RESIDENCE AT EYEO, OR KATUNGA, THE CAPITAL OF YOURIBA.
Tuesday, January 24th.—Early this morning the king paid us a visit,
accompanied by his favourite eunuch and Abaco the messenger. He had
received previous information that he wished to have the presents
intended for him this night; and such is the crooked policy of
these petty sovereigns of Africa, that no present can be given, no
business or transaction of importance can be done openly: all must be
conducted under the cover of night, and with the greatest secrecy,
from the highest to the lowest. We first began inquiring after his
health. I then told him that I was the king of England’s servant,
sent by his majesty to beg his acceptance of a present, which then
lay before me; that we had heard his (the king of Youriba’s)
name mentioned in England as a great king; that we now experienced
the truth of the report; that three white men, two of them my
companions, and one a servant, had died on the road; that another
of my companions was at Dahomey, to ask the king of that country
to allow him a passage through his dominions. I told him that all
the Youriba people had behaved well to us; that the caboceers of
the different towns through which we had passed supplied us with
every thing we wanted, especially the chief of Jannah, his friend,
who had shown the greatest attention to us, and had given us a good
man for a messenger, who had conducted us with safety and attention
to his majesty’s capital. Upon this the messenger was ordered to
make his prostrations, and his majesty rubbed his shoulders with
his hand. I then told him that the king of England would be glad
to make him his friend, and that whatever he, the king of Youriba,
might have occasion for would be sent from England by one of the
king’s ships to Badagry.
The king then replied in assuring us that we were truly welcome to
his country; that he had frequently heard of white men; but that
neither himself, nor his father, nor any of his ancestors had ever
seen one. He was glad that white men had come at this time; and
now he trusted his country would be put right, his enemies brought
to submission, and he would be enabled to build up his father’s
house, which war had destroyed. This he spoke in such a feeling
and energetic manner, and repeated it so many times, that I could
not help sympathising with him. He then said we were welcome to his
country, and he was glad to see us, and would have been so, even if
we had not a cowrie, instead of coming with our hands full, as we had
done; that he wanted nothing from white men, but something to assist
him against his enemies, and those of his people who had rebelled
against him, so as to enable him to reduce them to obedience; that
his slaves from Housa had joined the Fellatahs, put to death the old,
and sold the young; that he was glad to hear that all his people had
behaved well to us; that had any of them refused us assistance, he
should have sent an order to cut off their heads; that the caboceer
of Jannah was his slave, whom he put there to look after that part of
his dominions; that Badagry, Alladah, and Dahomey all belonged to him,
and paid custom for every ship that anchored there: and he concluded
by assuring us he wanted nothing but assistance against his enemies;
feelingly deploring the civil war occasioned by his father’s
death, the state of his country, and of his capital, Katunga. He
then asked us if we did not see the ruined towns as we came along
the road. “All these,” says he, “were destroyed and burned by
my rebellious Housa slaves, and their friends, the Fellatahs.”
We now began to unfold and to deliver the presents. With the
umbrellas and gold-mounted cane he was much pleased; but for the
red and blue cloth, which, by some mistake, was common cloth for
soldiers’ coats, we had to make an apology. With all the others
he was highly pleased. Indeed, during our stay at Katunga he was
never seen without the cane.
After the delivery of the presents, I told him that the king, my
master, had sent me before on a mission to Bornou, in which country
and Housa I had passed two years; that the sultans and people of
these countries had behaved to me with the greatest kindness; and
that, having then understood that the path we were now going was
the nearest way to Bornou, the king of England had ordered me, as
I proceeded, to visit the king of Youriba, and to assure him of his
friendship, and to request him to give me a safe conduct to Nyffee,
from whence I might proceed to Bornou.
He seemed to hesitate much at this request, and consulted with his
minister what answer to give. After which, he said, that Nyffee or
Toppa was involved in civil war, caused by the death of the king,
who had left two sons, both of whom claimed the kingdom; that one
son had more of his countrymen on his side, but the other had called
in the assistance of the Fellatahs or Fellans, which made him doubt
as to my safety, in the event of his putting me into their hands. I
told him I was a servant of the king of England, and must go where
he chose to order me, and that, live or die, I must proceed; that I
had nothing to do with either party or with their wars; that all I
wanted was a passage over the Quorra into Nyffee, and hoped he would
not refuse me. After some further consultation with his counsellors,
he said he would despatch a messenger to open the road for me,
and that he would send me safely over the river.
Wednesday, 25th.—Early this morning the king sent me a present of
a large fat cow, a sheep, yams, &c. He had before sent us a goat,
yams, honey, and milk, night and morning.
