[Illustration: Painted by Gildon Manton.
Engraved by Thos. Lupton.
CAPTN. HUGH CLAPPERTON, R.N.
London, Published Decr. 1, 1828, by John Murray, Albemarle Street.]
=JOURNAL=
OF A
SECOND EXPEDITION
INTO THE
=INTERIOR OF AFRICA,=
FROM
=THE BIGHT OF BENIN TO SOCCATOO.=
BY THE LATE COMMANDER CLAPPERTON,
OF THE ROYAL NAVY.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
THE JOURNAL OF RICHARD LANDER FROM KANO TO THE SEA-COAST,
PARTLY BY A MORE EASTERN ROUTE.
WITH
A PORTRAIT OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON, AND A MAP OF THE ROUTE,
CHIEFLY LAID DOWN FROM ACTUAL OBSERVATIONS FOR LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE.
* * * * *
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
* * * * *
MDCCCXXIX.
CONTENTS.
* * * * *
Page
Life of the author v
Introduction xi
CHAPTER I.
Journey from Badagry over the Kong mountains to the city of
Eyeo or Katunga 1
CHAPTER II.
Residence at Eyeo, or Katunga, the capital of Youriba 38
CHAPTER III.
Journal of proceedings from Katunga, or Eyeo, to Boussa, on
the Niger, or Quorra, the place where Mungo Park perished 61
CHAPTER IV.
Journey from Boussa, across the ferry of the Quorra, by
Guarri and Zegzeg, to the city of Kano 107
CHAPTER V.
Journey from Kano to the camp of Bello, and from thence
to Soccatoo 169
CHAPTER VI.
Residence at Soccatoo, till the death of the author 194
LANDER’S JOURNAL.
From Kano to Soccatoo 257
Residence at Soccatoo—my master’s death—burial 269
From Soccatoo to Dunrora 282
From Dunrora back to Zegzeg 297
From Zegzeg to Badagry 305
SHORT SKETCH
OF THE
=LIFE OF CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON.=
BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL CLAPPERTON.
* * * * *
Captain Hugh Clapperton was born in Annan, Dumfries-shire, in the
year 1788. His grandfather, Robert Clapperton, M.D., was a man of
considerable knowledge, as a classical scholar, and in his profession.
He first studied at Edinburgh; but as, in those days, the continental
colleges were considered superior in medicine and surgery, he went
to Paris, and there studied for some time. On his return to his
native country, he married Elizabeth Campbell, second cousin of
Colonel Archibald Campbell of Glenlyon; and soon after settled in
Dumfries-shire, at a place called Crowden Nows, where he remained until
George Clapperton (the father of our traveller), and another son were
born. He afterwards removed to Lochmaben, where he had an increase to
his family of four sons and one daughter. All the sons became medical
men, except the youngest and the only survivor, who entered his
Majesty’s service, in the beginning of 1793, as a second lieutenant of
marines. His eldest son, George Clapperton, married young to a daughter
of John Johnstone, proprietor of the lands of Thorniwhate and Lochmaben
Castle, and settled in Annan, where he was a considerable time the only
medical man of repute in the place, and performed many operations and
cures which spread his fame over the borders of England and Scotland.
His father bestowed a good education upon him, which proved so useful
a passport to public favour, that he might have made a fortune;
but, unfortunately, he was, like his father, careless of money. He
married a second wife, and was the father of no fewer than twenty-one
children. Of the fruit of the first marriage, he had six sons and one
daughter who grew to men and women’s estate. All the sons entered his
Majesty’s service, the youngest of whom was Captain Clapperton, the
African traveller, and the subject of this memoir. In his person he
resembled his father greatly, but was not so tall by two inches, being
five feet eleven inches; had great breadth of chest and expansion of
shoulders, and otherwise proportionably strong; and was a handsome,
athletic, powerful man. He received no classical education, and could
do little more than read and write, when he was put under the tuition
of Mr. Bryce Downie, a man of general knowledge, but chiefly celebrated
for his mathematical abilities. He remained with Mr. Downie until he
required a knowledge of practical mathematics, including navigation
and trigonometry. He was found an apt scholar and an obliging boy by
Mr. Downie, whose attention was never forgot by the traveller; as he
expressed a great wish, when he arrived the first journey from Africa,
that he could have had time to see his native country, and shake his
old master once more by the hand. Captain Clapperton left Mr. Downie
about the age of thirteen; when, by his own wish, he was bound an
apprentice to the owner of a vessel of considerable burthen, trading
between Liverpool and North America. After making several voyages in
that vessel, he either left her, or was impressed into his Majesty’s
service, and was put on board a Tender then lying at Liverpool, which
vessel carried him round to Plymouth, where he with others were
draughted on board of his Majesty’s ship Gibraltar, of eighty guns. He
did not remain long in that ship, as in 1806 he arrived at Gibraltar
in a naval transport; from which he was impressed, with others, on
board his Majesty’s frigate Renommée, Captain Sir Thomas Livingston.
Opportunely for our traveller, at that time his Majesty’s ship Saturn,
Captain Lord Amelias Beauclerc (belonging to Lord Collingwood’s fleet
off Cadiz), arrived for the purpose of watering and refitting; and
our traveller, learning that his uncle (now Lieut.-Col. Clapperton)
was captain of royal marines on board the Saturn, sent him a letter
describing his situation in the Renommée. The uncle having been an
old messmate of Sir Thomas’s, when both were lieutenants at the Cape
of Good Hope many years before, made it his business immediately
to see Sir Thomas; and, through his intercession, Sir Thomas very
kindly put our traveller, for the first time, upon the quarter-deck
as a midshipman. The Renommée very soon after left Gibraltar for the
Mediterranean; and, when on the coast of Spain, had occasion to send
boats to attack some enemy’s vessels on shore. Clapperton, being in
one of the boats, was slightly, as he considered it, wounded in the
head, which, however, afterwards gave him much annoyance. He remained
in the Renommée, with Sir Thomas, until she returned to England, and
was paid off, in the year 1808. He then joined his Majesty’s ship
Venerable, Captain King, in the Downs, as a midshipman, where he did
not remain long, having heard that Captain Briggs was going to the East
Indies in the Clorinde frigate, and wishing to go to that country, he
applied for his discharge, that he might enter with Captain Briggs;
but he could not accomplish it before the Clorinde had sailed from
Portsmouth; he was ordered, however, (by the admiral) to have a passage
in a ship going to the East Indies. In the course of the voyage, they
fell in with a ship in great distress, it then blowing a gale of wind;
but humanity required assistance, if it could be given. A boat was
ordered to be got ready, and Clapperton to go in her. He declared to
his messmates his decided opinion that the boat could not possibly
live in the sea that was then running, but that it was not for him to
question the orders of his superior officer. On pushing off, he told
his messmates to share equally among them any articles belonging to
him, and bade them good bye. The boat had scarcely put off from the
ship when she swamped, and as no assistance could be rendered, all
hands perished, with the exception of two; one of whom was Clapperton,
who, under such trying circumstances, encouraged and assisted his only
surviving companion till his own strength failed him. Among others, he
had previously struggled hard to save a warrant officer; but finding
himself nearly exhausted, he was obliged to desist, and he perished.
They then dropped off, one after the other, until the bowman and
Clapperton were the only two remaining out of the whole boat’s crew.
The latter then made use of a common sea expression to the bowman,
“Thank God, I am not the Jonah!” meaning that he was not, by his bad
conduct in life, the cause of the Almighty visiting them with his
vengeance. The bowman seconded him in the exclamation, and they kept
cheering each other until the gale so far abated, that another boat was
got out and sent to their relief.
They then proceeded upon their voyage; and in March, 1810, Clapperton
joined his majesty’s ship Clorinde, where he received the greatest
attention from Captain Briggs during the time he was on board. In 1812,
when lying in Bombay harbour, he was joined by another messmate, the
Hon. F. Mackenzie, youngest son of the late Lord Seaforth, between
whom a most sincere friendship was contracted. Not long after this,
Mr. Mackenzie was attacked with a severe illness, on which occasion
Clapperton never left him, but nursed him as he would his own brother,
until he died; when he added a lock of his hair to his locket, which
contained that of his father and some friends. He returned to England
in the end of 1813, or beginning of 14; and he was then sent, with some
other intelligent midshipmen, to Portsmouth dock-yard, for the purpose
of being instructed in Angelo’s sword exercise, in which he afterwards
excelled. When these midshipmen were distributed to the different ships
in the fleet as drill-masters, Clapperton volunteered his services for
the Canadian lakes, and was sent on board Sir Alexander Cochrane’s
flag ship, the Asia. This ship continued at Spithead till the end of
January, 1814. During the passage to Bermudas, Clapperton’s services as
a drill were performed on the quarter-deck. On her arrival, he was sent
to Halifax, and from thence to the lakes, just then about to become
the scene of warlike operations. During his passage out and his stay
at Bermuda, nothing could exceed his diligence in the discharge of his
duty with the officers and men. At his own and the other mess-tables,
he was the soul and life of the party: he could sing a good song, tell
humorous tales, and his conversation was extremely amusing. He bade
adieu to all on board the Asia, and pursued his voyage to Halifax; from
that to Upper Canada.
Soon after he arrived on the lakes, in 1815, he was placed in a
situation that strongly marked that benevolence which was so strong
a feature in his character. In the winter he was in command of a
blockhouse on Lake Huron, with a party of men, for the purpose of
defending it: he had only one small gun for its defence; he was
attacked by an American schooner; the blockhouse was soon demolished
by the superiority of the enemy’s fire; and he found that himself and
the party must either become prisoners of war, or form the resolution
of immediately crossing Lake Michigan upon the ice, a journey of nearly
sixty miles, to York, the capital of Upper Canada, and the nearest
British depot. Notwithstanding the difficulty and danger attending
a journey of such length over the ice in the depth of winter, the
alternative was soon adopted, and the party set out to cross the
lake, but had not gone more than ten or twelve miles, before a boy,
one of the party, was unable to proceed from the cold; every one of
the sailors declared that they were unable to carry him, as they were
so benumbed with the cold, and had scarcely strength sufficient to
support themselves. Clapperton’s generous nature could not bear the
idea of a fellow-creature being left to perish under such appalling
circumstances, for a dreadful snow-storm had commenced; he therefore
took the boy upon his back, holding him with his left hand, and
supporting himself from slipping with a staff in his right. In this
manner he continued to go forward for eight or nine miles, when he
perceived that the boy relaxed his hold; and on Clapperton examining
the cause, he found that the boy was in a dying state from the cold,
and he soon after expired. The sufferings of the whole party were
great before they reached York; the stockings and shoes completely
worn off their feet; their bodies in a dreadful state from the want of
nourishment, they having nothing during the journey except one bag of
meal. From the long inaction of Clapperton’s left hand, in carrying the
boy upon his back, he lost, from the effects of the frost, the first
joint of his thumb.
Not long after this, Sir Edward Owen was appointed to the command upon
the lakes. A short time after his arrival, he gave to Clapperton an
acting order as a lieutenant, and appointed him to the Confiance. While
belonging to this ship, he often made excursions on shore, with his
gun, into the woods, for the purpose of getting a little fresh meat.
In these excursions he cultivated an acquaintance with the aborigines
of the forest, and was much charmed with their mode of life. He had
sent to his uncle in England the acting order which Sir Edward Owen
had given him, that it might be laid before the Board of Admiralty
for their confirmation; but, unfortunately, a very large promotion
had taken place a little before his acting order came to England, and
the Board declined confirming his commission. No sooner was he made
acquainted with its ill success, than he formed the idea of quitting
his Majesty’s service altogether, and becoming one of the inhabitants
of the North American forests. Fortunately for him, he some time
afterwards abandoned that idea.
While the Confiance was at anchor near the shores of the Lake,
Clapperton often went on shore to dinner and other parties. When he
thought it time to return on board, he never employed a boat; being an
expert swimmer, he plunged into the water with his clothes on, and swam
along-side of the vessel; but this mode of proceeding very nearly lost
him his life. One night he was so exhausted, that he could scarcely
make the people on board hear his cries: they got a boat ready, and,
as he was on the point of sinking, they picked him up, and took him on
board; but he never tried the same method of getting on board again.
