SECOND BATTLE OF MANASSAS (BULL RUN).
Battle opened by the Federals on Jackson's Right, followed by
Kearny--Longstreet's Reconnoissance--Stuart, the Cavalry Leader,
sleeps on the Field of Battle--Pope thought at the Close of the 29th
that the Confederates were retreating--Second Day--Fitz-John Porter
struck in Flank--Longstreet takes a Hand in the Fight late in the
Day--Lee under Fire--The Federal Retreat to Centreville--That Point
turned--Pope again dislodged--"Stonewall" Jackson's Appearance and
Peculiarities--Killing of "Fighting Phil" Kearny--Losses--Review of
the Campaign.
General Pope at daylight sent orders to General Sigel's corps, with
Reynolds's division, to attack as soon as it was light enough to see, and
bring the enemy to a stand if possible. At the same time orders were sent
Heintzelman and Reno for their corps to hurry along the turnpike and join
on the right of Sigel. The batteries opened in an irregular combat on the
left, centre, and right a little after eight o'clock, and drew from
Jackson a monotonous but resolute response. And thus early upon the 29th
of August was begun the second battle upon this classic and fateful field.
I marched at daylight and filed to the left at Gainesville at nine
o'clock. As the head of the column approached Gainesville the fire of
artillery became more lively, and its volume swelled to proportions
indicating near approach to battle. The men involuntarily quickened step,
filed down the turnpike, and in twenty minutes came upon the battle as it
began to press upon Jackson's right, their left battery partially turning
his right. His battle, as before stated, stood upon its original line of
the unfinished railroad.
As my columns approached, the batteries of the leading brigades were
thrown forward to ground of superior sweep. This display and the deploy of
the infantry were so threatening to the enemy's left batteries that he
thought prudent to change the front of that end of his line more to his
left and rear. Hood's two brigades were deployed across the turnpike at
right angles, supported by the brigade under Evans. A battery advanced on
their right to good position and put in some clever work, which caused the
enemy to rectify all that end of his line. Kemper deployed two of his
brigades, supported by the third, on the right of Hood. The three brigades
under Wilcox were posted in rear of Hood and Evans, and in close
supporting distance. On Hood's left and near Jackson's right was open
field, of commanding position. This was selected by Colonel Walton, of the
Washington Artillery, for his battalion, and he brought it bounding into
position as soon as called. The division under D. R. Jones was deployed in
the order of the others, but was broken off to the rear, across the
Manassas Gap Railroad, to guard against forces of the enemy reported in
the direction of Manassas Junction and Bristoe. As formed, my line made an
obtuse angle forward of Jackson's, till it approached Manassas Gap
Railroad, where D. R. Jones's division was broken in echelon to the rear.
At twelve o'clock we were formed for battle.
About eleven o'clock, Hooker's division filed to the right from the
turnpike, to reinforce the Federal right under Kearny, who, with Sigel's
corps and Reynolds's division, were engaged in a desultory affair against
Jackson's left, chiefly of artillery.
R. H. Anderson's division marched at daylight along the Warrenton turnpike
for Gainesville.
When I reported my troops in order for battle, General Lee was inclined to
engage as soon as practicable, but did not order. All troops that he could
hope to have were up except R. H. Anderson's division, which was near
enough to come in when the battle was in progress. I asked him to be
allowed to make a reconnoissance of the enemy's ground, and along his
left. After an hour's work, mounted and afoot, under the August sun, I
returned and reported adversely as to attack, especially in view of the
easy approach of the troops reported at Manassas against my right in the
event of severe contention. We knew of Ricketts's division in that
quarter, and of a considerable force at Manassas Junction, which indicated
one corps.
At two o'clock Kearny made an earnest opening against Jackson's left, but
no information of battle reached us on the right. He made severe battle by
his division, and with some success, but was checked by Jackson's
movements to meet him. General Stevens supported his battle, but his
numbers were not equal to the occasion. General Sigel joined in the
affair, and part of General Hooker's division, making a gallant fight, but
little progress. General Grover's brigade made a gallant charge, but a
single brigade was a trifle, and it met with only partial success, and was
obliged to retire with heavy loss of killed and wounded,--four hundred and
eighty-four.
At one time the enemy broke through the line, cutting off the extreme left
brigade, and gained position on the railroad cut; but Jackson and A. P.
Hill reinforced against that attack, and were in time to push it back and
recover the lost ground.