The atmosphere here is so dry, that most of the instruments are
breaking and splitting. My only hygrometer was broken at Badagry. The
late Dr. Morrison’s barometers were fitted with ivory screws at
the bottom of the tube; they are all split, and rendered useless by
the heat: the plain tubes are the best; those with ivory or wooden
scales contract, and break the glass. The microscope is all in pieces,
as also several other instruments.
In the evening we had a visit from the king, to thank me for the
presents I had given him, and again to assure me of being welcome;
said that he wanted nothing, unless it was something that would
speedily cause the submission of the rebels. He said that he had
sent to his friend the king of Benin for troops to assist him in
the war. He added that the customary fêtes or amusements would
begin in about two months, and he would be very glad if I would stay
and see them; that he dressed now as a common man, but after that,
I should see him robed as a king. I told him I must go on early,
to get to Bornou before the rains. Mr. Houtson took this opportunity
of observing to him that he had been at the customs in Dahomey, and
inquired if the king of Yourriba put to death such a number of people
at his customs as at those of Dahomey. He shook his head, shrugged up
his shoulders, and exclaimed “No, no—no king of Yourriba could
sacrifice human beings; and that if he so commanded, the king of
Dahomey must also desist from that practice; that he must obey him.”
Thursday, 26th.—This morning we had a sheep from the king, and a
hog and some plantains from one of his sons. In the evening I set off
five rockets, which astonished all and frightened away many. The king
was sitting under his verandah, and we waited on him to inquire how
he liked the rockets; he was quite delighted, and said they should
be kept for war.
Friday, 27th.—Employed in reducing the packages, and writing. The
morning dull and hazy. In the afternoon the king paid us a visit,
when we showed him some presents intended for the three principal
caboceers of the city. He said he did not know what to do or say for
our great kindness, as we had given him more things than he would
have got for the sale of one hundred slaves, and now we were giving
more to his caboceers; that, however, what he could do he would. He
said he had sent messengers in different directions to try to find
a safe path to the place where I wished to go; that while we were
in his dominions we were perfectly safe, but on leaving them he was
sorry to think we might be exposed to danger from the disturbed
state of the countries through which I must travel. He then said
that the Tappa, or Nyffé messengers, who had been here three years,
were in waiting to give us every information regarding the course of
the river that I might wish to ask him. They were accordingly called
in, and were certainly the most savage-looking knaves I ever saw;
but they either could not, or were afraid to give any the least
account of the river Quorra, and I therefore sent them off, after
asking a few questions. Indeed there seems a great unwillingness in
both the king and the people of this place to say any thing at all
about the subject, for what reason I cannot yet conjecture.
Saturday, 28th.—This morning I set out on horseback on a visit
to the three head caboceers, who dwell about three miles from our
house. We were received with much kindness and attention by all of
them under their respective verandahs, and surrounded by hundreds of
their wives, who all clapped their hands in token of welcome. They
severally presented us with goats, sheep, pigs, yams, eggs, honey,
and ducks, inviting us to drink country ale with them, and to make
merry; but I was very unwell, and anxious to get home. In the evening
we paid a visit of ceremony to the king, when I asked him to allow
Mr. Houtson and myself to go and look at the Quorra, and return
before closing my despatch for England. He replied, that he heard
what we said, and that we should go. I also asked for a messenger to
carry letters to Badagry in two days hence. He said he would be ready.
Sunday, 29th.—Clear and cool. Very unwell all night with a bad
cold, pains in the limbs, and severe headache, with vomiting of bile;
took calomel. Richard also weak and unwell.
Monday, 30th.—Clear and fine. The harmattan seemingly approaching
its end. Better this morning. In the early part of the evening we
had no wind, and it is extremely hot.
Tuesday, 31st.—I have been very restless and unwell all night. The
king sent twice to inquire after my health yesterday, and wished to
come and see me; but I was too weak to sit up to receive him. The
messenger sent to open the path to Nyffé not yet returned. The
king called to see me this evening, but I was asleep; he insisted,
however, that Mr. Houtson should allow him to look at me with his
own eye, and taking the candle, he did so, and observed, that having
looked on me I should be quite well in the morning. Mr. Houtson asked
him for the loan of a horse, to take an airing in the morning. This
his majesty could not comprehend: what could a man want to ride or
walk for nothing? if he rode or walked, he ought to go and see one
of the caboceers, and he would get a present of a sheep, or a pig,
or some yams; that would be doing good; so he said he would send a
horse in the morning, and he must go and see some of his caboceers,
and he would send to let them know he was coming. The pain in my
head has fallen into my left eye, with inflammation and acute pain,
accompanied with a light delirium. Poor Pascoe very unwell.
Wednesday, February 1.—Strong breezes. My eye a little better. Pascoe
much better. The king, agreeably to his promise, sent a horse and two
eunuchs to attend Mr. Houtson in his ride. He visited one caboceer, and
was about to return home, when the whole of the party begged he would
visit another, or all the caboceers would make a palaver with this one.