About the end of 1816, Sir Edward Owen returned to England, and was
the means of Clapperton’s commission being confirmed by the Board of
Admiralty. And in the year 1817, when our vessels on the Canadian
lakes were paid off and laid up, Lieutenant Clapperton returned to
England, and, like many more, was put on half-pay. He went then to
Edinburgh, where he remained a short time, and was introduced to the
amiable mother of his beloved friend, Mr. Mackenzie, who died at
Bombay. He afterwards retired to Lochmaben in 1818, and lived with an
aged sister of his beloved mother’s, at the abode for many years of
his grandfather. Here he continued to amuse himself with rural sports
until 1820, when he went to Edinburgh, and there became acquainted
with Dr. Oudney, who mentioned to him the offer that had been made
to employ him in a mission to the interior of Africa. This was an
opening, to Clapperton’s enterprising mind, not to be resisted; he
immediately entreated that he might accompany the doctor, and his offer
was accepted. Dr. Oudney was told by a friend that knew Lieutenant
Clapperton well, that, in all varieties, and under every circumstance,
however trying, he would find him a steady and faithful friend, and
that his powerful and athletic form, and excellent constitution,
had never been surpassed. This person was a medical man, and was so
confirmed in the opinion that Clapperton, from the strength of his
constitution, could not fall a sacrifice to disease, that, until the
arrival of Clapperton’s servant, Richard Lander, from his last and
fatal expedition, he would not (like many more who knew Clapperton)
believe the report of his death in any way but by accident.
In the highest spirits, Lieutenant Clapperton left Edinburgh, where he
had been for a short time with his sister and other relations. Before
his departure, he was introduced by Lady Seaforth (the mother of his
friend Mackenzie) to a distinguished countryman, the author of the Man
of Feeling. Clapperton’s spirits were elated, and he left Edinburgh
and his relations with the highest hopes. He returned to England, and
was made a commander in June 22, 1825; and before he could finish for
the press an account of his former journey, he was engaged again,
by Lord Bathurst, for a second mission, by the way of the western
coast of Africa, near the Bight of Benin. He sailed from Portsmouth
in his Majesty’s sloop Brazen, commanded by Captain Willis; and was
accompanied by Doctor Dickson, Captain Pearce, and Doctor Morrison.
They called at Sierra Leone; from that to Benin, where they landed;
but Dr. Dickson landed near Whida, and proceeded by the way of Dahomy.
Captains Clapperton, Pearce, and Dr. Morrison, pushed their way up the
country; but they were soon attacked with disease, and Captain Pearce
and Doctor Morrison died, as did also Columbus, the former servant of
Lieut.-Col. Denham. Captain Clapperton and his servant, Richard Lander,
accompanied by Mr. Houtson, a British resident at Benin, proceeded
across the mountains to Katunga, where Mr. Houtson left them to return
to the coast, where he shortly afterwards died. Dr. Dickson reached
Dahomey, and proceeded on his way to join Clapperton, but has not
since been heard of. Captain Clapperton, with his servant, Lander,
and a native black of Houssa, reached Soccatoo in safety, where they
remained many months; but at last the captain was seized with a fever
and dysentery, which terminated his existence, and was buried, by his
faithful servant, four miles south-east of Soccatoo, at a village
called Chungary, April 13, 1827.
Thus perished, in the bloom of life, an officer beloved and respected
by those of his profession who were acquainted with him; a man of a
daring and enterprising spirit; and one who, for humanity and active
benevolence, could be surpassed by none.
INTRODUCTION.
* * * * *
When the late Captain Clapperton made his way to Soccatoo for the first
time, in the year 1824, he received the most flattering attentions,
and every mark of kindness, from Bello, the sultan of the Fellans, as
they call themselves, or Fellatas, as they are called by the people
of Soudan. This chieftain may be said to rule over almost the whole
of that part of North Africa which is distinguished by the name of
Houssa, though he appears to have lost a considerable portion of what
his father, Hatman Danfodio, first overran; and many of the petty
chiefs still continue in a state of rebellion, some of them within a
day’s journey of his capital. In the course of frequent conversations
held with this chief, at his usual residence of Soccatoo, Clapperton
was given to understand, that the establishment of a friendly
intercourse with England would be most agreeable to him; that he wished
particularly for certain articles of English manufacture to be sent
out to him to the sea-coast, where there was a place of great commerce
belonging to him, named Funda: he also expressed a wish that an English
physician and a consul should be appointed to reside at another
sea-port, called Raka; to the former of which places, he said, he would
despatch messengers to bring up the articles from England; and to the
latter he would send down a proper person to transact all matters of
business between the two governments, through the intervention of the
English consul; and he made no difficulty in declaring his readiness
to adopt measures for putting an entire stop to that part of the
slave-trade supposed to be carried on by his subjects with foreigners.
On the arrival of Clapperton in England, Lord Bathurst, then secretary
of state for the colonies, considering this so favourable an
opportunity of establishing an intercourse with the interior of Africa,
and probably of putting an effectual check, through this powerful
chief, to a large portion of the infamous traffic carried on in the
Bight of Benin, and also for extending the legitimate commerce of Great
Britain with this part of Africa, and at the same time adding to our
knowledge of the country, did not hesitate in adopting the arrangement
which Clapperton had made with Bello. Accordingly it was determined to
send him out again to that chief, by the way of Benin, with suitable
companions and presents, in order that a communication might be opened
between Soccatoo and the sea-coast, and an attempt made to carry into
effect the objects to which Bello was supposed to have given his hearty
assent.
It had been arranged that, after a certain period agreed upon, Bello
should send down his messengers to Whidah, on the coast, to meet
Captain Clapperton and his companions. On their arrival, however, in
the Bight of Benin, they could neither gain any intelligence of Bello’s
messengers, nor did any of the people there know any thing of such
names as Funda or Raka, the places which were pointed out by Bello as
lying on the sea-coast. The country of Houssa, however, was well known
by name, and as the precise geographical position of Soccatoo had been
ascertained, our enterprising travellers could have no difficulty in
knowing what direction to take; but the spot from whence it would be
most advisable to start was a point not so easily to be determined.
They finally, however, selected Badagry, for reasons that will be
briefly stated; and proceeding northerly, from one chief to another,
the survivors met with some delay, but no serious impediments, in
reaching the spot of their destination.
The conduct, however, of Bello, though at first kind, was afterwards
changed to every thing the reverse, for reasons which will appear in
the course of the journal. His desire for establishing an amicable
intercourse was not even hinted at, nor one word respecting the
physician, the consul, or the slave-trade; and, either through
ignorance or design (the former, in all probability), Bello had totally
misled Clapperton as to the position of the city or district of Funda;
which, instead of being on the sea-coast, as stated by him, is now
ascertained to be at least 150 miles from the nearest part of the
coast; and the other city, Raka, still farther in the interior. Indeed,
one would almost suspect that Clapperton, from not being sufficiently
acquainted with the Fellata language, must have mistaken the meaning
of Bello on his former visit, had not the letter in Arabic, which he
brought home from the latter, addressed to the king of England, borne
him out in his representation of the proposals made or assented to by
this chieftain. In this letter he says, “We agreed with him upon this
(the prohibition of the exportation of slaves), on account of the good
which will result from it, both to you and to us; and that a vessel
of yours is to come to the harbour of Raka, with two cannons, and the
quantities of powder, shot, &c. which they require, as also a number
of muskets: we will then send our officer to arrange and settle every
thing with your consul, and fix a certain period for the arrival of
your merchant ships; and when they come, they may traffic and deal with
our merchants. Then, after their return, the consul may reside in that
harbour (namely, Raka) as protector, in company with our agent there,
if God be pleased.”
It is clear, from this letter, that Bello understood what was proposed
and accepted, but, with regard to the geographical position of his
two sea-ports, he was evidently most grossly ignorant; for, admitting
the ambiguity of the Arabic word _bahr_, which signifies any great
collection of water, whether sea, lake, or river, merchant ships could
not get up to Raka, which is an inland town, not situated on any
coast or river. Be this as it may, an expedition, as already stated,
was planned without loss of time, at the head of which Clapperton
was placed. He was allowed to take with him, as a companion, a
fellow-countryman of the name of Dickson, who had been brought up as a
surgeon, in which capacity he had served in the West Indies, but had
recently been studying the law. This person considered himself to be
inured to a tropical climate, and was supposed to have a sufficient
knowledge of medicine to take care of himself and the rest of the party.
In an enterprise of this novel and hazardous nature, it was deemed
advisable to unite two other gentlemen to those above-mentioned; in
order that, when once at Soccatoo, two of them might be spared to
set out from thence, and explore the country of Soudan in various
directions. For this purpose, Captain Pearce of the navy, and Dr.
Morrison, a naval surgeon, were selected; the former an active and
accomplished officer, and a most excellent draughtsman; the latter well
versed in various branches of natural history. Unhappily, it was not
their good fortune to live long enough to put their respective talents
in practice for the benefit of the public, or the gratification of
their friends; having each of them, on the same day, fallen a sacrifice
to the pestilential climate, at a very early period of their journey in
Africa.
The presents intended for the Sultan of the Fellatas, and also for
the Sheik of Bornou, being all ready, the four gentlemen, with their
servants, embarked in his majesty’s ship Brazen on the 27th August,
1825, and, after touching at Teneriffe and St. Jago, arrived in the
Bight of Benin on the 26th November, 1825. Mr. Dickson being desirous
of making his way alone to Soccatoo, for what reason it does not
appear, was landed at Whidah, where a Portuguese gentleman, of the
name of De Sousa, offered to accompany him as far as Dahomey, where
he had resided for some time in the employ of the king. The offer
was accepted, and Dickson, taking with him a mulatto of the name of
Columbus, who had been a servant to Lieutenant-Colonel Denham on the
former expedition to Bornou, departed on the 26th November, arrived
safe at Dahomey, where he was well received, and sent forward to a
place called Shar, seventeen days’ from Dahomey, under a suitable
escort, where he also arrived safely, and had an escort given him
from thence on his intended journey to Youri, since which no account
of him whatever has been received. By some Dahomey messengers, which
Clapperton met with at Wawa, he sent a letter to Dickson; but it is
evident they did not fall in with him, as the letter was some months
afterwards sent down to the coast. It may here be observed, that though
Whidah was the port to which Bello was ultimately understood to say
he would despatch his messengers to convey the travellers, and their
presents and baggage, to Soccatoo, it did not appear that any inquiries
had been made there respecting them; nor did any person there seem to
know more about Bello or Soccatoo, than was known, further on, of Funda
or Raka.
The rest of the travellers proceeded towards the river of Benin, where
they encountered an English merchant of the name of Houtson, who
advised them by no means to think of ascending that river, in their way
into the interior, as the king of that country was well known to bear a
particular hatred to the English, for their exertions in endeavouring
to put a stop to the slave-trade, by which his greatest profits had
been derived: nor had he any knowledge how far, or in what direction
that river might convey them; he mentioned Badagry as a place far more
preferable, as being equally near to Soccatoo, and the chief of which
was favourable to the English; said that he would, no doubt, afford
them protection and assistance on their journey, as far as his country
extended, which was to the frontier of the kingdom of Yourriba. As Mr.
Houtson had resided on this part of the coast for many years, and was
well acquainted with the customs of the people, Captain Clapperton
engaged him to accompany the party as far as the city of Eyeo or
Katunga, the capital of Yourriba. Having, therefore, arranged matters
with Captain Willis of the Brazen, as to sending after them the heavy
baggage, and keeping up, for a certain time, a communication with them,
they landed on the 29th November at Badagry; and, under the sanction of
the king, commenced their long journey on the 7th December, the details
of which will be found in the following Journal.
On his arrival at the encampment of Bello, at a short distance from
Soccatoo, Clapperton had every reason to be satisfied with his
reception. While at Kano, he had received a letter from that chief,
congratulating him on his first arrival there, and inviting him to
Soccatoo; and when he discovered, soon after his arrival at that city,
that Clapperton had left at Kano the presents intended for the Sheik
of Bornou, he again wrote to him, in a friendly manner, very civilly
informing him of the impossibility of his allowing the warlike stores
to be sent to one with whom he was in a state of hostility: he told
him, also, that he had letters from a most respectable quarter, putting
him on his guard against Christian spies. These circumstances seem,
by the servant’s account, to have preyed very much on Clapperton’s
mind; and that, when seized with dysentery and inflammation of the
bowels, which, after thirty-six days’ illness, carried him off, Bello’s
coolness and suspicion tended very much to depress his spirits and
increase his disorder.
To Clapperton’s Journal is appended that of his servant, Richard
Lander, giving an account of his return journey from Kano, after his
master’s death, a great part of the way by a more easterly route. This
journal of a very intelligent young man will be read with interest.
Accompanied by two or three slaves, and a black man of Houssa, of the
name (English) of Pascoe, who once belonged to a British ship of war,
and had been engaged to attend Belzoni as interpreter, with a scanty
supply of money, and without presents of any kind (so necessary in
this country), he not only made his way among the various tribes he
had to pass through, but brought with him, in safety, a large trunk
belonging to his master, containing his clothes and other property;
three watches, which he secreted about his person, to preserve from
the rapacity of Bello; and all his master’s papers and journals, with
which, after a journey of nine months, he arrived in safety on the
sea-coast.
