(Private.) Dover Street, Oct. 15th, 1794.
MY DEAREST BROTHER,
I think it probable that you may receive with this letter, others
mentioning to you the unhappy misunderstanding which has clouded
all our prospects, and which seems to threaten the worst
consequences to that system, from the permanence of which I had
looked, as you did, for the safety of this country, under all the
difficulties of our present situation. Everything has continued up
to this hour to go on in the most satisfactory manner, with the
single exception of this unfortunate subject of Ireland, which now
is brought to that sort of point which must, as I fear, unavoidably
produce the immediate dissolution of the union, which we were both
so anxious to maintain and perpetuate.
It would be difficult for me to give you an exact account how this
mischief has originated, because I am of course ignorant of the
manner in which the Duke of P. and Lord F. received the
impressions, on which they appear to have acted. About the time I
wrote my last letter to you, or rather earlier, reports came round
to Pitt and myself that the party who had acted in opposition in
Ireland, and particularly Ponsonby and Grattan, had held the
strongest language respecting assurances received by them from the
Duke of P. and Lord F., that the latter was immediately to be
declared Lord-Lieutenant, that Mr. Pitt had given Ireland over
entirely to them, and that a new system of measures and men was to
be adopted. In these reports particular persons were mentioned as
being to be dismissed, and amongst these the Chancellor. The only
impression which these produced on my mind was, that Lord F. had
talked too soon of his intended appointment, as it had been
uniformly explained that he could not be named till some provision
was found for Lord W., the fact being that when the latter went to
Ireland he accepted that situation, on an express engagement that
he should return to one not less advantageous than the Post-Office,
which he then quitted. I imagined also that in his communications
with persons, whose support to a new Government in Ireland we all
wished to secure, he had been less guarded than he might have been,
and had given in his conversation more way to ideas stated by them
than it could be prudent to do. And in this impression I wrote to
you, thinking all the rest to proceed only from the usual
exaggeration of reports of this nature, particularly in Ireland;
and feeling confident that before any measure was really determined
upon, we should have an opportunity of discussing it fully, and of
weighing the proposed advantages of it against the very great
objections which naturally and at first sight occur.
Soon after this we heard that Lord F. had actually taken such steps
in Ireland as marked his persuasion of his being immediately to be
appointed, and as gave on that account great offence to Lord W., to
whom no communication of that nature had yet been made on our part,
because we saw no such opening as it would have been necessary to
hold out to him when such communication was made.
While we were doubting what step it might be best to take on this
subject, to avoid giving any ground of uneasiness or
dissatisfaction, the Duke of P. wrote to Pitt to urge the immediate
appointment of Lord F. as a thing already determined upon, and
without taking any notice of the necessity of the previous
arrangement for Lord W. This led to intercourse upon the subject,
and it is only since that time that we have found ourselves
apprized of all the difficulties of the subject, and of the extent
of the misunderstanding which prevails respecting it.
It appears that Lord F. has (on whatever grounds) announced to his
friends in Ireland his immediate destination for that country, in
such a manner as makes him now think that his appointment cannot
even be postponed without discredit to himself, and that he cannot
any longer continue in the King's service in any other situation
than that of Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.
If this difficulty stood alone, it would be sufficiently great. The
principle on which Pitt had always acted in forming this junction,
and the justification which he has used to those of his friends who
disapproved or doubted about the measure, was, that he sacrificed
to it the situation of none of the former Government, or its
supporters; but that he used such openings as presented themselves,
and such as he could create without removals, for the purpose of
bringing into the public service a large and respectable
description of persons, actuated by the same view as himself of the
present state and circumstances of the country. Yet it hardly seems
possible that, without breaking in upon this principle, Lord F.
could now be appointed. I am, however, persuaded that if this had
been the only difficulty, some expedient would have been found to
remove it, though it is not easy to say what that expedient could
have been. But certainly for such an object as the maintenance of a
system on which the fate of the country seems so much to rest,
great sacrifices would and ought to have been made.