Mr. Houtson went accordingly to see the other caboceers; he was
received with great kindness and attention, and came home with a supply
of eggs, milk, honey, two goats, a pig, two ducks, and plantains, &c.
He objected to receiving presents, but they told him the king’s friends
could not come to their houses, and go away empty-handed.
Sunday, 5th.—Morning clear, and a fresh breeze. In the afternoon
had a visit from his majesty. I asked him if the Nyffé messenger
had arrived. He said, no; that he must be dead, sick, or taken
prisoner. He said we could not go by the road of Nyffé, which was
impassable from the wars: what was my hurry to go? He was not yet
tired of me; he had many caboceers coming from the country to see
me; he wished to put every thing right on the roads for me before I
set off; that the king of England did not send me to him to run away
again directly; that he wished me much to wait and see the customs,
for then I should see him truly a king. I said I would do so with
pleasure, but that the rains would have set in by that time, and
I should be unable to go to Bornou. He asked what I was going to
Bornou for. “Did not the king of England send you to me alone?”
“No,” said I, “he sent me to you to procure me a passage to
that country, where an Englishman now resides who was left there
when I returned from thence.” I then told him I would consent to
remain twelve days longer, and if he did not by that time find me a
passage, I would return to England and say he would not allow me to
proceed. He now informed me that the messenger who arrived yesterday
was from one of his provinces called Yaru, five days distance;
that it was divided from the Youri by the Quorra; that he would
send me by that route, which was quite safe. I asked if I could not
go and see the Quorra before I departed from Katunga. He said no:
the Fellatahs had possession of the road. He gave me his gooro-nut
box, carved in the shape of a tortoise in ebony. I promised to
let him have thirty musquets, with powder and ball; on which he
went away dancing, tripped and fell, but was soon picked up by
his ladies. He always brings us some little present when he comes,
and to-day he brought us a bottle of honey, and some fruit called
agra, about the size of a pear, with a hard outer skin, four large
black seeds, surrounded by a pleasant acid pulp, like tamarinds,
of a cream colour. My servant Pascoe met in the market to-day some
Fellatahs, who told him there was no war in Nyffé; that the king
was only afraid of the Fellatahs; that the Fellatahs of Raka had
taken nine Yourribanis, who had been found in a suspicious place,
but were going to return them here on the morrow. Raka is only one
day’s journey north-north-east from Katunga.
Monday, 6th.—In the evening, at the request of the king, I again set
off five rockets, one of which having too low an elevation ran along
the ground, but fortunately only set fire to some grass. We afterwards
went and saw the king, who, with his ladies and principal men, was
sitting outside under the verandah to see the rockets. He presented
us with gooro nuts, and said he would come and see us in the morning.
Tuesday, 7th.—In the middle of the day the king visited me, and brought
a bottle of honey and two cock fowls. He began joking me as to what I
was about to give him. I said I had nothing to give him. Says he, “I
ask you to give me one of your servants.” “I can’t do that,” says I;
“they are free men as well as myself.” “What,” says he, “no slaves in
England!” “No,” says I, “as soon as a slave sets his feet in England
he is free.” “Then,” says he, “as you must go, either Mr. Houtson or
Richard must stop with me. I must have one.” After a good deal of
conversation of this kind I asked him to fix a day for our departure.
He artfully shifted the subject of conversation to that of women. Would
I not like a wife? he would give me one. Did he not give us plenty to
eat, or did he not use me well? “All very true, and very good,” says I,
“but I am not like a black man, who has no book to write. I must know
the day on which I am to go, as I must have all my books ready for the
king of England. Every thing I give away is in that book, every thing I
get, and every thing I say.” All my talk would not make him fix a day,
but he said I should have a servant of his to the king of Youri;
that that road was safe. I would go in four days to Yara in Bamba,
which was tributary to him; there I would cross the river Moussa,
which ran into the Quorra, three days distance; that the Moussa came
from the north-west, and in it were plenty of hippopotami. He is
still particularly shy of giving any information about the Quorra,
of which, perhaps, he has none. At one time he says it runs into the
sea between Jaboo and Benin, and at another that it passes Benin;
that the Fellatahs are in possession of Raka, only a day’s journey
north-north-east, and of all the country between it and the Quorra:
he therefore cannot contrive to get me thither. He now shifted the
subject of conversation; told me he did not know how many wives, or
how many children he had got, but he was sure that his wives alone,
hand to hand, would reach from hence to Jannah. He sent for one of
his daughters, whom he had given as wife to Abaco, the messenger. His
daughters are allowed to take any one they may choose, either as
a husband or lover; but it is death to touch any of the king’s
wives. The son, at the father’s death, takes all the widows to
maintain. The king had his skin rubbed over with the powder of a
species of red wood, ground very fine, and made like a paste; it is
used by all classes. The wood is brought from Waree and Benin. We
gave him a flask of rum on his leaving us, and he promised to give
me some of the blue stone of which his beads are made. He says it
comes from a country between this and Benin. They are not glass,
as I at first supposed.
