Dropmore, August 27th, 1798.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,
I am much obliged to you for your letter, which I got last night,
with the other accounts of the landing at Killala. I hope we are
not too sanguine in thinking that the French are much too late for
their object, and that the result of this expedition will give us
fresh security. The interval is however unavoidably one of some
anxiety, and I confess I regret now Lord Cornwallis's security in
declining to receive any further reinforcements, though it is
seldom that a General fails _on that side_. All this can only be
with a view to the possibility of a general insurrection; for
without that their twelve hundred men are not worth a second
thought, and their arms are merely thrown away.
I see in their full force all the difficulties that might arise in
the contingency of Lord Cornwallis's death. But I trust that danger
is as remote as the death of any man can reasonably be said to be.
There would be much inconvenience in its being suspected or known
that he had a provisional successor named and resident on the spot,
because Irish speculation would extend the contingency thus
provided for, from the case of his death to that of his
resignation. The subject shall however be considered, and your name
shall certainly not be brought forward unless I see that the thing
would be wished; the only footing on which it is possible to place
so liberal and generous an offer.
God bless you.
No more news of Buonaparte or Nelson. I terribly fear that the
latter will do something _too_ desperate.
Austria and Russia are evidently, _at last_, preparing for war. But
we are now in the end of August, and with a very little more
hesitation and delay the possibility of acting this year is gone,
and then France _must_ use the _winter_ to divide us all by
separate negotiations.
In a subsequent letter, Lord Grenville again refers to the policy acted
upon by Lord Cornwallis in reference to the rebels.
With respect to the political system I had my doubts, and expressed
them to you, at the time that your opinions, formed I am sure every
way on much better means of judging than I have, was more
favourable to what was doing. But the experience is now, I am sorry
to say it, wholly on my side, and I am every hour more and more
persuaded that the old rules are best, and that Government has not
gained, but lose extremely, by allowing traitors to treat with them
in a body, and to stipulate for the right to commit a fresh and
distinct act of misprision of treason, for which they are at this
time indictable, till this new offence is protected with the old
ones by a Bill of pardon.
The situation of the Secretary, who is afraid to act on his opinion
in a great parliamentary question, is neither respectable nor
useful; but I protest that I am not more a stranger to Buonaparte's
government of Egypt than I am to that of Ireland. It cannot
continue in this state; but unfortunately, in these times it is not
enough to see that a thing is wrong, but one must be sure that in
endeavouring to correct it we do not produce some fresh and greater
mischief. It is a bad subject, and _fait faire du mauvais sang_.
My flock is more docile, and my Emperors are going to war like good
boys, but they have been a long while bringing themselves to it.
The excellent effect produced by the presence of the English Militia in
Ireland, led Lord Grenville to desire the extension of a service which,
in many points of view, was admirably calculated to check the
insubordinate temper of the people. The English character offered an
example of steadiness and discipline which could hardly fail to make
some impression on the disordered masses of the population; while the
independence of all local interests and sectarian prejudices displayed
by those troops might be reasonably hoped to exercise a beneficial
influence on the minds of dispassionate people. Lord Cornwallis,
however, held a different opinion; but he was so chary in his
communications to the Cabinet, that we find Lord Grenville constantly
complaining of not receiving any intelligence from the Castle, either as
to the views of the Government or the events that were passing in the
country. "You will easily imagine," he observes in a letter to Lord
Buckingham, "I still feel some anxiety for further information, when I
tell you that neither from Lord-Lieutenant nor Secretary have we, by
this messenger, one word more than you will see in the 'Gazette'
published this day. This system must have its end." The zeal of the
English Militia was not likely to be much encouraged by the plan of
close councils and sudden resolves thus pursued by Lord Cornwallis, and
which, excellent, perhaps, in reference to regular troops, was
calculated to produce resentments and discontents amongst voluntary and
temporary levies. An unfortunate misunderstanding which occurred at this
time between Lord Cornwallis and Lord Buckingham developed the state of
feeling existing between the Irish Government and the English Militia,
and brought it to a very unexpected crisis.
A detachment of the Bucks had been ordered by the Lord-Lieutenant into
the field, and Lord Buckingham, as colonel of the regiment, conceived
that he had a right to take the command; but Lord Cornwallis, who looked
at these matters with the formality and decision of a martinet,
exercised his own discretion in giving the command to another officer.
The grounds of Lord Buckingham's exception to the Lord-Lieutenant's
dictum on this point were, that the detachment taken from his regiment
for this particular service was numerically greater than the remainder
of the regiment left behind, and that being also of greater force than a
detachment from another regiment with which it was to act, he was
entitled to take the command of both. Lord Cornwallis, however,
overruled his wishes, as tending to produce inconvenience to the service
in the matter of rank, and in other respects. To Lord Buckingham's
remonstrance on the subject, Lord Cornwallis transmitted a reply which
induced Lord Buckingham to request his Lordship's permission to lay the
whole correspondence before the King. It was to be expected under these
feelings of irritation that Lord Buckingham should have been desirous of
returning to England. But the expression of such a desire was liable to
misconstruction. Lord Grenville felt that it was possible it might be
interpreted into an appearance of declining service.
Now, my dear brother, as to the question of sending the Bucks back,
I really scarce know what to do about it. I have no communications
(for none of us have any) which can enable one to form the least
guess of Lord Cornwallis's intentions, much less any previous
knowledge of his measures. Nothing could be more unexpected to me
than to hear that he had ordered back any part of the Militia
force, which can alone enable him to accomplish his object, or to
protect Ireland during the winter. If any part is to go back, it
certainly seems reasonable that those who went first should be
first relieved; but I am totally at a loss how to take any steps
for this purpose which shall not be liable to interpretations the
most repugnant to your feelings and to the spirit with which you
set the example of a measure by which alone Ireland was to be
preserved to this country.
In a state of unreserved communication, such as ought to prevail
between a Lord-Lieutenant and his employers, or with a Secretary to
whom one might speak openly, and put such a point on its true
bearing, there would be no difficulty; but you know how far we are
from such a situation. Nor can I honestly advise the taking any
steps towards the removal of any part of the British Militia from
Ireland; though if any is to come away contrary to my opinion, I
feel and acknowledge the justice of your claim, and should, for
every personal reason to yourself, be most anxious to contribute
towards relieving you from such a scene. But even then, how to make
the application, and urge the claim without putting it into his
power to say that there is an appearance of declining service, I
know not, and yet I much wish to manage it. I have made an indirect
suggestion, in the hope that it may be conveyed to him, of the
propriety of considering (if any come away) how the choice should
be made; but I cannot answer for it that this will be stated to
him, and still less that he will pay any attention to it; and I am
restrained by the very forcible consideration I have already
mentioned, from taking more direct and active steps.
Lord Castlereagh was now appointed to the Secretaryship in Ireland, and
the question of the Union, which had been for some time under the
consideration of Government, began to shape itself into a practical
form. We have here the first rough outline of the views of Ministers
upon that measure.