The friendship and kind feeling which Clapperton entertained for this
valuable servant is evinced in various letters written to him while he
remained in Kano, with the presents intended for the Sheik of Bornou;
but which were first decoyed to Soccatoo, and afterwards meanly seized
by the Sultan Bello, on the pretext of their being, many of them, arms
to be put into the hands of his enemy, he being then in a state of war
with the sheik. In one of these letters he says, “I hope you ride out
every day, and amuse yourself in shooting and stuffing birds, as this
will tend to keep you in good health. Attend strictly to the duties
of religion; rely firmly on the assistance and mercy of Heaven; and,
in all your difficulties and distress, this will bear you up like
a man;” and he signs himself, “his sincere friend and master.” In
another letter, dated from Soccatoo, he says, “Pray to Heaven night and
morning, and read the church service every Sunday; for a firm reliance
on the justice and mercy, and assistance of Heaven, will bear you up
with cheerfulness and courage, when all earthly friends and things
fail. Farewell, and believe me your sincere friend and master.”
Clapperton was, in fact, a kind-hearted and benevolent man, of a
cheerful disposition, not easily put out of temper, and patient
under disappointments; a virtue, indeed, which was frequently put to
the test in the course of his long peregrinations in Africa. Both
he and his servant suffered much from frequent attacks of fever and
dysentery. His last illness continued for thirty-six days, during
which he was attended by his faithful Richard; who has given a painful
and interesting account of his death, of the mode in which he had him
interred, of his own affliction, and the mournful state of solitude
in which he was left among a set of unfeeling wretches, who regarded
Christians in no better light than their dogs. His own situation is
described in a letter which he addressed from Kano, after the death of
his master, to Mr. Consul Warrington, of Tripoli. It is as follows:—
“_Kano, 27th May_, 1827.
“HONOURED SIR,
“With sorrow I have to acquaint you of the death of my master, Captain
Clapperton. He departed this life at Soccatoo, on the 13th of April,
at six o’clock in the morning, after thirty-six days’ illness, with
a severe inflammation in the inside, much regretted by me, as he had
always behaved like a father to me since I left England. I buried him
at Jungavie, a small village five miles east of Soccatoo, at three
o’clock in the afternoon of the same day, according to the rites of
the church of England. He was carried on one of his own camels, and
followed by no one but myself, and five people who went with me to dig
the grave.
“We arrived at this place (Kano) on the 20th of July, 1826, and were
treated with the greatest respect, and the persons in power were well
pleased with their presents, until master asked to go to Bornou: after
this we were treated like spies. I was left in Kano to take care of
the baggage, and my master proceeded to Soccatoo, with the presents to
Bello. When master asked permission to go to Bornou, Bello despatched
a messenger off to Kano, with orders to bring me, with all the things,
instantly to Soccatoo. I left Kano on the 25th of November, and arrived
at Soccatoo the 20th of December. On the 21st, the sultan demanded the
Sheik of Bornou’s letters. Master gave them to him. He desired master
to open them. He said it was more than his head was worth, to open his
king’s letters. He said, ‘Then I will.’ He then told him that he had
received letters, from several respectable persons, to say that we
were spies. Master said he must see those letters; but he would not
show them. He waved his hand for us to go. We went home, and in the
afternoon of the same day, the king’s head men came, and demanded the
Sheik of Bornou’s present and the spare arms. My master said, ‘There is
no faith in you; you are worse than highway robbers.’ They said, ‘Take
care, or you will lose your head.’ He said, ‘If I do lose it, it is for
the rights of my country.’ They then took the presents and arms, and
went off; and, soon after, the sultan sent to say we must go by the
desert, or by the way we came; we must not go to Bornou.
“I left Soccatoo the 4th of May, and arrived at Kano the 21st of May.
I am waiting here for two hundred and forty-five thousand cowries, for
different articles purchased by the Sultan of Soccatoo. As soon as I
receive these, which I expect in ten days, I proceed to the sea-side
by the way we came, or else by a nearer way by thirty-five miles, ten
days due south of Kulfu, called Funda, which I expect is the Bight of
Benin, as the Quorra runs to it. This river is called by us the Niger.
If the Sultan of Kulfu assures me of the road being safe, I will go,
as it will be a great advantage to the English. I send the copy of the
Journal from Katunga to this town by an Arab, whom I have told that, on
delivering them safe, you will give him thirty dollars.
I remain, &c.
(Signed) “RICHARD LANDER,
“Servant to the late Captain Clapperton.
“Mr. Consul-General Warrington.”
With regard to the Journal of Clapperton, it may be necessary to
observe, that it is written throughout in the most loose and careless
manner; all orthography and grammar equally disregarded, and many of
the proper names quite impossible to be made out; full of tautology, so
as to have the same thing repeated over and over again daily, and even
on the same day. Much, therefore, has been left out, in sending it to
the press, but nothing whatever is omitted, that could be considered of
the least importance; and the only change that has been made is that
of breaking it into chapters, which is always a relief to the reader.
Clapperton was evidently a man of no education; he nowhere disturbs
the progress of the day’s narrative by any reflections of his own, but
contents himself with noticing objects as they appear before him, and
conversations just as they were held; setting down both in his Journal
without order, or any kind of arrangement. This may, perhaps, in one
respect be considered as an advantage. The reader sees the naked facts
as they occurred, and is left free to draw his own inference from
them. There is no theory, no speculation, scarcely an opinion advanced
throughout the whole of his Journal. He has not contributed much to
general science, but, by his frequent observations for the latitude
and longitude of places, he has made a most valuable addition to the
geography of Northern Africa; and it may now be said of him, what will
most probably never be said of any other person, that he has traversed
the whole of that country, from the Mediterranean to the Bight of Benin.
The map that accompanies the Journal was constructed entirely from the
latitudes and longitudes in a table annexed to that document. That
portion of it which shows the route pursued by Richard Lander on his
return, till stopped by the Fellatas at Dunrora, and from thence back
again to Zegzeg, was laid off from the bearings and distances marked
down by this intelligent young man; and no better proof is wanting of
its general accuracy than that of his return route closing in with the
fixed point Zaria, or Zegzeg, within ten miles.
It is greatly to be regretted, that the premature deaths of Captain
Pearce and Dr. Morrison have deprived the world of many beautiful
specimens of art, and many valuable acquisitions to the stores of
natural history. Among the vegetable products of the tropical regions
of North Africa, which, from the general descriptions here and there
given, are of great beauty and fertility, there are no doubt to be
found many new and valuable species; the whole line from the Bight of
Benin to Soccatoo being entirely untrodden ground, consisting of every
variety of feature, mostly left in a state of nature, and a great
portion of it covered with magnificent forests.
Various notices are given, in the Journal, of two objects of peculiar
interest, which are still left open for further investigation; the
course and termination of the river which has been (improperly, as
it now appears) called the Niger, and the recovery of the papers,
which still exist, of the late Mungo Park. The exact spot on which
he perished, and the manner of his death, are now ascertained with
precision. The former of these inquiries will now be considered,
perhaps, to have lost much of its original interest, by the deflection
which that river takes from its easterly into that of a southerly
course; and which, in point of fact and strict propriety, has destroyed
every pretension to its continuing the name of Niger. It cannot be
supposed that either Herodotus, or Ptolemy, or Pliny, or any Greek or
Roman writer whatever, could have had the slightest intimation of such
a river as this, so far to the westward and to the southward of the
Great Desert, of the crossing of which by any of the ancient travellers
there does not exist the slightest testimony. The name of Quorra, or
Cowarra, by which it is known universally in Soudan, and probably also
to the westward of Timbuctoo, ought now, therefore, to be adopted on
our charts of Africa.
With regard to its termination, the reports continue to be
contradictory, and the question is still open to conjecture. Its
direction, as far as has now been ascertained, points to the Bight of
Benin; but there is still a considerable distance, and a deep range
of granite mountains intervening, between the point to which with any
certainty it has been traced, and the sea-coast. If, however, it be
the fact, that the river of Benin has been traced as high up as is
marked on the chart (and it is taken from an old chart of the year
1753, stated to have been engraved for Postlethwayte’s Dictionary),
that distance, between the lowest ascertained point of the Quorra and
the highest of the Benin, is reduced to little more than a degree
of latitude, or about seventy miles; but it is seventy miles of a
mountainous country. By our occupation of the beautiful and fertile
island of Fernando Po, and the extension of African commerce which may
be anticipated in consequence thereof, there can be little doubt that
this question of their identity or otherwise will ere long be decided.
From a variety of notices obtained by Clapperton, it is pretty clear,
that the particulars of the death of Mungo Park, and the spot where the
fatal event happened, are not very different from what was originally
reported by Amadoo Fatima, and has since been repeated in various parts
of the continent. The following correspondence, which was found in one
of Clapperton’s memorandum books, and translated from the Arabic by Mr.
Abraham Salamé, is highly interesting; and the more important, from the
avowal of an individual, that he is in possession of the books of that
enterprising traveller, and is ready to deliver them up to any person
duly authorised by the sovereign of England to receive them.
TRANSLATION OF SOME DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO MUNGO PARK’S DEATH AND PAPERS.
No. 1.
“Praise is due to God alone!—As to the subject of the Christians who
were drowned in the river of Boossy, they consisted of two freemen, and
two slaves, their own property. The event thus happened in the month of
Rajab: As their ship or vessel was proceeding down the river, it came
to a narrow place or creek, into which they pushed it, and remained
there three days; but the people of Boossy, having observed them,
assembled, and went and fought them for three days. When the fight
became severe, they (the Christians) began to take up their goods,
and throw them into the river, till they had thrown a great quantity;
and on the fight becoming still more severe (desperate), one of them
got out, and threw himself into the river, and died; and, in the same
manner, the other followed him, leaving their two slaves imprisoned
in the ship; so that the hands of the people of Boossy did not reach
so far as to kill them (_i. e._ they died in drowning, and were not
murdered). Thus I have heard, and do herein write it myself.
“THE SHARIF OF BOKHARY.”
No. 2.
_Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Boossy._
Translation.—“Praise be to God, and prayers and peace be unto his
apostle. From Abdallah, the English ràis (captain), to the lord of
Boossy, named Moosa (Moses), with regard and salutation; and that he
has heard that the writings of his brethren, who were slain by the
people of your country, have come into your hands. He therefore wishes
you to give them up to him, either by purchase, or as a gift, or by
exchange for a book of your own (the Koràn), or, at least, to let him
see them only. We conjure thee, O lord, by God, by God, by God! and
Sàlàm to you.”
The reply to this does not appear among Clapperton’s papers; but, from
the following letter, it may be concluded that he was referred to the
Lord of _Yàoury_.—A. S.
No. 3.
_Arabic Letter from Clapperton to the Lord of Yàoury._
Translation.—“Praise be to God alone. From Abdallah, the English
captain, to the Lord of Yàoury. Hence respecting the book of the
Christians who were seized by the people of Boossy, he wishes you to
give it to him, that he may deliver it to his master, the Great Lord of
the English nation. This only is his desire; and Sàlàm be to you.”
No. 4.
_Reply to the above._
Translation.—“This is issued from the Prince or Lord of Yàoury to
Abdallah, the English captain: salutation and esteem. Hence your
messenger has arrived and brought us your letter, and we understand
what you write. You inquire about a thing that has no trace with us.
The Prince or Lord of Boossy is older (or greater) than us, because
he is our grandfather. Why did not you inquire of him about what you
wish for? You were at Boossy, and did not inquire of the inhabitants
what was the cause of the destruction of the ship and your friends, nor
what happened between them of evil; but you do now inquire of one who
is far off, and knows nothing of the cause of their (the Christians’)
destruction.
“As to the book which is in our hand, it is true, and we did not give
it to your messenger; but we will deliver it to you, if you come and
show us a letter from your lord. You shall then see it and have it, if
God be pleased. And much esteem and Sàlàm be to you, and prayer and
peace unto the last of the apostles.”—(Mohammed.)
No. 5.
The following is a letter from Clapperton to some prince or grandee,
whose name is blotted out of the copy book, complaining of the above
refusal of the Lord of Yàoury.
Translation.—“Hence, my lord, I have written to the Lord of Boossy
about the Christian book, whose owner was destroyed by the inhabitants;
but when I heard that it was in the hands of the Lord of Yàoury, I
wrote to him to give it to me, and he has refused. I have therefore
written to you.”