Thursday, 9th.—This evening I had to take the eunuch to task about
our provisions: he had been dealing us out too small a share, and
pocketing the rest. He pretended to be in a great rage, and even
the milk is now bad.
Friday, 10th.—Moderate breezes and clear. A number of caboceers from
distant provinces arrived to-day, and we had nothing but drumming,
and whistling, the whole day. The king sent us an invitation to
see them, and we went in the afternoon. We found the king seated
in an old easy chair covered with crimson damask. The caboceers at
some distance in front, facing him, dressed in leopard skin robes,
their heads well dusted, and also their cheeks, by rubbing their
faces in the dust while making their prostrations. It is the court
etiquette here to appear in a loose cloth, tied under one arm; part
over the other shoulder, and hanging down to the feet in a graceful
manner: but no tobes, no beads, no coral, or grandeur of any kind,
must appear but on the king alone. The cane I made him a present
of holds, on all occasions, a conspicuous place: when he walks,
he carries it, and when he sits, it is stuck in the ground at some
distance before him. He presented us with gooro nuts, and asked me
to fire off some rockets to-night.
The caboceers from the country were attended by their bowmen. They
are required to wait upon, and first to prostrate themselves before,
the chief eunuch, with dust on their heads. When any one speaks to
the king, he must do it stretched at full length on the ground, and
it must be said to him through the eunuch, who is also prostrated
by his side. When equals meet, they kneel on one knee; women kneel
on both knees, the elbows resting on the ground.
Saturday, 11th.—More caboceers arrive to-day, attended by their
wild-looking followers, armed with swords, bows, and arrows; they
also, covered with dust and sweat, went through their prostrations
before the fat eunuch; the attendants dancing in a circle, while
occasionally one came out, and danced a movement in the minuet style;
in doing which, he would frequently throw a somerset equally as
expert as old Grimaldi himself in his best times. I sat for an hour
and a half, during all which time the prostrations were continued
without intermission, accompanied with the dancing and tumbling,
without regard to the intense heat of the sun. I concluded that they
were practising before the eunuch, in order to be perfect when they
appeared before the king. They were dressed in leopard skin robes,
hung round with tassels and chains. At last the prostrations were
completed, and the eunuch sent for several jars of palm wine. The
caboceers were admitted to drink theirs in the eunuch’s house,
but the attendants drank their share under a tree. In the afternoon,
the king sent for us to see him, but I was too unwell to go, and
desired Mr. Houtson and Richard to attend him.
Monday, 13th.—This morning, our friend and guardian, the fat
eunuch, was drunk; when in that state, he begs every thing he
sees. He got Mr. Houtson and myself into his house to see him dance;
but independent of his want of steadiness, he was the most clumsy and
unwieldy performer I ever saw. He begged we would also dine with him,
but I complained of illness, and Houtson ran off. He followed and made
Mr. Houtson hand out the flask, which, without waiting for a glass,
he put to his mouth, and drank upwards of a pint of raw rum, without
drawing his breath. He said, he had drank two quarts to-day already,
and given away a small cask: that rum was good, and made him fat.
The people of Katunga are fond of ornamenting their doors, and the
posts which support their verandahs, with carvings; and they have
also statues or figures of men and women, standing in their court
yards. The figures carved on their posts and doors are various; but
principally of the boa snake, with a hog or antelope in his mouth;
frequently men taking slaves, and sometimes a man on horseback
leading slaves.
Their manner of burying the dead is to dig a deep narrow hole, into
which the corpse is put in a sitting posture, the elbows between the
two knees: a poor person is buried without any ceremony; a rich man
has guns fired, and rum drank over his grave, and in his house by
his friends and retainers. When a king of Yourriba dies, the caboceer
of Jannah, three other head caboceers, four women, and a great many
favourite slaves and others, are obliged to swallow poison, given
by fetishmen, in a parrot’s egg: should this not take effect, the
person is provided with a rope to hang himself in his own house. No
public sacrifices are used, at least no human sacrifices, and no one
was allowed to die at the death of the last king, as he did not die a
natural death; having been murdered by one of his own sons: not the
present king. Wives are bought; and according to the circumstances
of the bridegroom, so is the price. Three days after the bargain,
he and his friends go and bring the wife to his own house, when the
pitto, or country beer, is sent about freely amongst the guests.
