_July 17._ Was coming home this morning about 5 a.m. very weary, when

Jerry put down still another barrage. There were no trenches handy and I

spent a nasty half-hour in a ditch on the side of the track. When you

have once been strong it is awful to lie in a ditch and quiver like a

jelly when shells are falling fifty yards away. I am going all to pieces

and my imagination is killing me. Last night I was alone inspecting the

wire when for some hellish reason I saw a picture of myself disabled by

a bullet and lying for hours until I bled to death—days it would have

been, for my vitality is tremendous. For several minutes I couldn’t

move, covered with a clammy sweat and paralysed with fear.

Great wind-up to-day—the Huns are expected to make their last effort for

Calais to-morrow. Every available man working on battle positions, and

all guns fired a counter preparation on German roads. If they _do_

attack seriously it will be the end of my diary.

_July 18._ Worked like devils all last night and then spent an awful

hour before dawn, standing to and waiting for the attack. Every time an

odd shell came over we held our breath and waited for the crash of the

general bombardment. The strain was terrific and my stomach felt as if I

had eaten a whole live jelly-fish. The attack didn’t come—24 hours’

reprieve!

_July 19._ Another day of feverish activity, work, and strain. I have

been thinking of Piccadilly Circus and wonder if they realise how very

near they are to the end. Reconnoitred an old farm with a view to

erecting a Brigade H.Q. there in event of retreat to Reserve Line. Why,

Heaven knows, as if they _do_ attack there will be no one to

retreat—except, of course, the Brigade H.Q. with their trouser-presses,

etc. Derry came back to us and is going to take over this work.

Did very well in the line at night, and completed wire to Right Brigade

in spite of heavy shell-fire.

_July 20._ Words fail me—a new officer has arrived and I am going to

have a rest, at least a comparative one, on the Reserve Line.

After starting the parties I spent the night advising the P.B.I. on

trench drainage and got soaked up to the waist. Got three hours’ sleep

in my soaking clothes as German attack is still expected. I wish it

would come—the strain of waiting is terrible.

_July 21._ Life is getting quite enjoyable again. Spent the night

handing over to new officer. The company has received four more Lewis

guns which, I think, shows better than any words how well we did in the

retreat.

_July 22._ Filthy wet day, spent in taking over Reserve Line from T.O.,

who returns to Horse-Lines. The threat of attack still hangs over us in

a state of suspended animation.

_July 23._ Poured all day; soaked and fed up.

_July 24._ Day goes on leave, so I took over his work in the line,

chiefly concrete pill-boxes. Thus ends my rest. Blessed is he that

expecteth nothing, for he shall not be disappointed. Did a good night’s

work under a beautiful moon and met the Major in the morning before dawn

to reconnoitre some wire.

_July 25._ Derry went sick again, so we are now as badly off as ever.

Doing four men’s work and had a very rushed day. Why the _devil_ don’t

they send us reinforcements?

_July 26._ Four hours’ sleep and off up the line again—the first

Americans came within a few miles of the line to-day. I think we have

just about weathered the storm without them.

_July 27._ Four hours’ sleep, then spent the morning on Brigade H.Q.,

afternoon on the Reserve Line, paid the company, and spent all night on

wiring and completion of No. 1 Pill-box.

_July 28._ Our sister company went over last night to destroy wire for a

raid. They collared two Huns, so that the real raid never came off and

was unnecessary. Good work.

_July 29._ Completed No. 2 Pill-box. Work well on with Brigade H.Q. and

put up 300 yards of wire at Reserve Line. Two of our drivers and three

of the best horses were killed last night. It is difficult to make

comparisons where all men are so wonderful, but as an example of the

purest form of stolid courage I think the limber driver is unique. In a

place like this there is never more than one decent road, and in

consequence it is packed from dusk to dawn with every conceivable form

of wheeled transport. Food, water, ammunition, guns, wire, and

everything else which the linesman needs, must pass along this solitary

lane, and the German knows it. The shell-fire is seldom heavy, as the

line knows it, but it is persistent, wearing, and of the most deadly

accuracy. A very favourite trick is to shell some point on the road and

thus compel traffic to wait. In five minutes they know that there will

be a solid column of wagons on the far side of the block, and then they

lengthen range—preferably with shrapnel. Then it is like all hell let

loose. Half a dozen shells among those crowded limbers can do the most

terrific damage, and men and horses go down together in a welter of

blood and flying red-hot steel. Mules and horses go mad, and scream and

kick, the harness breaks, they climb into the limbers, ammunition

explodes, and in a few seconds there is nothing but a mass of wreckage

in the ditch and the cries of wounded men and dying horses.

