Cleveland Row, Nov. 6th, 1799.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,
I have just received your letter. My business seems to increase
upon me so much that I fear I must abandon all hope of my Stowe
project. I heartily wish that I could see the means of executing
the idea you mention, but our force is not as yet sufficient for
the purpose, especially considering that the possession of the
country would give the enemy such incalculable advantage over an
army whose communication would be maintained in that season across
the Channel. We cannot well put the army brought back from Holland
at more than thirty thousand effective men, including Russians.
Twenty or twenty-five thousand Militia volunteers, English and
Irish, may be added to this during the winter if our last measure
succeeds, and other additions will also be gradually coming
forward; but I doubt whether even then we shall have enough to
encounter the mass of force which the enemy could bring against us
in his own country, if not occupied by some serious attack on the
other side.
Our system must therefore, I think, of necessity be this, viz.: to
complete the winter in negotiating on the continent, in furnishing
supplies to the royalists, who have, however, shown themselves much
too soon, both for their own interest and ours; and in nursing up
our own force to make it as considerable and as fit for action as
we can.
In the spring its employment must be regulated by the state of the
other two points. If Austria has made her peace (which, though
certainly not improbable, I do not however consider as the most
likely event), and if the royalists are crushed, our force can then
only be used in desultory expeditions to annoy the enemy, and
weaken his means of acting against us; for to make a serious
impression on France with sixty, or even eighty thousand men,
unsupported by any diversion, is impossible, and the attempt can
only lead to disaster, and to the loss of the only army we ever can
have during this war. This was our situation in 1798. We fought
manfully through it under much greater disadvantages than we should
now have to meet. The enemy was stronger and more abundant in
resources. We were weaker in force, and the extent of our means was
unknown even to ourselves.
If, on the contrary, the French are materially occupied either by
Austria, or by royalists, or still better if by both, we may then
choose our own point of attack; our fleet will threaten the whole
coast from Cadiz to the Texel and Delfzuyl, and nothing but a
course of ill luck, equal to that of this year, can deprive us of
the benefit of a fortnight or three weeks' start in whatever point
we really attack.
I should be sorry that any degree even of private blame in people's
minds should attach on the Duke of York, who has, I really believe,
had no other fault on this occasion than that of following, perhaps
too implicitly, the advice of those whose advice he was desired to
follow. In many things he has certainly done extremely well.
The business of the Union is going on well, and I trust rapidly
approaching to a conclusion. Even if it were possible that we
should again fail next year, still I should regard the ultimate
success of the measure as certain.
I have been ruminating on some ecclesiastical projects, but I do
not know whether I shall be able to bring them to bear, nor do I
yet possess all the knowledge of the actual state of things which
is necessary in order to enable me to fix my own judgment. They
relate to the two points of episcopal jurisdiction and
superintendence, and residence of parochial clergy.
My notion is to strengthen, if necessary, the legal powers of the
bishops, so as to give them effective means, both of suspension and
deprivation, in all cases, both of improper life and manners, and
of remissness in the execution of certain _stated duties_ which
they are to be required to exact from all their parochial clergy.
To enable them, from the chapters in their dioceses, at their own
choice, to augment the number of their archdeacons or _visitants_,
under whatever name may best suit the old constitutional forms of
our Church. To require them, or in their absence, the archdeacon,
or other proper person, to hold fixed and invariable annual
visitations; at which, calling, if necessary, to their assistance a
certain number of their beneficed or dignified clergy, they should
receive the reports of their archdeacons and other visitants, and
should _at such visitation_, or at furthest at the next visitation,
proceed by sentence either of suspension or deprivation against all
persons who should appear on such reports to be of scandalous life
or conversation, or to have published irreligious, immoral, or
seditious books, or to have been remiss in the performance of such
_stated duties_ as above. Lastly, to compel the bishops to return
these reports, and their proceedings thereon at their visitations,
to their metropolitans, by whom they should be annually laid before
the King, with their observations thereon.
As to parochial residence, the idea would be to require that no
person shall on any pretence be non-resident on his living, without
appointing a curate to be there _constantly_ resident in his room.
And to charge on the consolidated fund a sum sufficient to make up
every living throughout the kingdom to the amount of L70 per annum,
with the single exception of such parishes as, being adjacent to
each other, it might be fit to _conjoin_ for this purpose, by the
act of proper commissioners to act with the bishop, &c.
When, therefore, the living fell short of L70, the parson would
receive the difference from the public, but would be compelled to
personal and constant residence, (and some provision might be made
for the residence and maintenance of his curate in the single case
of absence with the bishop's licence, from _extreme necessity_ of
sickness). When the living amounted to L70 or upwards, he would
have the choice, as at present, of residing, or finding some legal
excuse for non-residence; but in the latter case he would be
obliged to provide a curate _constantly_ resident. And in both
cases proper certificates of residence would be required to be
produced to the _visitants_.
The hardship, whatever it was, which this regulation would bring on
the body of the clergy at large (I do not speak of particular
cases), would be amply compensated by the addition which the
Legislature would thus make to the smaller livings; and the expense
of this last measure would be much more than compensated to the
public, by the benefit which must arise from the constant residence
of a clergyman in every parish throughout the kingdom.
By what I have called _stated duties_ above, I mean, that from
these resident clergymen, who would no longer have the plea of
other duty to perform, I would certainly exact, by enumeration,
many points of their duty (evening service, catechism, visitation
of sick, and other points), which are now growing, or grown into
disuse.
You would much oblige me by your ideas on these points. On the
first I have been told that it is no more, or little more, than the
law as it now exists. All I can say is, that I am sure it is not
the practice as it now exists; and that this is not the only case
where it has been found to be highly useful to re-enact, with small
variation, the existing law, in order to call the attention and
excite the zeal, both of those who are to execute the law, and of
those who are to obey it.
You are not, I am very certain, one of those extremely profound
politicians who have, among other happy discoveries of this age,
found out that the religion of the people has no influence on its
morals, or its morals on the prosperity and good government of the
State. You will not, therefore, think that an attention to this
subject is either unbecoming Government and Parliament, or is ill
suited to such a moment as the present.
God bless you, my dear brother.
Ever most affectionately yours,
G.