In the afternoon we waited on the king. There is a pleasant walk
through a large enclosed park at the foot of the hills, between
the house of the king and that of his wives, enclosed by a clay
wall. Some parts of the park are planted with corn, yams, &c. and
others studded with beautiful shady trees. The king was sitting
under the shade of one of the trees. I observed to him that I had
been here twenty-four days, and was anxious to go on my journey, as
the rains were about to set in. He asked if all the white men were
going. I said “Only myself and my servants.” As I knew him to be
skilful in evasive answers, and always to have one ready at hand, I
said “Fix a day.” His reply was, “Every one would say, the white
man came to see the king of Yourriba, and brought him large presents,
and requested him to give them a good passage to where they wanted to
go; he gave them a bad path; they were robbed and killed: all people
would say that the king of Yourriba did not do good to white man.”
He had been busy these last four days with his people, but he had sent
a messenger to get a good path. I asked him positively to fix a day,
as I could not put off any longer. After consulting with his people,
he said, “Nine days.” I said, “Well—I shall remain nine days:” without
saying one word that I had every thing ready to go.
_Foo-foo_, the common food of the rich and poor, is of two
kinds—white and black: the white is merely boiled yams beaten into a
paste with water, and sold in balls of about a pound weight each. The
black is made as follows:—The yam is first parboiled, then cut
into small pieces and exposed to the rays of the sun till quite dry;
in this state it is pounded in a large wooden mortar into a flour,
and sifted again and again until it is as fine as possible. The
flour will keep in this way about six months. When wanted for use,
boiling water is poured over it, and stirred round until completely
mixed and of a proper thickness; and when so done it is, like the
other, made into balls of about a pound weight each. The natives
eat it with soup, gravy, or palm oil; or without any other thing.
Wednesday, 15th.—At 3 P.M. we had a messenger from Jannah, who
brought letters; one from Captain Clavering of the Redwing, with
half a dozen bottles of porter and half a dozen of wine; the other
two half dozens having either been broken or drunk on the road. The
supply was as welcome as unexpected, and proved to us how very little
trouble and expense were required to keep up the communication. By
the letters of Captain Clavering, it appears that the trunks of the
late Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison had arrived safe.
Thursday, 16th.—Morning cool and cloudy. We had an early visit
from the king, who was anxious to have a bottle of our porter, which
I could not well refuse. He also begged my looking glass, and one of
the tin boxes. In my turn I told him, that since we had finished our
bullock that he gave us, we had nothing to eat. He replied, we must
go to the caboceers. I told him I would do no such thing; that we
did not come here to beg. He said I was mistaken; it was not begging;
they were all his slaves, and what they possessed belonged to him. I
requested, however, that he should send orders to them direct from
himself. After a little time he left us: but the eunuch remained;
and showing symptoms of sauciness I turned him out of the house.
Friday, 17th.—Morning clear and cool, with fresh harmattan
breezes. A great number of people arrived to-day from different
parts of the country to pay their annual custom and visit to the king.
Saturday, 18th.—Morning clear and cold; a strong harmattan still
blowing. The religion of the people of Yourriba, as far as I could
comprehend it, consists in the worship of one God, to whom they
offer sacrifices of horses, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls. At the
yearly feast all these animals are sacrificed at the fetish house,
in which a little of the blood is spilt on the ground. The whole
of them are then cooked; and the king and all the people, men and
women, attending, partake of the meat, which they are said to eat
in a state of nakedness, and in company, drinking at the same time
copiously of country ale, or pitto; but it is also said, that the
least attempt at indecency would be punished with death.
It is stated, moreover, that it depends on the will of the fetish
man or priest whether a human being, or a cow, or other animal is
to be sacrificed. If a human being, it is always a criminal, and
only one. The usual spot where the feast takes place is in a large
open field before the king’s house, under wide spreading trees,
where there are two or three fetish houses. This account I had from a
native of Bornou, a Mahometan, and a slave to the caboceer of Jannah.
Monday, 20th.—The morning cool. The harmattan still continues
blowing. Our supply of provisions has of late been rather scanty,
owing to the avarice of the fat eunuch, our guardian, who pockets
as much as he can out of what the king sends us. I have threatened
him two or three times, but I believe he trusts to my patient and
easy disposition. Complaining to the king would get him a beating,
though he is a favourite, and an useful person, well-skilled as a
war-captain, and guardian of the king’s women.
Tuesday, 21st.—Cool and clear. Harmattan continues. A number of
caboceers of the different towns came in to-day with their forces,
and the king sent for us to come and see them. We went accordingly,
and saw about twenty of these dependents, in all their dirt and
debasement, who vied with each other which could have most dust,
and who could kiss the ground with the greatest fervour. They
were stretched at full length on their bare bellies; no cloth
being allowed on this occasion over the shoulder, the body being
required to be bare as far as the waist. Old Pascoe calls them the
sand-eaters. After our usual compliments to the king, and shaking
hands with the caboceers of Eyeo and the sand-eaters, we returned;
the king promising to visit us at our house.
