night;
at last the man, with a frightful oath, exclaimed to the innkeeper,
‘Restore my donkey, you Gypsy villain!’
‘It cannot be, brother,’ replied the latter, ‘your donkey is by this time
three leagues from here: I sold her this morning to a man I do not know,
and I am afraid I shall have a hard bargain with her, for he only gave
two dollars, as she was unsound. O, you have taken me in, I am a poor
fool as they call me here, and you understand much, very much, baribu.’
{230}
‘Her value was thirty-five dollars, thou demon,’ said the countryman,
‘and the justicia will make you pay that.’
‘Come, come, brother,’ said the Gypsy, ‘all this is mere conversation;
you have a capital bargain, to-day the mercado is held, and you shall
sell the mule; I will go with you myself. O, you understand baribu;
sister, bring the bottle of anise; the señor and the señora must drink a
copíta.’ After much persuasion, and many oaths, the man and woman were
weak enough to comply; when they had drunk several glasses, they departed
for the market, the Gypsy leading the mule. In about two hours they
returned with the wretched beast, but not exactly as they went; a
numerous crowd followed, laughing and hooting. The man was now frantic,
and the woman yet more so. They forced their way upstairs to collect
their baggage, which they soon effected, and were about to leave the
house, vowing revenge. Now ensued a truly terrific scene, there were no
more blandishments; the Gypsy men and women were in arms, uttering the
most frightful execrations; as the woman came downstairs, the females
assailed her like lunatics; the cripple poked at her with a stick, the
tall hag clawed at her hair, whilst the father Gypsy walked close beside
the man, his hand on his clasp-knife, looking like nothing in this world:
the man, however, on reaching the door, turned to him and said: ‘Gypsy
demon, my borrico by three o’clock—or you know the rest, the justicia.’
The Gypsies remained filled with rage and disappointment; the hag vented
her spite on her brother. ‘’Tis your fault,’ said she; ‘fool! you have
no tongue; you a Chabó, you can’t speak’; whereas, within a few hours, he
had perhaps talked more than an auctioneer during a three days’ sale: but
he reserved his words for fitting occasions, and now sat as usual, sullen
and silent, smoking his pipe.
The man and woman made their appearance at three o’clock, but they
came—intoxicated; the Gypsy’s eyes glistened—blandishment was again had
recourse to. ‘Come and sit down with the cavalier here,’ whined the
family; ‘he is a friend of ours, and will soon arrange matters to your
satisfaction.’ I arose, and went into the street; the hag followed me.
‘Will you not assist us, brother, or are you no Chabó?’ she muttered.
‘I will have nothing to do with your matters,’ said I.
‘I know who will,’ said the hag, and hurried down the street.
The man and woman, with much noise, demanded their donkey; the innkeeper
made no answer, and proceeded to fill up several glasses with the
_anisado_. In about a quarter of an hour, the Gypsy hag returned with a
young man, well dressed, and with a genteel air, but with something wild
and singular in his eyes. He seated himself by the table, smiled, took a
glass of liquor, drank part of it, smiled again, and handed it to the
countryman. The latter seeing himself treated in this friendly manner by
a caballero, was evidently much flattered, took off his hat to the
newcomer, and drank, as did the woman also. The glass was filled, and
refilled, till they became yet more intoxicated. I did not hear the
young man say a word: he appeared a passive automaton. The Gypsies,
however, spoke for him, and were profuse of compliments. It was now
proposed that the caballero should settle the dispute; a long and noisy
conversation ensued, the young man looking vacantly on: the strange
people had no money, and had already run up another bill at a wine-house
to which they had retired. At last it was proposed, as if by the young
man, that the Gypsy should purchase his own mule for two dollars, and
forgive the strangers the reckoning of the preceding night. To this they
agreed, being apparently stultified with the liquor, and the money being
paid to them in the presence of witnesses, they thanked the friendly
mediator, and reeled away.
Before they left the town that night, they had contrived to spend the
entire two dollars, and the woman, who first recovered her senses, was
bitterly lamenting that they had permitted themselves to be despoiled so
cheaply of a _prenda tan preciosa_, as was the donkey. Upon the whole,
however, I did not much pity them. The woman was certainly not the man’s
wife. The labourer had probably left his village with some strolling
harlot, bringing with him the animal which had previously served to
support himself and family.
I believe that the Gypsy read, at the first glance, their history, and
arranged matters accordingly. The donkey was soon once more in the
stable, and that night there was much rejoicing in the Gypsy inn.
Who was the singular mediator? He was neither more nor less than the
foster child of the Gypsy hag, the unfortunate being whom she had
privately injured in his infancy. After having thus served them as an
instrument in their villainy, he was told to go home. . . .