Their attacks were too much in detail to hold even the ground gained, but
they held firmly to the battle and their line until after night, when they
withdrew to await orders for the next day.
Though this fight opened at two o'clock, and was fiercely contested till
near night, no account of it came from head-quarters to my command, nor
did General Jackson think to send word of it. General Lee, not entirely
satisfied with the report of my reconnoissance, was thinking of sending
some of the engineers for more critical survey of his right front, when
his chief of cavalry sent to inform him of the approach of a formidable
column of infantry and artillery threatening his right. Wilcox's division
was changed to supporting position of our right, under Jones, and I rode
to look at this new force, its strength, and the ground of its approach.
It was the column of McDowell's and Porter's corps, marching under the
joint order. Porter's corps in advance deployed Morell's division, and
ordered Butterfield's brigade, preceded by a regiment of skirmishers, to
advance on their right, Sykes's division to support Morell. As this was in
process of execution, McDowell, whose corps was in rear, rode to the front
and objected to the plan and attack so far from the main force.
A few shots were exchanged, when all became quiet again. We saw nothing of
McDowell's corps, and our cavalry had not been able to get far enough
towards their rear to know of its presence or force. He afterwards drew
off from Porter's column and marched by the Sudley Springs road to join
the main force on the turnpike. I rode back and reported to General Lee
that the column was hardly strong enough to mean aggressive work from that
quarter, and at the same time reported a dust along the New Market road
which seemed to indicate movement of other troops from Manassas.
General Stuart rode up, making similar report, and asked for orders. As
our chief was not ready with his orders at the moment, Stuart was asked to
wait. The latter threw himself on the grass, put a large stone under his
head, asked the general to have him called when his orders were ready for
him, and went sound asleep.
Our chief now returned to his first plan of attack by his right down the
turnpike. Though more than anxious to meet his wishes, and anticipating
his orders, I suggested, as the day was far spent, that a reconnoissance
in force be made at nightfall to the immediate front of the enemy, and if
an opening was found for an entering wedge, that we have all things in
readiness at daylight for a good day's work. After a moment's hesitation
he assented, and orders were given for the advance at early twilight.
This gave General Stuart half an hour _siesta_. When called, he sprang to
his feet, received his orders, swung into his saddle, and at a lope,
singing, "If you want to have a good time, jine the cavalry," his
banjo-player, Sweeny, on the jump behind him, rode to his troopers.
Wilcox was recalled and ordered to march in support of Hood and Evans when
they advanced on the reconnoissance. It so happened that our advance had
been anticipated by an order to move from the enemy's side against us.
They attacked along the turnpike by King's division about sunset.
To the Confederates, who had been searching for an opportunity during the
greater part of the day, and were about to march through the approaching
darkness to find it, this was an agreeable surprise. Relieved of that
irksome toil, and ready for work, they jumped at the presence, to welcome
in countercharge the enemy's coming. A fierce struggle of thirty minutes
gave them advantage which they followed through the dark to the base of
the high ground held by bayonets and batteries innumerable as compared
with their limited ranks. Their task accomplished, they were halted at
nine o'clock to await the morrow. One cannon, a number of flags, and a few
prisoners were taken.
Generals Wilcox and Hood were ordered to carefully examine the position of
the enemy and report of the feasibility of attack at daylight. They came
to corps head-quarters a little before twelve o'clock, and made separate
reports, both against attack, with minute items of their conclusions. Hood
was ordered to have the carriage of the captured gun cut up and left, and
both were ordered to withdraw their commands to their first positions.
Meanwhile, General Pope had sent orders to General Porter, dated 4.30
P.M., to attack upon my right flank, but the order was not received until
it was too late for battle, and the force was not strong enough, and a
fight at that hour might have been more unfortunate than the fights by
detail on their right. If it had been sent to General McDowell before he
left, the two corps, if he could have been induced to go in, might have
given serious trouble. The field on their left was favorable for tactics,
but on Porter's front it was rough, and R. H. Anderson's division was in
striking distance of their left, if that effort had been made.
Anderson marched in the dark as far as Hood's front before reporting for
position, and was ordered back to Gainesville.
The 4.30 order was issued under the impression that my troops, or the
greater part of them, were still at Thoroughfare Gap, and General Pope
said, in his official report,--
"I believe, in fact I am positive, that at five o'clock in the
afternoon of the 29th, General Porter had in his front no considerable
body of the enemy. I believed then, as I am very sure now, that it was
easily practicable for him to have turned the right flank of Jackson
and to have fallen upon his rear; that if he had done so, we should
have gained a decisive victory over the army under Jackson before he
could have been joined by any of the forces of Longstreet."[51]
After night, Porter's column marched by its right to follow the route of
McDowell.