At 4 P.M. he came, attended by his women and our fat guardian. The
women he left outside, except two; one of whom attends upon him on
all occasions bearing a handsome carved gourd, having a small hole
covered with a clean white cloth, to hold his Majesty’s spittle,
when he is inclined to throw it away; the other with a white pot,
used with us as a chamber utensil, containing his gooro nuts, since
he made me a present of his black ebony box, carved in the shape of a
tortoise, which he used for that purpose. After an end had been put
to our complimentary inquiries after his majesty’s good health,
I observed that the time was now come, within a few days only, that
he had appointed for my departure. He said, that the messenger he
had sent to Youri was returned; that the road was perfectly safe;
that he would have me passed from one king to another; but that
by the way of Nyffé he would not ensure my safety; and that if he
suffered me to go where there was danger, it would cause a reflection
on him. I thanked him for his kindness, and said that whatever he did
was right. He then said that his messenger, and that of the caboceer
of Yarro, would attend me to Youri. I thought this a proper time
to hint a gentle complaint against our fat guardian, for having for
some time past appropriated our provisions to his own use. The old
rogue swore through thick and thin that he had given us every thing,
even some goats which I had actually purchased at the market, but
which he swore he had supplied himself. I told the king it was of no
use talking against a rogue like his eunuch, therefore I should hold
my tongue. As the king never comes to us empty-handed, he brought
us a Muscovy duck, and a bag of rice; the last a scarce article,
and not to be had in the market.
Wednesday, 22d.—Cold morning. Harmattan still continues. More
caboceers came in yesterday, with their attendants. They waited on us
this morning, and we observed that they were well provided with dust,
as they had been to wait on the king early; it being the etiquette
of Yourriba to hold a levee twice a-day, at six in the morning,
and at two in the afternoon.
It is the custom, during the time that the caboceers from the
different towns remain on their visit to the king, to act plays
or pantomimes, or whatever they may be called. I shall attempt a
description of the one I saw to-day. The place chosen for this pastime
is the king’s park, fronting the principal door where his majesty
usually sits. A fetish house occupies the left side; to the south
are two very romantic and large blocks of granite, by the side of
which is an old withered tree. On the east are some beautiful shady
trees; and on the north his majesty’s house, from whence he views
the scene. In the centre are two beautiful clumps of trees; in one of
which is a tall fan-palm, overlooking the whole area, a space that may
include some seven or eight hundred yards square. Under these clumps
of trees were seated the actors, dressed in large sacks, covering
every part of the body; the head most fantastically decorated with
strips of rags, damask silk, and cotton, of as many glaring colours
as it was possible. The king’s servants attended to keep the peace,
and to prevent the crowd from breaking into the square in which the
actors were assembled. Musicians also attended with drums, horns,
and whistles, which were beaten and blown without intermission.
The first act consisted in dancing and tumbling in sacks, which they
performed to admiration, considering they could not see, and had not
the free use of their feet and hands. The second act consisted in
catching the _boa constrictor_: first, one of the sack-men came in
front and knelt down on his hands and feet; then came out a tall
majestic figure, having on a head-dress and masque which baffle
all description: it was of a glossy black colour, sometimes like
a lion couchant over the crest of a helmet; at another like a
black head with a large wig: at every turn he made it changed its
appearance. This figure held in its right hand a sword, and by its
superior dress and motions appeared to be the director of the scene,
for not a word was spoken by the actors. The manager, as I shall call
the tall figure, then came up to the man who was lying in the sack;
another sack-dancer was brought in his sack, who by a wave of the
sword was laid down at the other’s head or feet; he having unsown
the end of both sacks, the two crawled into one. There was now great
waving of the manager’s sword; indeed I thought that heads were
going to be taken off, as all the actors were assembled round the
party lying down; but in a few minutes they all cleared away except
the manager, who gave two or three flourishes with his sword, when
the representation of the boa constrictor began. The animal put its
head out of the bag in which it was contained, attempting to bite
the manager; but at a wave of the sword it threw its head in another
direction to avert the blow; it then began gradually to creep out of
the bag, and went through the motions of a snake in a very natural
manner, though it appeared to be rather full in the belly; opening and
shutting its mouth, which I suspect was the performer’s two hands,
in the most natural manner imaginable. The length of the creature
was spun out to about fourteen feet; and the colour and action were
well represented by a covering of painted cloth, imitating that of
the boa. After following the manager round the park for some time,
and attempting to bite him, which he averted by a wave of the sword,
a sign was made for the body of actors to come up; when the manager
approaching the tail, made flourishes with his sword as if hacking
at that part of the body. The snake gasped, twisted up, and seemed
as if in great torture; and when nearly dead, it was shouldered
by the masqued actors, still gasping and making attempts to bite,
but was carried off in triumph to the fetish house.