THE GYPSY SOLDIER OF VALDEPEÑAS
It was at Madrid one fine afternoon in the beginning of March 1838, that,
as I was sitting behind my table in a cabinete, as it is called, of the
third floor of No. 16, in the Calle de Santiágo, having just taken my
meal, my hostess entered and informed me that a military officer wished
to speak to me, adding, in an undertone, that he looked a _strange
guest_. I was acquainted with no military officer in the Spanish
service; but as at that time I expected daily to be arrested for having
distributed the Bible, I thought that very possibly this officer might
have been sent to perform that piece of duty. I instantly ordered him to
be admitted, whereupon a thin active figure, somewhat above the middle
height, dressed in a blue uniform, with a long sword hanging at his side,
tripped into the room. Depositing his regimental hat on the ground, he
drew a chair to the table, and seating himself, placed his elbows on the
board, and supporting his face with his hands, confronted me, gazing
steadfastly upon me, without uttering a word. I looked no less wistfully
at him, and was of the same opinion as my hostess, as to the strangeness
of my guest. He was about fifty, with thin flaxen hair covering the
sides of his head, which at the top was entirely bald. His eyes were
small, and, like ferrets’, red and fiery. His complexion like a brick, a
dull red, checkered with spots of purple. ‘May I inquire your name and
business, sir?’ I at length demanded.
_Stranger_.—‘My name is Chaléco of Valdepeñas; in the time of the French
I served as bragante, fighting for Ferdinand VII. I am now a captain on
half-pay in the service of Donna Isabel; as for my business here, it is
to speak with you. Do you know this book?’
_Myself_.—‘This book is Saint Luke’s Gospel in the Gypsy language; how
can this book concern you?’
_Stranger_.—‘No one more. It is in the language of my people.’
_Myself_.—‘You do not pretend to say that you are a Caló?’
_Stranger_.—‘I do! I am Zíncalo, by the mother’s side. My father, it is
true, was one of the Busné; but I glory in being a Caló, and care not to
acknowledge other blood.’
_Myself_.—‘How became you possessed of that book?’
_Stranger_.—‘I was this morning in the Prado, where I met two women of
our people, and amongst other things they told me that they had a
gabicóte in our language. I did not believe them at first, but they
pulled it out, and I found their words true. They then spoke to me of
yourself, and told me where you live, so I took the book from them and am
come to see you.’
_Myself_.—‘Are you able to understand this book?’
_Stranger_.—‘Perfectly, though it is written in very crabbed language:
{235} but I learnt to read Caló when very young. My mother was a good
Calli, and early taught me both to speak and read it. She too had a
gabicóte, but not printed like this, and it treated of a different
matter.’
_Myself_.—‘How came your mother, being a good Calli, to marry one of a
different blood?’
_Stranger_.—‘It was no fault of hers; there was no remedy. In her
infancy she lost her parents, who were executed; and she was abandoned by
all, till my father, taking compassion on her, brought her up and
educated her: at last he made her his wife, though three times her age.
She, however, remembered her blood and hated my father, and taught me to
hate him likewise, and avoid him. When a boy, I used to stroll about the
plains, that I might not see my father; and my father would follow me and
beg me to look upon him, and would ask me what I wanted; and I would
reply, Father, the only thing I want is to see you dead.’
_Myself_.—‘That was strange language from a child to its parent.’
_Stranger_.—‘It was—but you know the couplet, {236a} which says, “I do
not wish to be a lord—I am by birth a Gypsy—I do not wish to be a
gentleman—I am content with being a Caló!”’
_Myself_.—‘I am anxious to hear more of your history—pray proceed.’
_Stranger_.—‘When I was about twelve years old my father became
distracted, and died. I then continued with my mother for some years;
she loved me much, and procured a teacher to instruct me in Latin. At
last she died, and then there was a pléyto (law-suit). I took to the
sierra and became a highwayman; but the wars broke out. My cousin Jara,
of Valdepeñas, raised a troop of brigantes. {236b} I enlisted with him
and distinguished myself very much; there is scarcely a man or woman in
Spain but has heard of Jara and Chaléco. I am now captain in the service
of Donna Isabel—I am covered with wounds—I am—ugh! ugh! ugh—!’
He had commenced coughing, and in a manner which perfectly astounded me.