It cannot be doubted for a moment, that volunteers enough will be
found ready to proceed on an enterprise of so much interest; and for
an object, the recovery of which is not only due to the reputation of
the lamented traveller, but to the nation to which he belonged, and to
the government under whose auspices he undertook to make discoveries
in Africa. If Clapperton’s servant could find his way, alone and
unprotected, through three times the distance it would be necessary
to travel for the object in question, how much more likely would a
duly accredited agent, bearing some trifling presents, and a letter
from the King of England, be certain of making good his way, without
difficulty, in the same track which has so recently been trodden,
without molestation, by Christians and white men. A few presents, and
but a few, and of trifling value, would only be necessary to secure the
protection and assistance of the native chieftains on the road.
It is much to be regretted that Clapperton himself did not personally
wait upon the Sultan of Yaoury, whose residence is not more than
twenty-five or thirty miles northward of Boossy, and who appears to
have been most anxious to see the Christian traveller, and pay him
every possible attention. He sent messengers with presents, and boats
to convey him up the river to Yaoury. Clapperton, however, had, no
doubt, sufficient reasons for not visiting that chieftain at this time:
it might be on account of the delay it would occasion at a time he was
most anxious to get to Kano, to avoid the rains; or, for the sake of
keeping clear of the belligerent parties who were ravaging the country
in that direction. Perhaps he thought that, not being furnished with a
letter to the sultan of that country, he would not have given up the
papers to him. And, after all, it is not quite certain, from what he
afterwards learned, that the Sultan of Yaoury has in his possession
any thing more than some printed books; for on Clapperton inquiring
of one of the sultan’s people, if there were any books like his own
Journal, the man said there was one, but that his master had given it
to an Arab merchant ten years ago; but that the merchant was killed
by the Fellatas on his way to Kano, and what had become of that book
afterwards he did not know.
The death of Dr. Morrison, at an early period of the journey, deprived
the scientific world of all information on the subject of natural
history, of which, as might well be supposed, neither Clapperton nor
his servant had any knowledge. It will be matter of regret to some,
that they had not, which they might easily have done, collected
specimens of the language of the several districts through which they
passed. The little that is added to the Appendix is all that was found
among the papers of the deceased commander on this subject; and the
state of the thermometer and barometer at different hours of the day,
as observed on the journey, and also by Lander at Kano and Soccatoo, is
not quite complete.
J. B.
=EXPEDITION=
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
=NORTHERN AFRICA.=
[Illustration: A Chart of the Route _of the late_ CAPTAIN CLAPPERTON,
From _BADAGRY TO SOCCATOO, and of his Servant_ RICHARD LANDER, _from_
Kano to the Niger, _in a different and more EASTERLY DIRECTION_.
_Published as the Act directs Novr. 1828 by John Murray, Albemarle
Street London._
_J. & C. Walker Sculpt._]
[Illustration: The course of the Kowara or Quarra _as described by
Bello’s Schoolmaster._
_Published by John Murray, Albemarle Street London._
_J. & C. Walker Sculpt._]
=EXPEDITION=
FOR
THE DISCOVERY OF THE INTERIOR
OF
=NORTHERN AFRICA.=
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
JOURNEY FROM BADAGRY OVER THE KONG MOUNTAINS TO THE CITY OF EYEO
OR KATUNGA.
Wednesday, December 7th, 1825.—After a great deal of palavering
and drinking with our African friends, we succeeded in getting off
all our baggage and presents; and embarked in the canoes provided for
our accommodation. That in which I was with the presents and stores,
being very heavy, proceeded slowly up a branch of the Lagos river as
far as the junction of the Gazie creek, up which we then proceeded
about a mile and a half, and landed on the west bank. The banks
of both these small rivers are low, and covered with reeds: at the
place where we halted, a market is held for the Badagry people, and
those of Puka and other neighbouring towns; it is called Bawie. The
Gazie comes from the north-west, running through part of the kingdom
of Dahomy, having its rise in the country called Keeto.
Thursday, 8th.—Morning thick and hazy, and though sleeping close
to the river in the open air, for the first time since we have been
on shore, we did not hear the hum of a single musquito. The canoes
of our attendants were armed with small guns in the bow, to guard
us from the danger of any attack; Adoli had his cook and one of his
wives with him in his own canoe, the after part of which was covered
with a matted roof.
While halting here Mr. Houtson and I walked on to the town of
Puka, leaving the baggage and stores to come on after us. The path
over which we travelled was partly cleared, and covered with high
grass wherever it was clear of wood; and had apparently once been
cultivated. The woods were thick and the trees high, with a great
deal of tangle and underwood, so as to render it impenetrable to
man or beast excepting along the path. The country is low and flat,
and the soil a red clay mixed with sand.
On arriving at Puka, we halted under a tree, and were surrounded by
immense crowds of people, who were very civil: those who could not
get near enough to see us, on account of their small size, were held
up on others’ shoulders; and from the great number of old people and
of young children, it would appear that they are not much in the habit
of selling their children at this place. They are all negro pagans. We
had a visit from one of the Eyeo war chiefs, who came in state: he
was mounted on a small horse, as were also two of his attendants; the
saddles and ornaments were the same as those in Soudan and Bornou;
the rest of the cavalcade were on foot, amongst which was a little
boy apparently the favourite slave of the chief, judging from the
conspicuous part he bore, and the great attention which was paid to
him by all the others. His dress and appearance was most grotesque,
consisting of a ragged red coat with yellow facings, a military
cap and feather apparently Portuguese. The captain came curvetting
and leaping his horse until within the distance of a hundred yards,
when he dismounted, and approached within twenty yards of us, where
he sat down. We then sent our umbrella as a message or token that we
wished him well; and on the receipt of which, the drums beat and hands
were clapped, and fingers cracked at a great rate. He now came up
to us, capering and dancing the whole way, and shook us by the hand,
a few of his attendants accompanying him. He then began his speech,
saying he was very glad that he now saw white man; and pointing
to the various parts of his dress, he said, This cloth is not made
in my country, this cap is of white man’s velvet, these trowsers
are of white man’s nankeen, this is a white man’s shawl; we get
all good things from white man, and we must therefore be glad when
white man come to visit our country. The two men who appeared next in
authority to himself were stout good-looking men, natives of Bornou;
they were dressed in the fashion of that country, with blue velvet
caps on their heads. Being Mahometans, they could not be prevailed
on to drink spirits, but the captain and his men drank each two drams.
We paid a visit to the caboceer, or chief man of the town. We found
him seated in the midst of his elders and women. He was an ancient,
tall, stupid-looking man, dressed in a red silken tobe, or long shirt;
on his head was a cap made of small glass beads of various colours,
surrounded by tassels of small gold-coloured beads, and three large
coral ones in front. The cap was the best part of the man, for it
was very neat; in his hand he held a fly-flapper, the handle of
which was covered with beads. After a number of compliments, we were
presented with goroo-nuts and water. We told him of our intention
to proceed to Eyeo, that we were servants of the king of England,
and that we wanted carriers for ourselves and baggage. We remained
here for the night, and as all our baggage had not come up from the
coast, Captain Pearce went down to the beach after them.
As soon as we had removed into the caboceer’s house he sent us a
present of a sheep, a basket of yams, and some fire-wood. His wives
and young women came peeping at us through the holes in the walls,
and at the doors; and whenever we went near them they would run
off. Captain Adamooli told us to keep a good look out after our
things, for the people here were great thieves. I said he must make
his men keep watch, as I held him answerable for whatever might be
lost. Accordingly he sent the greater part of his troop, he himself
taking up his station at the principal door, where they kept drumming
all night.
This morning, Friday, 9, there was a good deal of palavering between
the captain and the old caboceer, while we sat patiently waiting the
removal of the baggage and stores from his house. I found the old
caboceer sitting on a chair with an umbrella held over his head;
his aged counsellors by his side. The old gentleman was carefully
counting all the articles as they were brought out, laying a small
piece of stick on each; they were then counted over a second and
a third time, after which the bundles were tied up; not however
before they obliged me to count them over, and till I said all was
right. After waiting about two hours for carriers, the old caboceer
said with the most invincible gravity that he would not procure
a single carrier, alleging that he had not received enough for a
present. We then declared we would return to Badagry, and let the
king know of his conduct, and made a show of going that way; but
the old caboceer was not in the least moved. Poor Captain Adamooli,
however, prostrated himself before me, laid hold of my legs, and said
he should lose his head if I went back. I therefore returned, and
he loaded his own people; the old wretch not giving us a single man.
Having seen the whole of the baggage off, we started in the evening,
and proceeded on our journey. We learned in fact that we were not now
in the king of Badagry’s territory, but in a district of Eyeo, which
is called Yarriba by the Arabs and people of Houssa, and that the
name of the capital is called Katunga, and that it is thirty days’
journey. Finding we could get no men to carry the hammocks which they
supplied us with, I mounted my friend Ali’s small horse, without
a saddle, and Houtson and I agreed to ride and tie, as my feet were
cut and blistered with a pair of new boots I had mounted yesterday,
and I could only wear a pair of slippers. We set off in this state,
accompanied by the caboceer of Jannah’s messenger, named Acra,
and Mr. Houtson’s boys. Puka, which we are leaving, has once been a
large town, surrounded by a wall and deep ditch; the wall is now down,
and all the houses of the town in ruins. After leaving this place
it soon became dark, and we frequently lost our way. We could see,
however, that the road in the open part of the country was through
fine plantations of corn; the rest was through thick dark woods,
where we could not see the heaven over our heads, the path winding
in every direction. My slippers being down at the heels I soon lost
them off my feet, which were miserably cut; but I became so galled by
riding without a saddle, that I was compelled thus to walk barefooted,
which was the worst of the two; for whenever I crossed an ant path,
which were frequent, my feet felt as if in the fire, these little
animals drawing blood from them and from my ankles. We halted at a
village called Isako, after passing several others on the road: here
the people offered us a house for the night, but on their telling
us that our people had gone on to a town a short distance off, we
remained only a little while and set off again. They kindly gave us
guides with lamps to show us the way. Our short rest and ride had
had a bad effect on us, and the road only wanted thorns to make
our misery complete. However, after struggling on till midnight,
we arrived at a town called Dagmoo, where we found our servants with
the heavy baggage and the canteen, but our beds had gone further on,
so that we were obliged to sleep in the market-place, in the open air:
even this, with a little cold meat, was better than travelling.
Saturday, 10th.—The morning raw, cold, and hazy, and we had
nothing to eat. The road lay through the thickest woods I ever saw;
and, except on the narrow footpath, wholly impenetrable by man or
beast: the surface rather uneven; the soil a strong red clay. We
passed several people, principally women, heavily laden with cloth,
plantains, and a paste made from pounded Indian corn, wrapped in
leaves called _accasson_, going to market. They were all extremely
civil, and never omitted saluting us, or giving us the road. One
woman, whom I made signs to that I was thirsty, was nearly crying
that she had no water to give, but would make us take plantains and
_accassons_. Shortly after leaving Dagmoo we crossed a small stream,
over which I was carried. About noon, arrived at the town of Humba,
where I found Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison in the caboceer’s
house, and the caboceer waiting in state to receive us. Here I had my
feet bathed, but found I had a considerable degree of fever on me,
and was glad to get to bed. In the afternoon I had a slight fit of
ague. The house was in a very ruinous state; and, indeed, the whole
town, as far as we saw of it, was equally so. The inhabitants,
however, were cheerful enough, and kept singing and dancing all
night round our house; their songs were in chorus, and not unlike
some church music that I have heard.
Sunday, 11th.—Though very weak, I walked on for a mile to a town
called Akalou, where the baggage was halted; and here I found a black
captain in a leopard skin cloak, holding a palaver, and declaring
he would neither go nor let the baggage go on, without a flask of
rum. Mr. Houtson gave him a glass of grog, when, after keeping it in
his mouth for some time, he poured it out of his own into the mouths
of his attendants. After this the baggage proceeded, and I had two
men to carry me in my hammock; but they had not gone twenty paces
before they set me down, and said they would carry me no further. I
accordingly endeavoured to creep on slowly, but on seeing the fellows
walking very deliberately after me, I took my gun and presented it
at them, when they threw down the empty hammock and fled. The two
messengers, however, took me up and carried me to a town called Eto,
where we were to change the bearers. The caboceer of this place sent
us a goat and a basket of yams, and Mr. Houtson gave him in return
a flask of rum. Here I procured hammock-men, and we left Eto and
proceeded on through thick woods to Sado or Isado, where we halted
in the palaver house. Here, as in other places since leaving Puka,
our articles of baggage were strictly counted in presence of the
caboceer. The people sung and danced all night around our houses.
The soil between this place and Humba is generally a strong red
clay, and there must be considerable plantations not far from the
road, but none appear near the towns for the support of the numerous
inhabitants. I judge we are not far from the banks of the river which
they say we are to cross to-morrow; but old Acra, the messenger, says,
that the fetish at Gazie would kill any white man that came up the
river, and that this is the only reason why we did not come that way.