Go through that and worse twice a night, every night for a month and

more, and at the end when you take the reins in the evening your hand

will quiver and your feet will tremble in the stirrups. And still they

go without a murmur, night after night, until a merciful shell shall

take them too, and they leave the saddle for ever. Each night they see

the last night’s wreckage, and, if times are very bad, the unburied

bodies of their one-time pals grinning at the stars until Time and the

rats have done their work. And always they know their time will come, so

that to me at least it is an eternal marvel how they find the strength

to go. Perhaps some thought of home, some pride of England drives them

on, or the memory of some dearly loved, dead officer sitting quietly on

a mule among those shrieking shells and telling them not to leave their

horses. But who can tell?—they do it, and England gains!

One thing is certain, they get no medals, for there are no Staff

Officers along these howling roads at night.

_July 30._ For the first time since we have been here our billets were

heavily shelled this afternoon. I had great wind-up, as I was upstairs

in my canvas bath and two or three splinters came through the wall.

There are some Americans near us, and as this was their first touch of

shell-fire it was quite amusing to see them falling over each other in

their efforts to get away across the fields. Beryl, our terrier bitch,

presented us with seven puppies of every breed and colour—the little

harlot!

The Americans had their first night in charge of an infantry working

party and I went up to their line to have a look at them. It was a

pathetic sight, and when they came back in the morning they reported

being shelled off the job and that half the men’s clothes were cut to

pieces by shrapnel. Combination of wind-up, imagination, and loose

barbed wire on a dark night.

_July 31._ Put up 500 yards of wire at Reserve Line. Second party of

Americans arrived. Bosche plane came over very low in the evening and

spotted our billets and the guns round us. He got away through terrific

machine-gun fire, but we heard later that he came down over the lines in

flames—poor beggars!

_Aug. 1._ Billets shelled again, and thought we were hit several times.

Another daring Bosche came over in the evening but was brought down over

the lines. Our sister company pulled out of the line to prepare for an

attack, so again we are doing a two-Brigade front.

_Aug. 2._ Got soaked to the skin scrambling round Right Brigade trenches

and was quite worn out as I had to wear my respirator, all the

time—ghastly night, with continuous shell-fire and casualties all over

the place.

_Aug. 3._ Had great difficulty in getting material, as they shelled our

dump all night long. It is very hard to order men to go to a place when

you know that it is being steadily shelled, and yet the work has to be

done. So much easier for the Staff, who just say, “Do it,” and then

leave the details and the casualties to me. At 3.30 a.m. met the Major

and took him round the line to see our troubles. Coming back alone——

_Aug. 4._ ——over the ridge just before dawn I got dead in line with a

German M.G. firing straight down the road. I don’t think it was clear

enough for them to see me, but the bullets whizzed past first on my left

side and then on my right. I had to lie down for several minutes and

watch them kicking up sparks on the road a few yards ahead—most

unpleasant, and I found it another indication that my nerves are slowly

giving out.

_Aug. 5._ Heavy barrage in reply to a raid by the Division on our right

interfered with work and caused several casualties among the carrying

parties.

_Aug. 6._ The men had a night’s rest, but I was out all night with two

sappers laying out tapes and notice boards in preparation for the attack

on the 8th. Several times we had to go well out into No Man’s Land, and

once I was quite lost for about half an hour.

_Aug. 7._ Was out all night trying to get some work out of the

Americans, but found it a hard job as they are not yet accustomed to

working under shell and machine-gun fire, and are very nervous. Among

our own men I would have considered their behaviour rank mutiny, but I

kept them at it until 3 a.m. and got 150 yards done. Have never been so

unpopular or so violently cursed in my life before.

