LORD GRENVILLE TO MR. THOMAS GRENVILLE.

Dover Street, Oct. 24th, 1794.

MY DEAREST BROTHER,

Since I wrote my last letter I have received yours, written the day

of your leaving Vienna, and I calculate that this will probably

find you at the Hague. Our situation, with respect to the point on

which I wrote to you so much at large, has been a little, and but a

little, improved by a conversation between the Duke of P. and Pitt.

Nothing having since passed, we conclude that there is a desire to

wait for the benefit of your opinion and Lord Spencer's upon this

difficult and distressing subject--a desire in which I need not say

we most heartily concur.

As far as anything can be concluded from a conversation which did

not lead to any decisive issue, I hope that we have been too easily

alarmed by Irish reports on the subject of a _new system_, and

that, probably in the imagination of those who have first given

rise to those reports, some loose and general expressions have been

construed into pointed and specific assurances. Be this however as

it may, it is certain that infinite mischief has already been done

by the prevalence of those reports, and both the settlement of the

points in discussion here, and the subsequent task of the future

Governor of Ireland, whoever he may be, have been rendered much

more difficult than they would have been if more reserve and

caution had been used. It is, however, useless to regret what is

past, and all our endeavours ought to be applied to remedy the

present evil. I most anxiously wait for the moment of talking over

with you the means of doing this, which I am confident every one

concerned joins in wishing, though all are obliged to confess the

difficulty of it.

Three points are to be considered--Has Lord F. still kept himself

sufficiently open with respect to his engagements with Grattan and

the Ponsonbys, as to be able to undertake the Irish Government with

honour and satisfaction to himself, without displacing the old

tenants of Government to make room for their opponents, and without

giving to the Ponsonbys in particular more influence and power than

belongs to their situation as one among several of the great

connexions in that country? If not, there seems no hope of any

permanent agreement on this subject, even if it were so patched up

for the present as that he could go to Ireland. The next is whether

it is possible for him to undertake the Government without

insisting on the removal of Fitzgibbon? If this cannot be done, the

thing must come to an immediate stop, as we are more and more

convinced that we cannot in honour or duty accede to that measure.

And lastly, supposing any or all of these considerations to oppose

an insurmountable obstacle in the way of his going, ought that to

prevent his continuing to hold his present situation? and can the

Duke of P., Lord F., and _others_, be justified in bringing on the

country the infinite mischiefs of the dissolution of the present

united Government, on no stronger ground than because alterations,

however desirable in their opinion, in the system of governing

Ireland cannot be adopted.

I have said nothing in all this of the question about Lord

Westmoreland's removal. I should readily agree with what you say in

your last letter on that subject, that he ought to wait for a

provision, if I did not see that even this is rendered more

difficult by the _eclat_ of what has happened. Still I should think

he ought to forego his claim; but if he thinks otherwise, he has a

positive promise, which of course cannot be broken. But I always

feel a confidence that this point would in some manner be arranged,

because I am sure that we should all be willing to make almost any

sacrifice rather than let it be said by the enemy, that after

having professed to unite on public principle, we had separated on

a mere squabble about the distribution of places.

The other points are those from which I fear the most. It is,

however, a satisfaction to me to think that I see on both sides (I

know it exists on one) a very sincere and earnest desire to prevent

the fatal consequences which a division amongst us, at such a

moment as the present, must infallibly produce. And I can truly add

that, on our part, this desire is increased by the manner in which

everything else had gone on before this unhappy subject was

started.

You are coming from a bad scene and to a bad scene; but we must

hope the best, both at home and abroad, and at least we ought all

to be quite sure that we can tell ourselves we have each done our

best to prevent the misfortunes which seem to hang over us.

God bless you, my dearest brother.

Memoirs of the Court and Cabinets of George the Third From the Original Family Documents, Volume 2 · 第 176 / 390 题