Monday, 12th.—Morning raw and hazy; our things going off with
alacrity this morning, and hammock-men provided. Leaving Sado,
the road lay principally through thick woods for an hour, when we
arrived at the town of Bidgie, where there are some fine plantations
of corn and plantains. The caboceer was all ready to receive us: a
fine civil young fellow, his name Lorokekri. They came in crowds to
see us; and on our expressing a wish to proceed on without delay, he
begged we would stop all day, as neither he nor his people had ever
seen white men before, and he was desirous of giving us something
to eat. Mr. Houtson and I went down to the river, embarked in a
canoe, and crossed over to the other side. We found there was no
place clear of wood except the footpath. The river we had to cross
was about a quarter of a mile in width, full of low swampy islands
and floating reeds. The natives appear to have a number of canoes,
which are not used with paddles, but a forked pole, and they manage
them very cleverly.
At this place Dr. Morrison was taken very unwell, and had slight
symptoms of fever. The caboceer made us a present of two hogs and
some yams. We observed here some women very oddly marked, having
small raised dots, like wens, across the forehead, about half an inch
apart; those on the cheek about an inch. They are made by cutting
and lifting the skin.
Tuesday, 13th.—This morning Dr. Morrison was better, and we left
Bidgie in the canoes. The road from this place was through a dry
swamp nearly the whole way. The sun was very oppressive, and I
had sent my umbrella on. About midday I sat down in the shade,
quite exhausted by the heat, when a horseman came up; he kindly
dismounted, and gave me his horse, while he walked with me to the
village of Atalioboloo, where the baggage and people were halted,
waiting for carriers to come from the next town. I procured rooms
in the principal man’s house for Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison,
who were indisposed. This town is surrounded with plantations of yams
and corn; numbers of people were on the road going to the market at
Bidgie. The carriers having arrived from Laboo, the sick, and the
greater part of the baggage, sent forward, Houtson and I followed in
hammocks; the road lying through fine plantations of yams, and nearly
as level as a bowling-green. In the evening I was met by the Jannah
messenger, with an officer of the caboceer of Laboo, bringing horses
for the party: we got out of our hammocks and mounted. I was the only
one that had a saddle, but it was so hard and the stirrups so short,
that it became a question which of us had the best bargain. We soon
arrived at the town of Laboo, which stands on an eminence, and is
the cleanest we have seen since we first set foot in Africa. The
country has now become beautiful, rising into hill and dale, from
which there are some fine views: part of our road lay through large
plantations of corn and yams and fine avenues of trees.
At 7 P.M. we arrived at Laboo. The approach to the town appeared
by the moonlight quite enchanting, being through an avenue of
tall majestic trees, with fetish houses placed here and there, and
solitary lights burning by each. On entering the town we were taken
to the caboceer’s house, where he was sitting under his verandah
ready to receive us, and the house was crowded with spectators; he
rose as high as the roof would admit, welcomed us to his country,
and said he was glad to see us. We told him there was one sick
gentleman behind, and requested he would send lights, and people to
assist to bring him up. In less than two hours Dr. Morrison arrived;
and having received a present of a pig and five baskets of yams,
we prepared our supper and went to bed.
Wednesday, 14th.—The morning raw and cold; Morrison a little
better; Captain Pearce and my servant Richard Lander taken ill. After
daylight the caboceer sent to inquire after our health, and at 10
A.M. we paid him a visit. We found him in the same place we saw him
last night. The whole of the verandah and square was full of people,
except a small space for those who came to prostrate themselves. In
the centre of the square was a large baboon and pole, and a forked
stick, with water for pigeons, that were continually flying about
our heads. Behind the caboceer sat about two hundred of his wives
and concubines. He was sitting on a mat, reclining on a large round
pillow, one of each of which he immediately ordered for us. We sat
down beside him and gave him a glass of grog, which he drank off with
great relish, turning himself round so that his own people might
not see him drink. We handed a few glasses more to his ladies, and
a goblet full to his headmen, who were sitting in front with all the
marks of their morning’s salutation of their master. Their obeisance
is a complete prostration of the body at full length on the ground,
with the chin resting on the hands, turning one cheek to the ground,
then the other, and finally to bestow a kiss on their mother earth
and rise. Before entering the caboceer’s presence their heads must
be covered with dust or clay. He told us he had a house at Eyeo,
and that half his wives were there. When he spoke in a complimentary
way to us, all the people clapped their hands joyfully. When we told
him that a white man had only one wife, he and the whole people,
with his wives, laughed immoderately. After staying with him an hour
we took our leave, giving him two bottles of rum, and a promise of
something more when the baggage arrived. The town of Laboo is large,
and stands on a rising ground on the top of a small hill, and in
some parts commands an extensive view, particularly to the south,
which is low and flat. Lagos, we were told, can be reached in one
day by a messenger.
Thursday, 15th.—Our sick better: at eight, sent them off in the
hammocks: at nine, started on horseback, but waited a short time for
the caboceer, who came mounted, but without stirrups. He attended us
some distance out of town with the whole population of Laboo around
him, the women singing in chorus and holding up both hands as we
passed; and groups of people were kneeling down and apparently wishing
us a good journey. The country well cultivated and beautiful, rising
into hill and dale: from the tops of the hills we had distant views,
the road leading through plantations of millet, yams, calavances,
and Indian corn.
On arriving at Jannah about noon, I found our poor sick halted in
the palaver house, which is an open shed, surrounded by thousands
of people making a great noise. Here we had to wait about an hour
before the caboceer made his appearance, which however at last he did,
gorgeously arrayed in a large yellow silken shirt and red velvet cap;
with a silver mounted and silver wrought kind of horsewhip ornamented
with beads, in one hand, and a child’s silver bells in the other,
which he rattled or shook when he spoke: he was seated on a large
leathern cushion, which was placed on a mat covered with scarlet
cloth. On the cloth I was going to sit down, but the ladies very
unceremoniously whipt it from under me, and I squatted myself on
the mat; his female attendants sung in chorus very beautifully: the
drummers were at a more respectable distance, and the whole space
in front of his house was covered with people. Here also were the
worshippers, who paid their respects in due form to their master,
going out and coming in three times. We shook hands with him. He said
he was glad to see us; that whatever we had to say to the king of Eyeo
we must first deliver to him; that if he approved of our palaver,
so would the king; but if not, neither would the king of Eyeo. This
seemed somewhat ungracious and consequential, especially when coupled
with his apparent inattention while the interpreter was speaking to
him: but on our explaining to him that we had nothing of particular
importance to say to the king of Eyeo beyond a request that he would
accept the king of England’s respects, and grant a passage through
his country, he said all was right; that he was glad we should see the
king of Eyeo’s face; that God would give us a good path, and that
he would forward us right on without any trouble. We then asked him
for a house: he said he would give us into the hands of his principal
servant, who would lend us his house, to which we went. We found it
pretty well occupied with people, but there was a room each for the
sick, and Houtson and I took up our quarters in the verandah. In
the evening we were visited by the caboceer incognito. He was now
quite a different man: his servant Akoni, who had come with us from
Badagry, sat down, and the caboceer made a seat of his knee. He now
conversed freely, gave us a great deal of good advice, and spoke
of God more like a christian than a pagan. He said that the king
of Eyeo would not allow us to go through his dominions, but that he
would give us horses and carriers to bring us to the king; but that
the Eyeo people were unaccustomed to carry hammocks, and we must
go on horseback. He repeatedly assured us of safe conduct to Eyeo,
and said we might start to-morrow if our sick were well. We then gave
him the greatest part of our string of coral, which in this country
is highly esteemed. Mr. Houtson learnt this evening that a message
had arrived to the caboceer from some part of the coast, probably
Lagos or Dahomy, advising him that the Englishmen were going to make
war upon the king of Eyeo, and that we might perhaps kill the king:
this, I apprehend, was the reason why he was so positive in wanting
to know our business with the king of Eyeo.
Friday, 16th.—Morning raw and hazy. We this morning received
two goats, a hog, and a large quantity of yams, ten fowls and two
pigeons. We are visited by a great number of the town’s-people;
and whenever we show ourselves out of the house we are followed by
an immense crowd. We received a present of a goat and a quantity
of yams from the town’s-people. In the evening Mr. Houtson and I
took a walk through the town: we were followed by an immense crowd,
which gathered as we went along, but all very civil; the men taking
off their caps, the women kneeling on their knees and one elbow,
the other elbow resting upon the hand. In returning we came through
the market, which, though nearly sunset, was well supplied with raw
cotton, country cloths, provision, and fruit, such as oranges, limes,
plantains, bananas; and vegetables, such as small onions, chalotes,
pepper, and gums for soups; also, boiled yams and _accassons_. Here
the crowd rolled on like a sea, the men jumping over the provision
baskets, the boys dancing under the stalls, the women bawling,
and saluting those who were looking after their scattered goods,
yet no word or look of disrespect to us.
Saturday, 17th.—Morning clear. Captain Pearce much better; Richard
worse. Dr. Morrison bled Richard in the temple in the evening,
but he has had no relief.
Sunday, 18th.—Our patients to-day a little better. The town
of Jannah stands on the side of a gentle hill, commanding an
extensive view to the west; the view to the east is interrupted by
thick woods. The inhabitants are apparently civil and industrious,
and may amount from 8000 to 10,000. They are great carvers; their
doors, drums, and every thing of wood is carved. It has formerly been
surrounded by a wall and ditch: the gate and ditch are now all that
remain. The streets are irregular and narrow; the houses occupying
a large space, and in the same form as those of Puka. Here, amongst
the Yarribanies, is the poor dog treated with respect, and made the
companion of man; here he has collars around his neck of different
colours, and ornamented with cowries, and sits by his master, and
follows him in all his journeys and visits. The great man is never
without one, and it appeared to me a boy was appointed to take care
of him. In no other country of Africa, that I have been in, is this
faithful animal treated with common humanity.
Owing to a Brazilian brig having arrived at Badagry for slaves, the
people here have been preparing themselves for two days to go on a
slaving expedition to a place called Tabbo, lying to the eastward.
I cannot omit bearing testimony to the singular and perhaps
unprecedented fact, that we have already travelled sixty miles in
eight days, with a numerous and heavy baggage, and about ten different
relays of carriers, without losing so much as the value of a shilling
public or private; a circumstance evincing not only somewhat more
than common honesty in the inhabitants, but a degree of subordination
and regular government which could not have been supposed to exist
amongst a people hitherto considered barbarians. Humanity, however,
is the same in every land; government may restrain the vicious
principles of our nature, but it is beyond the power even of African
despotism to silence a woman’s tongue: in sickness and in health,
and at every stage, we have been obliged to endure their eternal
loquacity and noise.
We have observed several looms going here: in one house we saw
eight or ten—in fact a regular manufactory. Their cloth is good in
texture, and some very fine. They also manufacture earthenware, but
prefer European, though they sometimes misappropriate the different
articles. The vessel in which the caboceer of Laboo presented us
water to drink, Mr. Houtson recognised as a handsome chamber-pot
sold by him last year at Badagry.
Monday, 19th.—Captain Pearce is better this morning, but Richard
continues still very ill with severe head-ache and fever.
About twelve o’clock we visited the caboceer at his own house. He
had previously sent us about twenty-five gallons of rum, saying he
heard we had not brought much rum with us; that Eyeo people liked
rum too much, and that he sent us this that we might give all his
people a dram to get us a good name amongst the inhabitants.
We found his highness seated in the door-way of a room, in the inner
verandah, and on his large leather cushion; behind were his singing
women; and under the verandahs, on both sides of the doors, were his
musicians and his headmen. He wore this morning a rich crimson damask
robe, or shirt, and the same red velvet cap; but during the visit,
to display his grandeur, he changed his dress three different times,
each time wearing a richer than before. The whole court, which was
large, was filled, crowded, crammed, with people, except a space
in front where we sat, into which his highness led Mr. Houtson and
myself, one in each hand, and there we performed an African dance,
to the great delight of the surrounding multitude. The _tout ensemble_
would doubtless have formed an excellent subject for a caricaturist,
and we regretted the absence of Captain Pearce to sketch off the old
black caboceer, sailing majestically around in his damask robe, with
a train-bearer behind him, and every now and then turning up his old
withered face to myself, then to Mr. Houtson—then whisking round
on one foot, then marching slow, with solemn gait, twining our hands
in his—proud that a white man should dance with him. We gave in to
the humours of the day, and thus “cheered we our old friend, and he
was cheered.” We sent for Captain Pearce, who came on his hammock,
but he could only stay a few minutes, the noise being too great for
him. In the evening we despatched our messenger to the caboceer to
ask when the horses would be ready; he returned with an answer,
that his highness was drunk to-night, but would see us to-morrow
morning. Richard much worse: Dr. Morrison put a large blister over
his head, which caused a temporary delirium; but as the blister rose
he got better, and promises in the morning to be convalescent.