In the course of the wire we came across a shell-hole with a mule and

three rotting Frenchmen in it, and the Americans were very worried that

they had not been buried!

Poor devils, they have a lot to learn.

THE MERRYWAY ATTACK

The events that follow are necessarily somewhat confused, both from

their own nature and from the fact that I was not able to set them down

until some ten days after they occurred. They fell out somewhat as

follows:—

The Merryway had once been a decent road, but after the fighting in June

there was little left but a shattered track running at right angles to

the main lines of trenches. The Huns had pushed out a very considerable

salient on both sides of this track, and as their ground was rather

higher than ours they were able to make life very unpleasant for every

one around them.

With the threat of more German attacks still hanging over us and the men

quite worn out, the Staff decided that we must keep up our morale by

trying to lower that of the Huns. An attack on the Merryway Salient was

decided upon as the best way of doing this.

Accordingly one Infantry Brigade and one Field Coy. R.E. went over on

the night of August 8th, and under cover of a terrific bombardment

surprised the Germans and gained practically all their objectives. All

was quiet for two days, the Field Coy. put up quantities of barbed wire

and the Staff went to sleep to dream of medals.

The morning of the 11th was cold and misty, and to our great

consternation the Huns delivered a very heavy counter-attack. This was

quite successful, and we were all driven back with the exception of one

post which held out on the Merryway. Here about 30 Huns got held up

against our wire and all surrendered, although most of the men wanted to

shoot, because we were too weak to find an escort. However we sent them

back with two men, but seeing that our flanks were gone and how weak the

escort was, they strangled the two men and joined the fight. Everything

was now completely mixed up, the gray-coated figures were all around,

and odd groups of men were fighting detached battles for their own skins

against heavy odds. Our telephone wire was cut, and rockets were useless

because of the mist; the casualties were heavy, and it looked as if the

line would go. Then I saw Bradley, a fearsome sight, with a piece of his

scalp hanging over his ear and his face covered with blood, trying to

collect some men. I joined him, and we got a few together and went

forward again. In technical language I suppose we led a charge or

counter-attack, but it never struck me in that way at all, and I’m sure

we had no clear idea what we intended to do.

Bradley was mad, and we went at the first group of Huns we saw. There

was a tussle, we killed two and the rest surrendered. Bradley collared

one of these himself, a poor miserable kid not more than twenty, and I

remember the sight of him put heart into us all.

In all we got forward about two hundred yards and got in touch with the

Merryway post, although, of course, we were still a long way behind our

original line.

This restored the line a little, and instead of pushing through the gaps

on either side of us the Huns hesitated a little and finally dug in

about 50 yards away. All the infantry officers were killed and every one

was out of touch, so that the Huns were not followed up. During the day

reliefs came up, and at night Brigade reported that we held a line of

posts in touch with one another about half-way between our first and

second positions.

I went up with a few men and some material to try to consolidate the

position, but when I got to Merryway post everything was in absolute

chaos and there was only a sergeant and six men in the post and

absolutely at their last gasp. Apparently they had been attacked again

during the day, and had only just kept off the Huns after suffering

heavy casualties from trench mortars. It was obvious the Huns thought a

lot of this post, and I felt sure they would try to take us during the

night. I put all my men on and tried to strengthen the place with

sandbags, and made it a little deeper by lifting some bodies out of the

bottom. I had 19 men with 150 rounds each and 1 Lewis gun with several

thousand rounds—this I placed at the end of the trench to fire up the

track.

