THE LIBERAL BIAS

Liberals, on the other hand, reject these solutions, and desire not to

end the present system but to mend it. The grounds for this conclusion

need to be clearly expressed, for after all it is the fundamental point

of doctrine which distinguishes them from the Labour party. In the first

place, there is the fact that Liberals attach a special importance to

the liberty of the individual. The general relation of the individual

to the State is rather outside my subject, but we start from the fact

that the bias of Liberals is towards liberty in every sphere, on the

ground that spiritual and intellectual progress is greatest where

individuality is least restricted by authority or convention. Variety,

originality in thought and action, are the vital virtues for the

Liberal. It is still true that "in this age the mere example of

Nonconformity, the mere refusal to bow the knee to custom, is itself a

service." The Liberal who no longer feels at the bottom of his heart a

sympathy with the rebel who chafes against the institutions of society,

whether religious, political, social or economic, is well on the road to

the other camp. But the dynamic force of Liberty, that great motive

power of progress, though a good servant, may be a bad master; and the

perennial problem of society is to harmonise its aims with those of the

common good.

When we come to the more specific problem of industry, which is our

immediate concern, a glance at history shows that the era of most rapid

economic progress the world has ever seen has been the era of the

greatest freedom of the individual from statutory control in economic

affairs. The features of the last hundred years have been the rapidity

of development in industrial technique, and constant change in the form

of industrial organisation and in the direction of the world's trade.

Could any one suppose that in these respects industry, under the

complete control of the State or of corporations representing large

groups of wage earners and persons engaged in trade, could have

produced a sufficiently elastic system to have permitted that progress

to be made? In reply to this it may be said that though this was true

during the industrial revolution, it does not apply to-day; that our

industries have become organised; that methods of production,

population, and economic conditions generally are stabilised, and that

we can now settle down to a new and standard form of industrial

organisation. But this agreement is based on false premises. The

industrial revolution is far from complete. We are to-day in the full

flood of it. Look at the changes in the last four decades--the evolution

of electricity, the development of motor transport, or the discoveries

in the chemical and metallurgical industries. Consider what lies ahead;

the conquest of the air, the possible evolution of new sources of power,

and a hundred other phases which are opening up in man's conquest of

nature, and you will agree that we are still at the threshold of

industrial revolution.

I may mention here a consideration which applies practically to Great

Britain. We are a great exporting country, living by international

trade, the world's greatest retail shopkeeper whose business is

constantly changing in character and direction. The great structure of

international commerce on which our national life depends is essentially

a sphere in which elasticity is of the utmost importance, and in which

standardised or stereotyped methods of control of production or exchange

would be highly disastrous. Liberal policy, therefore, aims at keeping

the field of private enterprise in business as wide as possible. But in

the general discussion of political or personal liberty in economic

affairs, we have to consider how far and in what way the freedom of

private enterprise needs to be limited or curtailed for the common good.

We must solve that problem. For Liberals there is no inherent sanctity

in the conceptions of private property, or of private enterprise. They

will survive, and we can support them only so long as they appear to

work better in the public interest than any possible alternatives.

Essays in Liberalism Being the Lectures and Papers Which Were Delivered at the Liberal Summer School at Oxford, 1922 · 第 85 / 127 题