Tuesday, 20th.—Morning raw and hazy. The caboceer called to inquire
after the sick, and expressed much concern at their not getting
well. Indeed Dr. Morrison continued very weak, and Captain Pearce
getting weaker; Richard something better.
Wednesday, 21st.—The caboceer came this morning with his headmen to
overhaul the packages, to see how many carriers would be requisite. We
tried for hammock-men for the sick, but the caboceer said, that the
Eyeo people could not and would not carry a hammock—that a man was
not a horse; which, to be sure, was a truism so obvious and ancient,
that we could not venture to contradict it. I offered him a string
of coral, which to him is most tempting, but he would not make a
positive promise. However, he sent a messenger in the evening, saying
that he would find hammocks to the first stage. He promised also to
forward any thing that was sent from Badagry for the mission, and any
thing from the mission to Badagry. We visited several manufactories
of cloth and three dyehouses, with upwards of twenty vats or large
earthen pots in each, and all in full work. The indigo here is of
an excellent quality, and forms a most beautiful and durable dye;
the women are the dyers, the boys the weavers; the loom and shuttles
are on the same principle as the common English loom, but the warp
only about four inches wide. Mr. Houtson was anxious to purchase the
freedom of a Bornouese slave, a dwarf three feet high and thirty years
of age, a cunning-looking rogue; but he was not willing to be sold,
and his master would not therefore sell him.
Thursday, 22d.—This morning Dr. Morrison was looking ill, but in
better spirits; Captain Pearce very weak; Richard better. In the
extreme weak state of the two former, I thought it advisable to say
to both, that I would either make arrangements for their remaining
here until they were completely convalescent, or for their return on
board the Brazen, provided hammocks could be got to carry them to
Puka, and to go under the care of Mr. Houtson’s boy, Accra; or,
if necessary, that Mr. Houtson should himself take charge of them,
and return them safe to Badagry. Captain Pearce expressed a decided
determination to proceed, and Dr. Morrison would not even hear
Mr. Houtson speak on the subject of a return or stay, but said he
would proceed on. The caboceer came early, and after much trouble,
and seemingly much difficulty, got men to carry the sick, his own
son being obliged to take one end of a hammock. I observed that, on
the caboceer’s sneezing, all his attendants clapped their hands and
snapped their fingers, a custom common to Benin, Lagos, and Dahomy,
and similar to our exclamation of “God bless us” on the same
occasion. The hammocks started early, when Mr. Houtson’s small boys,
owing to some people frightening them with stories of war on the path,
and probably a message from their friends at Badagry requesting them
to go no further, all ran away. He immediately despatched a letter
for another interpreter, who will join us in a few days. About an
hour afterwards, I started after the sick, leaving Mr. Houtson to
see the baggage off.
Friday, 23d.—At 7 A.M. the sick left Bachy. Dr. Morrison looking
very ill; Captain Pearce much the same; Richard better. We had
presents, as usual, of yams, plantains, eggs, and a goat. At ten,
arrived at Tshow; the country finely cleared, and diversified with
hill and dale, a number of inhabitants travelling with us. A little
after our arrival Dr. Morrison sent for me, and said, that as our
proceeding onwards had made him no better, he wished me to allow him
to return, which I did, to see if the sea air would recover him;
I therefore gave Mr. Houtson an order to see him to Jannah, or to
Badagry if necessary, and they parted at 4 P.M.
Saturday, 24th.—Raw cold morning: Captain Pearce much the same,
Richard better. At 7 A.M. left Tshow. During last night we had
thunder, lightning, and rain; the roads dreadfully bad; in some
places over the horses’ bellies. In one place George Dawson’s
horse lay down in the midst of the water, and the rider rolled off,
as he was weak and ill with ague. At 10.30 A.M. arrived at Ega;
the road mostly through thick woods, with here and there patches
of cleared ground planted with corn. Received a present of yams,
oranges, eggs, plantains, and a goat. At 4 P.M. George Dawson,
seaman, died: he had got the ague at Jannah, where Dr. Morrison had
turned him off. I was not aware of his belonging to his majesty’s
service until after his death, or I should have sent him down to
his ship the moment of his discharge at Jannah. I caused him to be
decently buried, and read the service over the body, making all the
servants that were able to attend the ceremony.
Sunday, 25th.—Our poor sick still remain much the same. I also have
been very ill from a cold caught on the journey of yesterday. The
country continues to be diversified with hill and dale, and in many
places well cultivated. The approach to Emadoo is through a long,
broad, and beautiful avenue of the tallest trees; a strong stockade
eighteen feet high, with a wicker gate, and at one hundred paces from
this another of the same kind, defends the entrance to the town. The
road from Ega to Liabo was beautiful, rising ground, gentle hills
and dales, a small stream of water running through each valley:
the land partly in a state of cultivation, and sufficiently cleared
of that thick forest which gives such a monotony to this part of
Africa. At 9 A.M. halted at a town called Ekwa, where we received
a present of yams, plantains, and a goat.
Monday, 26th.—Raw, cloudy morning. All the towns from Jannah to
Ekwa are situated in the bosom of an inaccessible wood; the approach
is through an avenue defended by three stockades with narrow wicket
gates and only one entrance; but Liabo only had a mud wall and ditch
in addition to the stockades.
Tuesday, 27th.—Morning clear for the first time since we left
Jannah—a strong wind blowing—our sick and myself the same—had
them well wrapped up in their hammocks. I suffered much from cold,
being lightly dressed. After leaving Ekwa we crossed a deep ravine,
and descended a hill on the ridge of which we travelled until we
arrived at Engwa, at 9 A.M.
At 11 A.M. Pearce had become much worse and quite insensible; and at
nine in the evening he breathed his last. From the moment of Captain
Pearce’s being taken ill, his wonted spirits supported him through
the progress of a disease that was evidently wasting his strength from
day to day; but after Dr. Morrison left us, he became less sanguine
of recovery, and wished Richard to remain in his room to keep him
company, as my duties in attending to the business of the mission
prevented me from being as much with him as I could have wished. On
the morning of our leaving Tshow I gave him some bark, but afterwards
the heat of his skin was so great, that I thought it prudent not
to give him any more, and he was too weak to venture on any strong
medicine. The death of Captain Pearce has caused me much concern,
for independently of his amiable qualities as a friend and companion,
he was eminently qualified by his talents, his perseverance, and
his fortitude to be of singular service to the mission, and on these
accounts I deplore his loss as the greatest I could have sustained,
both as regards my private feelings and the public service.
Wednesday, 28th.—At eleven this morning I interred the remains
of Captain Pearce, the whole of the principal people of the town
attending, and all the servants. The grave was staked round by the
inhabitants and a shed built over it: at the head of the grave,
an inscription was carved on a board by Richard, I being unable to
assist or even to sit up.
Saturday, 31st.—As I had heard nothing from Mr. Houtson as to the
fate of Dr. Morrison, I determined to wait here until I should get
a little stronger. In the evening, however, Mr. Houtson arrived,
who informed me that Dr. Morrison had died at Jannah on the same
day as Captain Pearce.
With the assistance (says Mr. Houtson) of old Accra, and the
caboceer’s messenger, I had the body washed and dressed, and at 8
A.M. on the morning of the 28th buried him at the south-west end of
the house we lived in; the king’s messenger and a number of people
attending. I read the church of England service over his remains,
and paid all the respect that circumstances permitted. I sent to
Badagry for a head board with an inscription stating his name and
the date and place of his death.
Tuesday, January 3d, 1826.—Left the town of Engwa in a hammock,
and reached the town of Afoora, where we were well lodged, and had
a present of yams, fowls, a goat, &c. The town is surrounded by a
stockade; the state of the atmosphere much changed for the better.
Wednesday, 4th.—Clear and cool, all of us much better. At 7.50. left
Afoora. The country clear, and rising into hill and dale: on the
rising grounds large blocks of gray granite showed their heads above
the earth; the plains were scattered with the female cocoa-nut, and
covered with long high grass, which in many places had recently been
burnt down. The view on leaving Afoora was beautiful from the hills;
all the valleys being filled with streams of water running to the
north-west, to join a larger river said to empty itself into the
Lagos. Halted at the town of Assulah, and received plenty of yams,
fowls, plantains, eggs, and a goat; the inhabitants were as usual
very kind and civil, and may consist of five or six thousand people:
the town is surrounded by a new made ditch, on account of the existing
war, and they are building a number of houses; the women are very shy,
and they say that adultery is punished with death.
Thursday, 5th.—Left the town of Assula, and passed through the
village of Itallia. The country to-day very beautiful. Arrived at
Assoudo: it is a walled town, and as far as my observation goes,
at least 10,000 inhabitants. We received a plentiful supply of
provisions, wood, and water. The people here are as curious as at
other places, but very civil. Houtson and I rode out at sunset,
and were surrounded by thousands; the men kept dancing and the women
singing all night on account of our arrival.
Friday, 6th.—We left the town of Assoudo: the country naturally
clear of wood, and planted with cotton and corn; the succession
of hill and dale beautiful. We halted for the night at the town of
Chocho. The caboceer out hunting, as he did not expect us to-day. All
the men in the place were with him, hunting the wild buffalo. We
got the best house the town afforded. In the evening the caboceer
arrived, and we received a present of yams, plantains, eggs, and
a goat. This town is pleasantly situated among the rocky hills,
but the inhabitants not numerous.
Saturday, 7th.—On leaving Chocho our road lay through beautiful
rocky valleys, cultivated in many places and planted with cotton,
corn, yams, and bananas; and well watered with many fine streams. A
number of little towns are perched on the top and in the hollows
of the hills, to whose inhabitants the plantations in the valley
belong. A war is now carrying on only a few hours’ ride from us:
not a national but a slaving war. We were supplied with yams, eggs,
and plantains, a goat and fowls. The caboceer did not make his
appearance: I therefore told the king’s messenger that I should
inform the king of Eyeo of this caboceer’s want of respect.
Sunday, 8th.—Last night we had thunder, lightning, and rain; the
morning dull and cloudy: at 8 A.M. left Bendekka, our road through
winding and beautiful valleys formed by the rugged and gigantic blocks
of granite, which in some places rose to the height of six or seven
hundred feet above the valleys in which we travelled. Sometimes the
valley is not a hundred yards broad, at others it may widen out to
half a mile; in one place we had to travel over a wide mountain
plain. The soil is rich, but shallow, except alongside the fine
streams of water which run through the valleys, where large tall
trees were growing; the sides of the mountains are bare except in
the crevices, which are filled with stunted trees and shrubs. The
valleys well cultivated, and planted with cotton, corn, yams, &c. At
12.30. P.M. arrived at the town of Duffoo, where we were well lodged;
but the crowds of people were immense: when told to go away, they
said—No; if white man would not come out, they would come in to
see him.
This cluster of hills said to rise in the Berghoo country, which is
behind Ashantee, and to run eastward through Jaboo to Benin. They
do not know their direction any farther. They extend from W.N.W. to
E.S.E.; and are about 80 miles in width from north to south.
The king of Eyeo’s wives are to be found in every place trading
for him, and, like other women of the common class, carrying large
loads on their heads from town to town. Mr. Houtson and I went to
the top of one of the mounts: I had to be assisted by two men, being
so weak I could not go alone. We had a grand and beautiful view of
mountains, precipices, and valleys, wherever we turned our eyes,
with the town of Duffoo spread out at our feet. The top of the hill
was covered with women grinding corn. They make round holes in the
face of the rock in which they crush the grain with a small stone
in the hand. This mount may be called a large corn mill.
This evening the fetish went round to keep away thieves. These
watchmen make a noise resembling that which a boy does by spinning a
notched stick tied to a string, round his head. When this is heard,
no one, on pain of death, must stir out of his house.
Monday, 9th.—Left Duffoo, a town that may contain upwards of fifteen
thousand people. Mr. Houtson unwell; he rode on early to avoid the
sun. I had great trouble in getting hammock-men. After leaving Duffoo,
the road winding around between two hills, descending over rugged
rocks and stones, and immense blocks of granite overhanging us,
as ready to start from their base to the destruction of every thing
below. About half a mile came to the village of Jesin, close at the
base of five towering rocky hills, and surrounded by tall trees,
a small stream running through it; from this the road ascends and
descends, still winding round the hills, until we arrived at the town
of Weza. Here our carriers would not start until they had quaffed an
immense calabash of _otée_, (mountain ale made from millet), which
the caboceer of the town sent to me with some plantains and eggs:
the last article in this country almost invariably half-hatched. We
now passed over a table land, gently descending from the mountains,
well cultivated and watered with several streams; halted at the town
of Chiadoo, situated on the side of a gently rising hill, surrounded
by a wall and ditch; and within the walls thickly planted with a
belt of trees, which entirely surround the town.