But it now appears that the reports which had reached us were in a
very great degree, if not indeed wholly, founded in the real truth
of what had happened. There is, I fear, no reason to doubt that
some of the very expressions I have mentioned have actually been
used, and that Lord F. has pledged himself too far to recede, with
respect to a total new system, both of men and measures. The first
point of this system goes to no less than the dismission of the
Chancellor, who was, as I understand, to be replaced by Adair. On
this subject, Pitt and myself cannot but feel that the only ground
on which the Ponsonbys can desire the Chancellor's removal, is the
conduct he held during the Regency in support of Lord Buckingham's
Government, and that our consent to such a step must therefore be
utterly dishonourable and degrading to us. But independent of this
consideration, it is my sincere opinion that there cannot be
adopted any measure more certainly destructive of the peace and
tranquillity of that country. The system of introducing English
party into Ireland, the principle of connecting changes of
Government here with the removal of persons high in office there,
and particularly the marking that system in the instance of a
person of Fitzgibbon's situation, weight, and character, are all so
utterly irreconcilable with every view that I have of the state of
that country, that I should really be inexcusable if I could make
myself a party to such a measure; and in this opinion Pitt entirely
concurs.
On every principle, therefore, of duty and character, we are
obliged to say that we cannot consent to this step, and we can only
regret that, if it was originally intended, so capital a feature in
the new arrangement was not brought forward earlier. The same
observation applies to the whole idea of holding out a new system
of men and measures in Ireland. If that was meant before the
junction was made, it ought surely to have been stated then, in
order that we might judge whether it did not oppose an
insurmountable bar to the whole scheme. If it has only been
conceived since that period, it ought certainly to have been
communicated and concerted here, before any pledge or assurance was
given to individuals who might be concerned in it there.
When I say this, you must not suppose that there enters into our
minds anything like warmth or resentment on the subject. The manner
in which everything else has been conducted since we acted
together, convinces me that the evil has arisen from precipitation
and indiscretion, and not from any concerted plan of committing us,
without our knowledge, to measures which we could not be supposed
willing to adopt. And if it were still possible that the thing
could be settled without discredit to either party, not only my
sense of the public interest, but my personal feeling towards them,
would make me think that no means ought to be left untried for that
purpose. I am, however, obliged to confess to myself that I see no
possibility of this. The publicity which has been given to the
whole business seems to render it utterly impracticable. The
assurances which have been given are well known, and the breach or
performance of them must be discreditable to one of the _two_
parties, for such, unfortunately, they now are again.
I never can enough regret your absence from this country while this
has been going on. I am sure if you had been here the whole thing
would have been avoided. As it is, what determination you will take
respecting your own line I know not, and I feel myself too deeply
interested in it to think myself a fair or competent adviser.
Nothing can be more unfortunate to the public interest than this
incident; but the sense of it would certainly be very much
aggravated to me if it were to lead, which I still hope it may not,
to the placing us two again on different lines, and in opposite
systems. Whatever you decide in that respect, I cannot help
flattering myself that you will do justice to our conduct; and
without calling upon you to condemn others, I cannot help
entertaining the belief that you will think no part of this great
misfortune imputable to us. With respect to my own personal
opinions of the importance of forming and maintaining the union,
you were, I am sure, enough a witness to them to make it very
unnecessary for me, in writing to you, to dwell much on that point.
I have written this to you, though the thing has not yet taken its
final turn, because any delay might possibly prevent your receiving
it before your arrival here, for which I now look with increased
impatience and anxiety.
God bless you, my dearest brother.
The weak point of the Government was its combination of opposite
parties; and the consideration which finally determined the course of
Ministers, was the necessity of preventing their differences from coming
to an open rupture--a result that would have jeopardized the very
existence of the Administration. With that paramount object in view,
Lord Grenville, writing again to his brother, analyses the difficulties
of the situation, and points out the only paths that could be opened to
an honourable and creditable accommodation.