I had heard hooping coughs, consumptive coughs, coughs caused by colds,
and other accidents, but a cough so horrible and unnatural as that of the
Gypsy soldier, I had never witnessed in the course of my travels. In a
moment he was bent double, his frame writhed and laboured, the veins of
his forehead were frightfully swollen, and his complexion became black as
the blackest blood; he screamed, he snorted, he barked, and appeared to
be on the point of suffocation—yet more explosive became the cough; and
the people of the house, frightened, came running into the apartment. I
cries, ‘The man is perishing, run instantly for a surgeon!’ He heard me,
and with a quick movement raised his left hand as if to countermand the
order; another struggle, then one mighty throe, which seemed to search
his deepest intestines; and he remained motionless, his head on his knee.
The cough had left him, and within a minute or two he again looked up.
‘That is a dreadful cough, friend,’ said I, when he was somewhat
recovered. ‘How did you get it?’
_Gypsy Soldier_.—‘I am—shot through the lungs—brother! Let me but take
breath, and I will show you the hole—the agujéro.’
He continued with me a considerable time, and showed not the slightest
disposition to depart; the cough returned twice, but not so violently;—at
length, having an engagement, I arose, and apologising, told him I must
leave him. The next day he came again at the same hour, but he found me
not, as I was abroad dining with a friend. On the third day, however, as
I was sitting down to dinner, in he walked, unannounced. I am rather
hospitable than otherwise, so I cordially welcomed him, and requested him
to partake of my meal. ‘Con múcho gusto,’ he replied, and instantly took
his place at the table. I was again astonished, for if his cough was
frightful, his appetite was yet more so. He ate like a wolf of the
sierra;—soup, puchero, fowl and bacon disappeared before him in a
twinkling. I ordered in cold meat, which he presently despatched; a
large piece of cheese was then produced. We had been drinking water.
‘Where is the wine?’ said he.
‘I never use it,’ I replied.
He looked blank. The hostess, however, who was present waiting, said,
‘If the gentleman wish for wine, I have a bota nearly full, which I will
instantly fetch.’
The skin bottle, when full, might contain about four quarts. She filled
him a very large glass, and was removing the skin, but he prevented her,
saying, ‘Leave it, my good woman; my brother here will settle with you
for the little I shall use.’
He now lighted his cigar, and it was evident that he had made good his
quarters. On the former occasion I thought his behaviour sufficiently
strange, but I liked it still less on the present. Every fifteen minutes
he emptied his glass, which contained at least a pint; his conversation
became horrible. He related the atrocities which he had committed when a
robber and bragante in La Mancha. ‘It was our custom,’ said he, ‘to tie
our prisoners to the olive-trees, and then, putting our horses to full
speed, to tilt at them with our spears.’ As he continued to drink he
became waspish and quarrelsome: he had hitherto talked Castilian, but he
would now only converse in Gypsy and in Latin, the last of which
languages he spoke with great fluency, though ungrammatically. He told
me that he had killed six men in duels; and, drawing his sword, fenced
about the room. I saw by the manner in which he handled it, that he was
master of his weapon. His cough did not return, and he said it seldom
afflicted him when he dined well. He gave me to understand that he had
received no pay for two years. ‘Therefore you visit me,’ thought I. At
the end of three hours, perceiving that he exhibited no signs of taking
his departure, I arose, and said I must again leave him. ‘As you please,
brother,’ said he; ‘use no ceremony with me, I am fatigued, and will wait
a little while.’ I did not return till eleven at night, when my hostess
informed me that he had just departed, promising to return next day. He
had emptied the bota to the last drop, and the cheese produced being
insufficient for him, he sent for an entire Dutch cheese on my account;
part of which he had eaten and the rest carried away. I now saw that I
had formed a most troublesome acquaintance, of whom it was highly
necessary to rid myself, if possible; I therefore dined out for the next
nine days.
For a week he came regularly at the usual hour, at the end of which time
he desisted; the hostess was afraid of him, as she said that he was a
brujo or wizard, and only spoke to him through the wicket.
On the tenth day I was cast into prison, where I continued several weeks.
Once, during my confinement, he called at the house, and being informed
of my mishap, drew his sword, and vowed with horrible imprecations to
murder the prime minister of Ofalia, for having dared to imprison his
brother. On my release, I did not revisit my lodgings for some days, but
lived at an hotel. I returned late one afternoon, with my servant
Francisco, a Basque of Hernáni, who had served me with the utmost
fidelity during my imprisonment, which he had voluntarily shared with me.