Tuesday, 10th.—The caboceer of this town is a friend of the caboceer
of Jannah, and extremely kind and attentive. He hopes our stay may be
extended to ten days, and assures us that neither we nor our people
should find any want of provisions. He sent us abundance of yams,
fowls, a goat and a turkey; the last a rare fowl in this country. The
caboceer’s name is Toko. I have put the barometer up, and shall
wait two days. Mr. Houtson better; myself unwell, with head-ache,
languor, and weakness; Richard much better, but still weak.
Wednesday, 11th.—Calm and clear. The caboceer waited on us to-day,
when we gave him ten coral beads for a piece of cloth, with which
he was much pleased. This town of Chiadoo is large, and I think
contains upwards of 7000 inhabitants, whose curiosity regarding us
is insatiable, crowding the square whenever we make our appearance.
Thursday, 12th.—The morning dull and cloudy. About eight o’clock
left Chiadoo; the caboceer, and an immense train of men, women, and
children, attending us; the women singing in chorus, while the drums,
horns, and gongs, formed a strange discord with their agreeable
voices: the road, through a well cultivated country, apparently
descending through the rude and rugged pass between the hills. The
soil a fine mould, but very thinly strewed over the granite base,
which in many places on the plain broke out and appeared like large
sheets of water glittering in the sun. At 10 halted at the town of
Matoni (signifying “Let me alone”), where we took leave of the
caboceer. We staid but a few minutes, while the carriers had swigged a
few calabashes of mountain ale, or _otée_, as it is called in their
language. The road was now very difficult and dangerous, over broken
rocks, and through rugged passes, where the inhabitants were perched
in groups to look at us as we passed by. At one halted at the town of
Erawa, where we were received with drums; the caboceer conducted us to
his house and gave us fowls, sheep, and a goat; and the caboceer of a
neighbouring town sent us a pig. The people were here curious beyond
measure, yet exceedingly kind. The town is large and very populous.
Friday, 13th.—Dull and hazy. The caboceer, on coming to bid us good
morning, said that our guide had not told him that we wished to go
away to-day, a manœuvre of the caboceer and the guide to detain us,
so that all the people might have an opportunity of seeing us: but we
were determined to proceed; and after much palaver about hammock-men
and carriers, left Erawa at nine: the road through a mountain pass
as far as a town called Washoo, where we rested. After this we
again entered the mountains. At 2.30 P.M. arrived at Chaki. The
country from Erawa to Chaki well planted and thickly inhabited,
till we entered the last mentioned mountains, which were more broken
than those we had hitherto passed, and appeared as if some great
convulsion of nature had thrown the immense masses of granite into
wild and terrific confusion. The road through this mountain pass
was grand and imposing, sometimes rising almost perpendicularly,
and then descending in the midst of rocks into deep dells; then
winding beautifully round the side of a steep hill, the rocks above
overhanging us in fearful uncertainty. In every cleft of the hills,
wherever there appeared the least soil, were cottages, surrounded by
small plantations of millet, yams, or plantains, giving a beautiful
variety to the rude scenery. The road continued rising, hill above
hill, for at least two miles, until our arrival at the large and
populous town of Chaki, situated on the top of the very highest
hill. On every hand, on the hills, on the rocks, and crowding on
the road, the inhabitants were assembled in thousands; the women
welcoming us with holding up their hands and chanting choral songs,
and the men with the usual salutations and every demonstration of
joy. The caboceer was seated on the outside of his house, surrounded
by his ladies, his singing men and singing women, his drums, fifes,
and gong-gongs. He is a good-looking man, about fifty years of age,
and has a pleasing countenance. His house was all ready for us; and
he immediately ordered us a large supply of goats, sheep, and yams;
pressing us strongly to stay a day or two with him. He appeared to
consider us as messengers of peace, come with blessings to his king
and country. Indeed a belief is very prevalent, and seems to have gone
before us all the way, that we are charged with a commission to make
peace wherever there is war; and to do good to every country through
which we pass. The caboceer of this town indeed told us so; and said
he hoped that we should settle the war with the Nyffee people and
the Fellatah; and the rebellion of the Housa slaves, who have risen
against the king of Yarriba. When I shook hands with him, he passed
his hand over the heads of his chiefs, as confirming on them a white
man’s blessing. He was more inquisitive and more communicative
than any one whom we have yet seen. He sat until near midnight,
talking and inquiring about England. On asking if he would send one
of his sons to see our country, he rose up with alacrity, and said he
would go himself. He inquired how many wives an Englishman had? Being
told only one, he seemed much astonished, and laughed greatly, as
did all his people. “What does he do,” said he, “when one of
his wives has a child? Our caboceer has two thousand.”
We learned from this man that the Niger, or Quorra, passed Jaboo, and
entered the sea at Benin, but that it flowed over rocks; that Burgho
is only one day’s ride north-north-west, and that the mountains
through which we are travelling pass through Ghunga, thirty-five
days distant from hence west-north-west; that they continue through
Burgho, Youriba, and Laboo, to Benin; but of their further course he
was ignorant. This was confirmed by the king of Burgho’s messenger,
who was present. On asking for milk he sent for it, and said, that
if we wished to wash in milk there was abundance for us all. Abaco,
our guide, told us this caboceer held great authority under the king
of Eyeo, and had an extensive district of country, and many large
towns, under his regency. He appeared a true mountain king, and the
friend of strangers; his name is Toko, and he is fond of our tea.
Saturday, 14th.—Clear, and a fine breeze from the westward;
much difficulty in getting away the people, and caboceer wishing
us to stay. At 8.40 A.M. started, accompanied several miles by the
caboceer and a great number of people, with upwards of two hundred
of the caboceer’s wives, one of which was young and beautiful. The
messenger from Burgho also was with us, and mounted on a much better
horse than any I had yet seen. He said it was a war-horse, and set
much value on it. Passed through the village of Fellah: the country
extremely beautiful, clear of wood, and partly cultivated. We passed
a number of Fellatah villages, whose inhabitants live here as they
do in most other parts of Africa, attending to the pasturage of
their cattle, without interfering in the customs of the country,
or the natives giving them any molestation. Passed Awari at ten;
at eleven started again and halted at Bayoo; the country still
continuing fine and well cultivated. Here we changed carriers; and at
1.40 P.M. arrived at Kooso, a large, double-walled town; the outer
wall extending from some rugged granite hills on the south-east to
a great distance in the plain: the walls were crowded with people to
receive and welcome us. The caboceer was seated under his verandah,
with his wives and headmen around him, and shortly after came to
welcome us. He was dressed in a Nyffee tobe, made after the Mohammedan
fashion. He said he was glad to see white men come to his country,
and going to see his king; that he never expected to see this day;
that all the wars and bad palavers would now be settled. He presented
us with yams, eggs, a goat, a sheep, and a fine fat turkey, and milk:
a large pig also from the caboceer of a neighbouring town.
Sunday, 15th.—Clear and cool breeze from the east. The caboceer
came to bid us good morning, bringing abundance of provisions,
which we gave to the kafila accompanying the messenger. The large
court, about two hundred yards square, in which we are lodged,
is constantly filled with some thousands of people, who will not be
driven away, party succeeding party in their curiosity to see us; and
“wide-mouthed wonder stares apace.” This is by much the largest
town we have seen, and at least contains twenty thousand people. They
describe the country on every side as being full of large towns.
Monday, 16th.—Morning clear and fine. Last night we had thunder,
lightning, and a few drops of rain; the thermometer had been as low
as sixty-two degrees. They tried very hard this morning to retain us
another day, but we were determined to go on, and at eight we left
Kooso. I rode to-day, as I felt myself much stronger than since I
left Engwa. Just as we were starting, Mr. Houtson being mounted on
a vicious horse, the animal reared and fell backwards with him. Our
road was in a parallel line with the hills until we passed through
the town of Yaboo; course, east three-quarters north; the country
well cultivated and very beautiful. At 10 A.M. halted at the town of
Ensookosoo; here we had to stop, much against our will, as Abaco,
the messenger, had eaten too much pork, and made himself sick,
and could proceed no farther. We therefore took up our quarters in
the house of the caboceer, a dull-looking man, with a long iron
chain round his neck, an ornament of which they are all fond: a
pair of manacles for the hands lay beside him. We were lodged in
the fetish room, which was the best in the house, and a very good
one. We had a present of a pig, fowls, guinea-fowl, goat, fruits,
milk, two bushels of plantains, yams, &c. The country between
Yaboo and Ensookosoo was a beautiful plain, well cultivated, and
studded with a number of Fellatah villages; here also the curiosity
of the people appeared to be insatiable, but the women very shy;
they are well dressed, and have immense large bugles on their arms,
the Fellatah women who came from the villages to see us especially,
as also their necks covered with coarse jasper beads, made in the
country: we met a number of people with merchandize. The people snap
their fingers when the caboceer drinks.
Tuesday, 17th.—Last night we had a long conversation about England;
and the belief of my going to make peace with the Housa slaves and
the king gains ground. They have been in rebellion these two years,
and possess a large town only two days’ journey from Katunga,
called Lori. The Youribanis are evidently afraid of them; they say
they have a great number of horses, and have been joined by many
Fellatahs. I told them, that if the king made good friends with
the king of England, he would send him every thing he wanted; that
if ships could come up the Quorra there would be an end of the war
immediately. They said that canoes came up the river from Chekerie
or Warrie to Nyffee or Tappa, and that they were ten days on the
passage. I surprised them not a little by an account of our rivers,
towers, houses, and especially our great guns. We had a great deal
of trouble in leaving Ensookosoo, and it was 8.45 before we got
fairly started. The Fellatahs near the town had supplied us with
plenty of milk; we had guards inside and outside the house, and the
war-horn blowing at intervals all night. At 9.15 halted at the town
of Ladooli; the country is well cultivated, with numerous villages. We
met numbers of trading men and women, and saw a range of hills bearing
from east by south to south. After changing horses we left Ladooli,
and halted at Aggidiba; the country well cultivated as before, but
the inhabitants had mostly deserted from the town on account of the
rebellious Housas, who make frequent inroads into this part of the
country, and have burnt several towns and villages. I stopped here,
as I was very sick, and unable to ride; but at 12.15 left Aggidiba;
our road through a wood of low, stunted, scrubby trees, on a soil of
sand and gravel; passed three villages, and two that had been burnt
by the Fellatahs. At noon arrived at the town of Akkibosa: it is
surrounded with trees inside the walls. The caboceer was very civil,
and made us a present of a goat, yams, fowls, eggs without number,
and plantains. These two days we have not seen the palm-oil tree,
but one of them appeared to-day by the banks of a small stream in the
valley. Mr. Houtson and I took some strong medicine, as we were both
very unwell. I was worse than I have been since I left Badagry. The
town of Akkibosa is large, and surrounded inside the walls with an
impenetrable wood.
Wednesday, 18th.—Morning dull and hazy, with a little drizzling
rain. At 7 A.M. left Akkibosa; the country cultivated only in patches
here and there; the trees low and stunted; the soil gravelly. At 9.20
halted at Adja, where we were obliged to stop, the people being at
work in the fields. The caboceer seemed inclined to be uncivil, and
did not wait on us for a considerable time: when he did, I would not
shake hands with him, but told him I should report his disrespectful
conduct to the king of Eyeo. He first said he was in the country,
then that he was asleep, and no one told him we were come. He said,
if I would forgive him, he would get us every thing we wanted;
to which I assented, provided he would promise to get us every
thing ready for starting at daylight. I had my side rubbed with a
piece of cord, after some Mallageta pepper was chewed and spit on
the part. The cord was rubbed backwards and forwards on the part,
and gave ease; and I consider it an excellent mode of rubbing.
