In regard to the future, there is only one thing to do and that is to
work honestly to its logical conclusion the theory now adopted, that
Egypt is a self-governing independent State. Egyptians must be
encouraged to shoulder the full responsibilities of a self-governing
community. It would be folly to maintain a dual system which enabled an
Egyptian Government to shunt the difficult or disagreeable part of its
task on to a British High Commissioner. Whatever the system of
Government, there is no escape for either party from the most intimate
mutual relations. Geography and circumstances decree them, but there is
no necessary clash between the imperial interests which require us to
guard the highway to the East that runs through Egyptian territory, and
the full exercise of their national rights by Egyptians. Egyptians must
remember that for many years to come the world will hold us responsible
for law and order and solvency in Egypt, and we on our part must
remember that Egyptians have the same pride in their country as other
peoples, and that they will never consent to regard it as merely and
primarily "a communication of the British Empire." In any wise solution
of the question any sudden breach with the past will be avoided, and
Egyptians will of their own free will enlist the aid of British
officials who have proved their devotion to the country by loyal and
skilful service. The hope of the future lies in substituting a free
partnership for a domination of one race by the other, and with a genial
and good-humoured people, such as the Egyptians essentially are, there
should be no difficulty in restoring friendship and burying past
animosities. But there must be a real determination on both sides to
make Egyptian independence a success and no disposition on either to
give merely a reluctant consent to the conditions agreed upon by them
and then to throw the onus of failure on the others.
I deeply regret the schism between the different schools of Nationalists
in Egypt. As we have seen in Ireland, Nationalism is threatened from
within as well as from without, and it is a great misfortune that in
settling the Egyptian problem we missed the moment in 1920 when the
different Nationalist parties were all but united on a common platform.
Extremist leaders have the power of compelling even their friends to
deport them and treat them as enemies, and I assume that Zaghlul put
Lord Allenby under this compulsion, when he decided that his deportation
was necessary. But Zaghlul was one of the few Nationalist leaders who
were of peasant origin, and his followers stand for something that needs
to be strongly represented in the Government if it is not to take its
complexion merely from the towns and the wealthy interests. The fellah
is a very different man from what he was in the days of Ismail, and it
is improbable that he will again submit to oppression as his forefathers
did but it is eminently desirable that there should be in the Government
men whom he would accept as leaders and whom he could trust to speak for
him.
Above all, it is to be hoped that, having conceded the independence of
Egypt, we shall not slip back into governing the country by martial law
with the aid of one party among the Egyptians. That would be merely an
evasion of the difficulty and a postponement of troubles. There are a
good many difficulties yet to be overcome, and the progress of events
will need careful watching by Liberals in and out of the House of
Commons, but if at length we steer a straight course and bring political
good sense to the details of the problem, there is no reason why we
should not satisfy the Egyptians and put Anglo-Egyptian relations on a
good and enduring basis. In dealing with Egypt as with all Eastern
countries, it should constantly be borne in mind that manners,
character, and personality are a chief part of good politics. To a very
large extent the estrangement has been caused by a failure to understand
and respect the feelings of the Egyptian people, and here, as in India,
it is important to understand that the demand of the Eastern man is not
only for self-government, but also for a new status which will enable
him to maintain his self-respect in his dealings with the West.