The third act consisted of the white devil. The actors having retired
to some distance in the back ground, one of them was left in the
centre, whose sack falling gradually down, exposed a white head, at
which all the crowd gave a shout, that rent the air; they appeared
indeed to enjoy this sight, as the perfection of the actor’s
art. The whole body was at last cleared of the incumbrance of the
sack, when it exhibited the appearance of a human figure cast in white
wax, of the middle size, miserably thin, and starved with cold. It
frequently went through the motion of taking snuff, and rubbing its
hands; when it walked, it was with the most awkward gait, treading as
the most tender-footed white man would do in walking bare-footed, for
the first time, over new frozen ground. The spectators often appealed
to us, as to the excellence of the performance, and entreated I would
look and be attentive to what was going on. I pretended to be fully
as much pleased with this caricature of a white man as they could be,
and certainly the actor burlesqued the part to admiration. This being
concluded, the performers all retired to the fetish house. Between
each act, we had choral songs by the king’s women, in which the
assembled crowd joined their voices.
The kingdom of Yourriba extends from Puka on the south, which is
within five miles of the sea, to Lagos and Whydah in that line; to
the north to about the 10th degree of north latitude. It is bounded
by Dahomey to the north-west, which is reckoned a tributary province:
Ketto and the Maha countries on the north, Borgoo on the north-east,
the Quorra or Niger to the east, Accoura, a province of Benin, on
the south-east, five days’ journey distant; Jaboo to the south and
west. Its tributaries are Dahomey, Alladah, Badagry, and Maha. From
the sea coast to Chocho in latitude 8° 8′ north, longitude 4° 2′
east, the country rises by a gradual ascent; the soil of a strong red
clay and mould, and where the woods have not been cleared, they may
be considered as impervious. The trees are of great size, with most
luxuriant foliage. From Chocho to Koosoo is a range of granite hills,
running from west-north-west to east-south-east. These hills are of
grey granite, bare of vegetation, and in solid masses. They are from
four to eight hundred feet above the level of the valleys, which are
narrow, winding, and well cultivated, and watered with innumerable
small streams. The soil a thin black mould. From Koossoo to Eyeo,
the country is less hilly, the hills in broken irregular ranges,
and running principally from north-east to south-west, with here and
there detached masses thrown up, as if by some great convulsion of
nature. The granite of which they are composed is of a softer kind,
and crumbling away with the weather. The valleys between these hills
widen into plains, as they advance to the northward. In the hilly
region, the trees are thinly scattered, low and stunted. The domestic
animals are horses of a very small breed, and even these are scarce;
the horned cattle also near the coast are of a small size: but as we
approach the capital, they are as large as those in England. Many of
them have humps on their shoulders, the same as those in Abyssinia and
the East Indies. They have sheep of the common kind, and also those
which are found in other parts of Africa; hogs, Muscovy ducks, fowls,
pigeons, and a few turkeys. Of the wild animals, and the feathered
race, I can say but little, having seen none of the former except
monkeys; but the natives report that the hyæna and the leopard are
very common. The lion, also, is found in some parts of the country;
yams, Indian corn, millet, and challots; fruits, such as oranges,
limes, pears, apples, &c. are plentiful throughout the kingdom. The
cotton plant is cultivated to a considerable extent, and the wool
manufactured into cloth. The commerce of this country is almost
entirely confined to slaves, though a considerable quantity of cloth
is made, and bartered with the people of the coast for rum, tobacco,
European cloth, and other articles. The medium of exchange throughout
the interior is the cowry shell. A prime slave at Jannah is worth in
sterling money, according to the value set on the articles of barter,
from three to four pounds.
The government of Yourriba is hereditary, and an absolute despotism,
every subject being considered the slave of the king; but its
administration is mild and humane, and appears to have been so for
a long period. The only distinction of rank that obtains is that of
caboceer, who may be considered as the governor of a distant town or
province; the appointment of these governors depending on the will of
the king. The military force consists of the caboceers and their own
immediate retainers, which, allowing one hundred and fifty to each,
will not give such immense armies as we have sometimes heard stated;
that of Yourriba is perhaps as numerous as any of the kingdoms of
Africa. I think the general appearance of the Yourribanians has
less of the characteristic features of the negro than any other
I have yet seen; their lips are less thick, and their noses more
inclined to the aquiline shape, than negroes in general. The men
are well made, and have an independent carriage, that cannot fail
to attract attention. The women are almost invariably of a more
ordinary appearance than the men, which may arise from their being
more exposed to the sun, and the drudgery they are obliged to undergo;
all the labour of the land devolving on them.