Thursday, 19th.—Clear morning. Every thing was ready at daylight. The
caboceer brought me some medicine to take; it was like lime-juice and
pepper. I was so sick that I could not stand for half an hour after I
had taken it; I then got suddenly well, both as to the pain in my side
and the severe diarrhœa which had troubled me for some days: gave him
six coral beads, and at 6.40 A.M. left Adja, which is a walled town,
having an avenue of trees, with a creeping plant of a briar-like
appearance ascending to their very tops, from which hanging down, it
makes an impenetrable defence against any thing but a snake; and being
an evergreen, there is no possibility of burning it. The town is
straggling, and may be said to contain 4000 inhabitants. At 8 A.M.
passed the town of Loko, where we changed carriers: the country well
cultivated, and planted with corn, yams, &c., and rising into gentle
hills and dales. At 8.30 left Loko, which is a considerable walled
town; at 9.30 halted under a tree to tighten my hammock; at 10 halted
at the eastern town of Saloo; there being three of that name close
together, and all apparently equally large; the western one walled, the
other two not walled. The country between Loko and this place but
little cultivated, and thickly wooded; the soil a red clay and gravel,
with some large pieces of clay iron-stone that looks as if it had
passed through the fire, being full of small holes, perhaps by the
water wearing away the soft parts. In this part of the route I obtained
the flower of the butter tree of Mungo Park. The tree is almost bare of
leaves when in flower, and until the rains are nearly over, and is then
in luxuriant foliage. The flower has eight petals and eight leaves,
and of a pale yellow. At 10.30 changed carriers and left Saloo; at
noon, halted at the town of Laydoo. The caboceer’s house was under
repairs, but we got a good room, with plenty of provisions. He sent
into the country for milk and honey; the latter we got; the former
not to be had. We here saw a great number of traders.
Friday, 20th.—Morning clear. Last night we had a visit from the
caboceer and the principal people of the town, to inquire what would
make their town large and flourishing as it once was. I told them,
that to encourage people to come and settle in it by treating them
well, and also to encourage them to come and trade, and plant
plenty of corn and yams, and then poor people would make money,
and get children; that no man ought to have one hundred wives and
another none, but that every man ought to have only one wife. The
latter part of my advice was laughed at, though the first was highly
approved. I told them, if they had only one wife, more children
would be born: that in England the people are as numerous as ants;
and that I was the youngest of thirteen children, and as stout a man
as any in their town; that it was no uncommon thing for one woman
to have sixteen or seventeen children. Mr. Houtson then gave them
a word on the riches, improvements, and happiness of Old England,
enlarging on the general cultivation of the country, its roads,
carriages, and modes of travelling; its canals, ships, trade, wars,
&c.; the bravery of the men, and the beauty of the women, with the
richness of their dress; and that this prosperous state of things
resulted from its good government, the king encouraging people from
all parts of the world to come to England and trade, and sending his
own people to visit the most distant corners of the earth to see what
in every country might be of use in England. It was midnight before
we parted, and then I had to send them away, telling them we had to
rise early in the morning. Burgho is only a day’s journey from
this, and the natives of that country often come and steal people
from the neighbouring towns to sell into slavery. At 7 A.M. left
Laydoo; the country but little cultivated, thin woods, soil a red clay
mixed with lumps of iron-stone, none being larger than three feet on
each side. At 8.30 halted at the village of Leogalla, inhabited by
Fellatahs, who kindly brought us sweet milk to drink. At 10 halted
at the village of Bongbong, where the carriers got their breakfast
of eko, or accassan, which is made of millet meal, first steeped
in water until sour, then boiled like a thick paste, and then mixed
with warm or cold water for a drink, or eaten without water for food:
it is very wholesome. The village of Bongbong is walled. At 10.30
started—passed a burnt village—the road winding—country woody,
forming gentle dale and down; a strong harmattan, or north wind,
blowing. At noon halted at Atepa; got quarters in the caboceer’s
house, where we were supplied with yams, fowls, a goat, turkey, &c.,
also a large pig, which we gave to Abaco, the king’s messenger. The
caboceer was very inquisitive about England.
Saturday, 21st.—Morning cold and clear. This night the thermometer
has been as low as 55° in the open air. The coldest time in this
country, as, I believe, in all others, is the hour before day-light,
or rather before sunrise. The town is large and populous, containing
certainly above six thousand; it is surrounded by a belt of trees,
rendered impenetrable by the crossing thorny creepers, through which
there is only a narrow pass at the gates. The country, for a couple of
miles outside the gate, well cultivated. At 9.15 entered the walled
town of Namah, the road now winding and woody; changed carriers;
and at 9.30 left Namah. The country plain, and a clay soil. At 10
A.M. crossed a stream called Juffee or Moussa which runs into the
Quorra at, or opposite to, Nyffee. At 11.30 arrived at the walled town
of Leobadda: there is a range of broken rocks, like an immense wall,
on the east side of which the town is built. We were accompanied
hither by the caboceers of Atepa and Namah, with all their train,
to guard us from the Burgho robbers who frequent the road, as the
king of that country has his capital only one day’s journey with
a horse from this place. Passed two ruined villages; the road woody
and winding. We gave the two caboceers a dram before starting,
as they had been very kind to us.
Sunday, 22d.—Clear and cold; north wind during the night;
thermometer, 56°. The town of Leobadda is situated on the east
side of a ridge of granite, the tops of which are broken into large
masses, some of them forming the most grotesque figures imaginable;
they run in a direction from north-east to south-west, and are from
fifty to sixty feet above the plain, and join the hills to the south
and east. Leobadda contains about one hundred and fifty houses, with
from thirty to forty souls in each; it is walled; the inhabitants are
poor, but civil; we were well supplied with provisions, as before,
and in addition had milk. The caboceer told us that Kiama, the capital
of Borgho, was only one day’s journey by a horse from his town;
that these people were only a band of thieves; that their country
was small, but independent; that they infested the roads of Youriba,
and stole all they could catch.
At 7 A.M. started, accompanied by the caboceer and a great number
of attendants. The country well cultivated for a little way outside
the town. We met upwards of six hundred men, women, and children,
carrying loads; they had travelled all night, and were guarded
by men with bows and arrows and swords, ten or twelve armed men
marching between each fifty; the road woody, but the trees low
and stunted. Here, for the first time, I saw the small stunted
accacia. The soil red clay. Passed several villages that had been
destroyed by the Fellatahs, some very large. The shady trees are
now desolate, the walls covered with weeds. After closing with the
range of rocks we entered a beautiful valley in the midst of them,
planted with large shady trees and bananas, having green plots,
and sheets of water running through the centre, where the dingy
beauties of Tshow were washing their well-formed limbs, while the
sheep and goats were grazing around on the verdant banks. After
passing this lovely valley we crossed another ridge of rocks, and
at 9.15 arrived at the town of Tshow, where, after getting housed,
we turned to and cleaned our arms, as they say the road is infested
with robbers. We afterwards heard that the king of Eyeo was going
to send an escort, and was quite rejoiced at our near approach. Got
a specimen of the Tsheu fruit and leaves: the fruit is the size of a
large pear, having a stone inside, covered with a pulpy cream-coloured
substance, which is good to eat. The stone is said to be poisonous;
the outer rind of the fruit is put into their soup.
After sunset a caboceer arrived from the king of Katunga or Eyeo. His
attendants, horse and foot, were so numerous that every corner
was filled with them, and they kept drumming, blowing, dancing,
and singing all night. The caboceer waited on us, and after shaking
hands with us, rubbed all his face and body over, that his hands,
by touching ours, might impart our blessing to his face, head, and
body. They were well dressed, and said the king of Eyeo was most
anxious to see us: they had a great deal of natural good-breeding;
and on my saying I had brought only a small present, they replied,
if I had brought nothing the king of Eyeo would be glad to see
us. Sent them a flask of rum. They kept firing all night.
Monday, 23d.—The town of Tshow was all bustle and hubbub with the
great men and their attendants, the large grooms and their little
horses. I left it early, being a poor place, with a good wall, and
may contain four thousand inhabitants. Perhaps I might call them
poor, as they had not fed us so well as we had been wont to be fed;
but considering the ravenous host which came to escort us to Katunga,
and who five pretty freely wherever they can, this deficiency on our
side is easily accounted for. The road through which we passed was
wide, though woody, and covered by men on horseback, and bowmen on
foot. The horsemen armed with two or three long spears hurrying on as
fast as they could get us to go; horns and country drums beating and
blowing before and behind; some of the horsemen dressed in the most
grotesque manner; others covered all over with charms. The bowmen
also had their natty little hats and feathers, with the jebus, or
leathern pouch, hanging by their side. These men always appeared
to me to be the best troops in this country and Soudan, from their
lightness and activity. The horsemen however are but ill mounted; the
animals are small and badly dressed, their saddles so ill secured,
and the rider sits so clumsily on his seat, that any Englishmen,
who ever rode a horse with an English saddle, would upset one of
them the first charge with a long stick.
We were also accompanied by great numbers of merchants or traders. At
9 A.M. halted to the southward of a village called Achoran, until
the baggage should come up; but the heavy packages not coming soon,
the caboceers thinking we would be too much exhausted before we got
into Katunga, sent us off with a proper escort, waiting themselves for
the baggage. At 9.30 left the shade, and went on as hard as the horses
could possibly walk; the road winding and woody; clay iron-stone,
resembling lava, in the spaces between the granite, great blocks of
which appeared on each side of the ravines and low hills. We had from
the top of one of the ridges some beautiful views to the east, of fine
wooded valleys and low rugged bare hills in the back ground. At 10.20
crossed a stream running to the Quorra, which is only a journey of
three days distant. Here we drank and gave our horses water; passed
the ruins of two towns burned by the Fellatahs. At 11.30, from the
top of a high ridge, on which were the ruins of a clay wall, we saw
the city of Katunga or Eyeo. Between us and it lay a finely cultivated
valley, extending as far as the eye could reach to the westward; our
view intercepted to the eastward by a high rock, broken into larger
blocks, with a singular top; the city lying, as it were, below us,
surrounded and studded with green shady trees, forming a belt round
the base of a rocky mountain, composed of granite, of about three
miles in length, forming as beautiful a view as I ever saw.
At 12.15 we entered the north gate of Katunga; there was a small
Fetish house outside the gate, and a few others inside. We halted,
and went into one of the caboceer’s houses until the baggage
and escort came up. Here we got _accassan_; and Abaco’s wife was
cooking a little country soup for us, but the pot broke on the fire
just as it was ready, and the house was in an uproar in an instant;
only for my interference they would have come to blows. Abaco was
ready to cry that he had disappointed us.
At 2 P.M. the baggage having all arrived, a message came from the
king to say that he wanted to see us. A band of music accompanied
us and the escort, with an immense multitude of men, women, and
children. As there was much open and cultivated ground, the dust they
caused almost suffocated us, though the escort tried all gentle means
to keep them off. At last after riding one hour, which was full five
miles, we came to the place where the king was sitting under the
verandah of his house, marked by two red and blue cloth umbrellas,
supported by large poles held by slaves, with the staff resting on
the ground. After the head caboceers had held some conversation with
the king, they came back to us, and I thought they were talking about
our prostrations. I told them if any such thing was proposed, I should
instantly go back; that all the ceremony I would submit to should be
to take off my hat, make a bow, and shake hands with his majesty,
if he pleased. They went and informed the king, and came back and
said I should make only the ceremony I had proposed. We accordingly
went forwards: the king’s people had a great deal to do to make
way amongst the crowd, and allow us to go in regular order. Sticks
and whips were used, though generally in a good-natured manner; and
I cannot help remarking on this, as on all other occasions of this
kind, that the Youribas appear to be a mild and kind people, kind to
their wives and children and to one another, and that the government,
though absolute, is conducted with the greatest mildness. After we
got as far as the two umbrellas in front, the space was all clear
before the king, and for about twenty yards on each side. We walked
up to the verandah with our hats on, until we came into the shade,
when we took off our hats, made a bow, and shook hands; he lifting
our hands up three times, repeating “Ako, Ako,” (how do you
do?) the women behind him standing up and cheering us, calling out
“Oh, oh, oh!” (hurrah!) the men on the outside joining. It was
impossible to count the number of his ladies, they were so densely
packed and so very numerous. If I might judge by their smiles, they
appeared as glad to see us as their master. The king was dressed
in a white tobe, or large shirt, with a blue one under; round his
neck some three strings of large blue cut-glass beads; and on his
head the imitation of an European crown of blue cotton covered over
pasteboard, made apparently by some European, and sent up to him from
the coast. We waited about half an hour until all inquiries had been
made respecting our health and the fatigues of our journey. We were
then conducted by his chief eunuch and confidents to apartments in the
king’s house, and asked if we liked them. They certainly were very
good; but our servants would have been too far removed from us. We
looked out for one in which we could be more comfortably stowed, and
one by which both servants and baggage would be under our own eyes;
which is an important matter, in this country especially, and never
to be neglected, however good the servants may be. After this we
had dinner and tea, to which we had good new milk; and when it got
fairly dark we had a visit from the king in person: he was attended
by his favourite eunuch, the ladies remaining outside. He was very
plainly dressed, so that he would not have been known outside but
as one of the people, with a long staff in his hand. He said he
could not sleep until he saw us, but that we should only talk about
our health, and not about business now. After a short stay he went
away. We requested before he went that we should be left undisturbed
for two days, that we might rest from the fatigues of our journey.