About 11.30 we were shelled heavily without sustaining casualties, and

immediately afterwards a crowd of infantry—about 100 I think—made a dash

at us, chiefly down the old track. The Lewis gun opened at once, and I

was terrified to find that the Huns had a gun on our flank which was

shooting straight at our gun and right into the trench. The gunner was

killed at once and Cox wounded, so that the gun was silent. Then the

infantry sergeant took it and was shot dead immediately. I shouted to

the men to keep shooting at the infantry in front and I took the Lewis

gun myself and turned it round at the German gun. I waited for him to

shoot, and then fired at the flash and silenced him. I noticed that the

men’s firing had died down, and on looking to the front I was relieved

to see that the first attack was beaten off—we must have killed a lot,

as they were right against the skyline—and there were a lot of them

moaning about in front. I felt certain we could hold them if we could

keep their gun quiet, so for the next twenty minutes we worked like

fiends to raise some protection across the open end of the trench. Then

they came again in a sudden rush, but I must have damaged their gun, and

without that to help them we could turn our gun right into them and

easily held them off. A small party sneaked close up to us on the left

away from the gun and threw some bombs right into us, blowing an

infantryman to bits and wounding a sapper. Then they shelled us steadily

for half an hour and got one of the look-out men in the shoulder—another

rifle useless. At this point we had our one piece of luck—found a rum

jar with just enough in it to give each man a mouthful—it put new heart

into us and helped us more than twenty reinforcements. Everything went

quiet for a time, and in thinking things over I had an awful job to keep

myself under control. The men were wonderful, but there were only 13 of

us left and fully 200 Huns all round. During the lull Cox died in my

arms—he was very game, but just before the end he sobbed like a child:

“My wife and kiddie, oh God! sir, what’s going to happen to them?—poor

kid, poor kid.” And so he died.

Shortly afterwards they came at us again, and thank God none of us

realised how many there were. On the right where the gun was we held

them off again, but we were hopelessly outnumbered, and a German officer

and a small party actually got into our trench at the other end. I heard

the row and, leaving the gun with Willis, was just in time to see a man

kill the officer with his bayonet and the others cleared off again. They

were very close all round us now, and as we could see nothing I told the

men to keep their ammunition and then split them up, some to shoot

forward and some to shoot back. I was frightened that we should be

bombed, and surely enough they started, but the throwing was rotten.

And then once more they tried us. A bomb came right in the trench and

laid out two more men, splashing me with blood. We shot like fiends and

the gun was nearly red-hot, but they were too many. About eight men got

into the trench and then we all went mad. It would be impossible for me

to give an accurate description because there was just one fierce wild

tussle, they trying to get at Willis and that blessed gun and we trying

to keep them off. We were too mixed to shoot; they used a sort of

life-preserver and we used our bayonets taken off the rifles. A German

about my own size slipped into the trench behind me and I just turned in

time to duck under a swing from his preserver. What I was doing I shall

never know, but by instinct I got my left hand on his throat, and before

I knew what had happened I had got the bayonet dagger-wise a good six

inches into his chest. He went down without a groan. There was no one in

front of me and I turned to find a big Hun with his back to me and a

life-preserver raised to hit McDonald, who had his back to the Hun, over

the head. If I had had sense I would have stuck the bayonet into his

back, but I was absolutely wild and dropped it. Before the Hun could

strike I got my hands on his throat and we fell down together. I fell

underneath but got on top and pressed until I thought my fingers would

break. He was terribly strong and once scratched a great piece out of my

left cheek. Gradually he weakened, and I kept my fingers on his throat

until he died.

Much the same thing had happened to all the other men except one, who

got badly mauled about the head and died shortly afterwards. For a

moment I felt we could fight the whole German army, especially when I

saw McDonald smash in a German head with the rum jar. Now the survivors

were shouting for help, but that blessed Willis (ex jail-bird) was

sitting with the gun out in the open, regardless of everything, swearing

like hell, and none of the Huns seemed anxious to accept the invitation.

We were all clean crazy, and I even had a job to keep the men in the

trench. McDonald said something about Cox’s missus, and wanted to kill

ten of the “bloody bastards.”

During the whole of that bloody night my hardest job was to restrain the

men in that moment of semi-victory; for it was still two hours until

dawn. Nine out of the nineteen of us were either dead or dying, and all

the rest of us were damaged in some way. Throughout the whole night I

had never thought of anything but death. Relief, I knew, was

impossible—if we surrendered they would kill us, and I never dreamed

that we could really hold them off till dawn. Writing now, it would be

easy to imagine impressions which I never really experienced, but I can

safely say that throughout the whole night I calmly regarded myself as a

dead man. It seemed quite natural that I should be, and I can’t remember

that I had the slightest regret. It even seems now that in some queer

way I was distinctly happier and more tranquil than I had ever been in

my life before. I felt nobler, mightier, than any human being on earth,

and death seemed welcome as the only fitting end. Recalling some of my

previous entries on the subject of war, I cannot understand my feelings

on this occasion and can only repeat that it was so—perhaps something of

“The stern joy which warriors feel

In foemen worthy of their steel.”