The first person I saw on entering was the Gypsy soldier, seated by the
table, whereon were several bottles of wine which he had ordered from the
tavern, of course on my account. He was smoking, and looked savage and
sullen; perhaps he was not much pleased with the reception he had
experienced. He had forced himself in, and the woman of the house sat in
a corner looking upon him with dread. I addressed him, but he would
scarcely return an answer. At last he commenced discoursing with great
volubility in Gypsy and Latin. I did not understand much of what he
said. His words were wild and incoherent, but he repeatedly threatened
some person. The last bottle was now exhausted: he demanded more. I
told him in a gentle manner that he had drunk enough. He looked on the
ground for some time, then slowly, and somewhat hesitatingly, drew his
sword and laid it on the table. It was become dark. I was not afraid of
the fellow, but I wished to avoid anything unpleasant. I called to
Francisco to bring lights, and obeying a sign which I made him, he sat
down at the table. The Gypsy glared fiercely upon him—Francisco laughed,
and began with great glee to talk in Basque, of which the Gypsy
understood not a word. The Basques, like all Tartars, {241a} and such
they are, are paragons of fidelity and good nature; they are only
dangerous when outraged, when they are terrible indeed. Francisco, to
the strength of a giant joined the disposition of a lamb. He was beloved
even in the patio of the prison, where he used to pitch the bar and
wrestle with the murderers and felons, always coming off victor. He
continued speaking Basque. The Gypsy was incensed; and, forgetting the
languages in which, for the last hour, he had been speaking, complained
to Francisco of his rudeness in speaking any tongue but Castilian. The
Basque replied by a loud carcajáda, and slightly touched the Gypsy on the
knee. The latter sprang up like a mine discharged, seized his sword,
and, retreating a few steps, made a desperate lunge at Francisco.
The Basques, next to the Pasiegos, {241b} are the best cudgel-players in
Spain, and in the world. Francisco held in his hand part of a
broomstick, which he had broken in the stable, whence he had just
ascended. With the swiftness of lightning he foiled the stroke of
Chaléco, and, in another moment, with a dexterous blow, struck the sword
out of his hand, sending it ringing against the wall.
The Gypsy resumed his seat and his cigar. He occasionally looked at the
Basque. His glances were at first atrocious, but presently changed their
expression, and appeared to me to become prying and eagerly curious. He
at last arose, picked up his sword, sheathed it, and walked slowly to the
door; when there he stopped, turned round, advanced close to Francisco,
and looked him steadfastly in the face. ‘My good fellow,’ said he, ‘I am
a Gypsy, and can read baji. Do you know where you will be at this time
to-morrow?’ {242} Then, laughing like a hyena, he departed, and I never
saw him again.
At that time on the morrow, Francisco was on his death-bed. He had
caught the jail fever, which had long raged in the Carcel de la Corte,
where I was imprisoned. In a few days he was buried, a mass of
corruption, in the Campo Santo of Madrid.
CHAPTER V
THE Gitános, in their habits and manner of life, are much less cleanly
than the Spaniards. The hovels in which they reside exhibit none of the
neatness which is observable in the habitations of even the poorest of
the other race. The floors are unswept, and abound with filth and mud,
and in their persons they are scarcely less vile. Inattention to
cleanliness is a characteristic of the Gypsies, in all parts of the
world.
The Bishop of Forli, as far back as 1422, gives evidence upon this point,
and insinuates that they carried the plague with them; as he observes
that it raged with peculiar violence the year of their appearance at
Forli. {243}
At the present day they are almost equally disgusting, in this respect,
in Hungary, England, and Spain. Amongst the richer Gitános, habits of
greater cleanliness of course exist than amongst the poorer. An air of
sluttishness, however, pervades their dwellings, which, to an experienced
eye, would sufficiently attest that the inmates were Gitános, in the
event of their absence.
What can be said of the Gypsy dress, of which such frequent mention is
made in the Spanish laws, and which is prohibited together with the Gypsy
language and manner of life? Of whatever it might consist in former
days, it is so little to be distinguished from the dress of some classes
amongst the Spaniards, that it is almost impossible to describe the
difference. They generally wear a high-peaked, narrow-brimmed hat, a
zamarra of sheep-skin in winter, and, during summer, a jacket of brown
cloth; and beneath this they are fond of exhibiting a red plush
waistcoat, something after the fashion of the English jockeys, with
numerous buttons and clasps. A faja, or girdle of crimson silk,
surrounds the waist, where, not unfrequently, are stuck the cachas which
we have already described. Pantaloons of coarse cloth or leather descend
to the knee; the legs are protected by woollen stockings, and sometimes
by a species of spatterdash, either of cloth or leather; stout high-lows
complete the equipment.
Such is the dress of the Gitános of most parts of Spain. But it is
necessary to remark that such also is the dress of the chalans, and of
the muleteers, except that the latter are in the habit of wearing broad
sombreros as preservatives from the sun. This dress appears to be rather
Andalusian than Gitáno; and yet it certainly beseems the Gitáno better
than the chalan or muleteer. He wears it with more easy negligence or
jauntiness, by which he may be recognised at some distance, even from
behind.