The city of Eyeo (in Houssa language, Katunga), the capital of
Yourriba, is situated in latitude 8° 59′ north, longitude 6°
12′ east. It is built on the sloping side and round the base of a
small range of granite hills, which, as it were, forms the citadel
of the town; they are formed of stupendous blocks of gray granite of
the softest kind, some of which are seen hanging from the summits,
in the most frightful manner, while others, resting on very small
bases, appear as if the least touch would send them down into the
valley beneath. The soil on which the town is built is formed of
clay and gravel, mixed with sand, which has obviously been produced
from the crumbling granite. The appearance of these hills is that
of a mass of rocks left bare by the tide. A belt of thick wood runs
round the walls, which are built of clay, and about twenty feet high,
and surrounded by a dry ditch. There are ten gates in the walls,
which are about fifteen miles in circumference, of an oval shape,
about four miles in diameter one way, and six miles the other,
the south end leaning against the rocky hills, and forming an
inaccessible barrier in that quarter. The king’s houses and those
of his women occupy about a square mile, and are on the south side
of the hills, having two large parks, one in front, and another
facing the north. They are all built of clay, and have thatched
roofs, similar to those nearer the coast. The posts supporting the
verandahs and the doors of the king’s and caboceers’ houses
are generally carved in bas relief, with figures representing the
boa killing an antelope or a hog, or with processions of warriors
attended by drummers. The latter are by no means meanly executed,
conveying the expression and attitude of the principal man in the
groupe with a lofty air, and the drummer well pleased with his own
music, or rather deafening noise. There are seven different markets,
which are held every evening; being generally opened about three or
four o’clock. The chief articles exposed for sale are yams, corn,
calavances, plantains, and bananas; vegetable butter, seeds of the
colycynth, which forms a great article of food, sweetmeats, goats,
fowls, sheep, and lambs; and also cloth of the manufacture of the
country, and their various implements of agriculture. The price of a
small goat is from 1500 to 2000 cowries; a large sheep, 3000 to 5,000;
a fowl, 150 to 200; yams, 4000 per hundred; a horse, 80 to 100,000;
and a cow from 20 to 30,000; a prime slave, 40 to 60,000;—2000
cowries being equal to one Spanish dollar. Trona, or natron, is
brought here from Bornou, and sold to all parts of the coast, where
it is much in request, to mix with snuff, and also as a medicine.
Saturday, 25th.—This afternoon we had a visit from the king;
he brought with him a duck, some rice, and goora nuts. I told him
I was all ready to go, whenever he chose to give me the escort and
messengers. He said the caboceers of the different towns through
which I had to pass were still here, but as soon as they left I
should go. I asked him, as I was writing to England, what he wanted
from thence. He said, a brass crown, fine yellow and blue cloth,
large coral, some gaudy carpeting, an English drum, and about half a
ton of cowries. The whole of this curious catalogue would not cost,
as I suppose, more than £200. I told him, therefore, that I should
send the list home.
Sunday, 26th.—Morning dull and hazy, with an oppressive sultry heat,
the wind north-north-east, causing the same depression of spirits as
the siroc wind in the Mediterranean, and which affected every one
of the party, and made us all sigh for a breeze, and to proceed on
our journey.
Wednesday, 1st March.—On this day the weather began to clear up,
with a fine breeze from the eastward. Our friend the fat eunuch is
evidently playing the rogue with us, as we neither can get provisions,
wood, nor water, but with the greatest difficulty. He sees he has got
all I intend to give, either to the king or any body else. A messenger
of the caboceer of Jannah went and returned from Rakah to-day, to buy
trona. The Yourriba name of Rakah is Saguda: the Quorra is only about
two hours’ easy walking to the eastward of it. The following day,
in the afternoon, I had a visit from the king. I asked him why I was
longer detained; said I had waited with patience through the several
times he had appointed for my starting, but it appeared I was just as
far from getting away as ever. He hesitated, and gave me an evasive
answer. I asked him to tell me distinctly. No, he could not do that,
as he wished to get me a large horse to ride before I went. I said I
would ride a small one. He then said he had only one. I asked him if
he would allow me to hire horses from the caboceers. “What,” he
replied, “will they say of me, if I allow you to go away in this
way after your king sending me such a present?” He then begged
I would stop for three days more, until he could get horses, and I
should certainly go. I pointed out to him the number of times he had
broken his word: he said the reason he would not fix a day now was,
that he might not break his word again.
Monday, 6th.—It was not before the 6th that the king paid me another
visit, and told me, that the Yarro messengers were ready, and that
I might go to-morrow or next day, and that he intended to give me a
horse. I thanked him, and told him I was quite ready and determined
to set off to-morrow, as delays here were dangerous. Accordingly,
the next day, when every thing was ready for starting, I was again
visited by the king, who, after giving me in charge of what he
called the Yarro messenger, told me that the sultan Yarro would
take the greatest care of my baggage, and forward me to the king of
Youri. He then made me a present of a horse, for which I thanked him,
and took my leave.