It was therefore almost with a feeling of annoyance, of having been

cheated of something, that I saw the first streaks of gray beyond

Kemmel. I thought they would still make a last effort and waited, but we

shivered in vain. In the semi-light we managed to get an odd shot at

some of them who had been behind us as they went round to the front—we

shot two or three more this way. Then I left my sergeant in charge and

went back for a crawl to see what I could find. It was almost light now,

and after about half an hour I came across a picket. They firmly

believed we were all dead, and said so, and once more that odd feeling

of annoyance returned. I remembered that during the night I had

visualised the Brigade report on the whole business: “Their Lewis gun

was heard firing until early in the morning but it was impossible to

reach them.”

However, I went back, left some fresh men in the post and brought my

fellows out, leaving orders for the dead to be brought down during the

day if possible. As we went back past Brigade I dropped in to report.

The General had apparently been up all night and looked very worried. He

insisted on seeing the men. They were lying in the mud outside, bleeding

and swearing—an awful but a sublime picture. He was deeply moved, and

several times under his breath I heard him say, “Marvellous, marvellous,

wonderful.” Afterwards, I was told that there were tears in his eyes

when he went back into the dug-out. He has had an awful time, poor

beggar.

_Aug. 12._ Had my face dressed and slept like a baby during the day. At

night Brigade reported once more that we held a line of connected posts,

and again we went out to try to strengthen them. My party started to

wire the Merryway post and barricade the road, and Day went forward with

a party on the right. When he got forward to where our wire should have

been he found a German party well dug-in—fully 100 yards more forward

than they were expected to be. They turned a gun on Day’s party and

threw about a dozen bombs at them but he got all his fellows back with

only two casualties, and these were brought in later. On my side the

covering party were so nervous as to be absolutely useless, so I sent

them back, and after that my own revolver was the only cover which the

men had.

I was crawling about some 50 yards in front of the party when a light

went up and I spotted three Huns crouching in a shell-hole with a

machine-gun. I had no bombs, so I went back and told the infantry

officer, but he wouldn’t do anything. We ceased work about 25 yards away

from them.

We found the mutilated body of an infantry officer who was killed on the

11th and brought it in.

On calling at H.Q. on the way back we were informed, as we now knew to

our cost, that our posts were all much farther back than was at first

thought, and in some places the Huns were even on the near side of our

wire. But for our great good luck in getting bombed we should probably

have gone out and wired between the German outposts and their main line.

I have seldom known the line to be in a more chaotic state, and I think

one more attack would just about put us beyond the count. Every one is

nervous, and no one knows where anybody else is.

_Aug. 13._ Went out after dusk with an infantry subaltern to try to get

in touch with a post reported to be on the left of the Merryway post. We

groped about without success and eventually saw about 20 figures moving

about in one of the camps behind us. They were not more than 30 yards

away, so we took them for men from the post we were in search of and did

not challenge. Presently they began to move away down the hedge towards

the German lines, and my companion remarked that they were going a long

way forward, as a German post was known to exist at the corner. Almost

immediately afterwards they began to run and disappeared into a trench

about 50 yards away. Soon after this we found our own post, and they

reported having no men out and having seen no one! There was only one

possible conclusion—we had been in close touch with a strong German

patrol which had been moving about with the greatest audacity at least

50 yards behind our lines. Very unpleasant to think about.

Then we took a few of the better men and went out on a hunt, but found

nothing. It was impossible to wire because of very frequent lights and

heavy machine-gun fire. On the right of the track we could find neither

Huns nor our own people, and it appears that Brigade H.Q. don’t really

know anything about the situation at all. It _is_ in a mess. About 3

a.m. the Huns put down a heavy barrage but didn’t come over.

_Aug. 14._ Had a night in bed—the third in six weeks. Heard that my

infantry friend was killed, just after I left, by our own shrapnel

bursting short.

A Soldier's Diary · 第 2 / 6 段