The morning of the 30th broke fair, and for the Federal commander bright
with anticipations for the day. He wired the Washington authorities of
success, that "the enemy was retreating to the mountains," and told of his
preparations for pursuit. It seems that he took my reconnoissance for a
fight, and my withdrawal for retreat, also interpreting reports from the
right as very favorable. He reported,--
"General Hooker estimated the loss of the enemy as at least two to
one, and General Kearny as at least three to one."
He construed the operations of the night of the 29th and the reports of
the morning of the 30th as indications of retreat of the Confederates.
Prisoners captured during the night, paroled and returning to him, so
reported on the morning of the 30th, and his general officers had
impressions of the Confederate left that confirmed the other accounts, and
convinced him that we were in retreat.
The forces threatening our right the day before having marched around
towards the turnpike, D. R. Jones's division was advanced to position near
Kemper's right. Colonel S. D. Lee's artillery battalion was advanced to
relieve the Washington Artillery, making our line complete, in battle
front.
About one o'clock in the afternoon, General Pope ordered attack against
Jackson's front by the corps under General Porter, supported by King's
division, Heintzelman and Reno to move forward and attack Jackson's left,
to turn it and strike down against the flank, Ricketts's division in
support of it; but Ricketts was recalled and put near the turnpike, to
support that part of Porter's field.
During the early part of this severe battle not a gun was fired by my
troops, except occasional shots from S. D. Lee's batteries of reserve
artillery, and less frequent shots from one or two of my other batteries.
Developments appearing unfavorable for a general engagement, General Lee
had settled upon a move by Sudley Springs, to cross Bull Run during the
night and try to again reach Pope's rear, this time with his army.
[Illustration: SECOND BATTLE OF BULL RUN. POSITION OF TROOPS AS THE BATTLE
ENGAGED Aug. 30th, 1862]
About three P.M. I rode to the front to prepare to make a diversion a
little before dark, to cover the plan proposed for our night march. As I
rode, batteries resting on the sides of the turnpike thought that battle
was at hand, and called their officers and men to stand to their guns and
horses. Passing by and beyond my lines, a message came from General
Jackson reporting his lines heavily pressed, and asking to be
reinforced. Riding forward a few rods to an open, which gave a view of
Jackson's field, I came in sight of Porter's battle, piling up against
Jackson's right, centre, and left. At the same time an order came from
General Lee for a division to be sent General Jackson. Porter's masses
were in almost direct line from the point at which I stood, and in
enfilade fire. It was evident that they could not stand fifteen minutes
under the fire of batteries planted at that point, while a division
marching back and across the field to aid Jackson could not reach him in
an hour, more time probably than he could stand under the heavy weights
then bearing down upon him. Boldness was prudence! Prompt work by the wing
and batteries could relieve the battle. Reinforcements might not be in
time, so I called for my nearest batteries. Ready, anticipating call, they
sprang to their places and drove at speed, saw the opportunity before it
could be pointed out, and went into action. The first fire was by
Chapman's battery, followed in rolling practice by Boyce's and Reilly's.
Almost immediately the wounded began to drop off from Porter's ranks; the
number seemed to increase with every shot; the masses began to waver,
swinging back and forth, showing signs of discomfiture along the left and
left centre.
In ten or fifteen minutes it crumbled into disorder and turned towards the
rear. Although the batteries seemed to hasten the movements of the
discomfited, the fire was less effective upon broken ranks, which gave
them courage, and they made brave efforts to rally; but as the new lines
formed they had to breast against Jackson's standing line, and make a new
and favorable target for the batteries, which again drove them to
disruption and retreat. Not satisfied, they made a third effort to rally
and fight the battle through, but by that time they had fallen back far
enough to open the field to the fire of S. D. Lee's artillery battalion.
As the line began to take shape, this fearful fire was added to that
under which they had tried so ineffectually to fight. The combination tore
the line to pieces, and as it broke the third time the charge was ordered.
The heavy fumes of gunpowder hanging about our ranks, as stimulating as
sparkling wine, charged the atmosphere with the light and splendor of
battle. Time was culminating under a flowing tide. The noble horses took
the spirit of the riders sitting lightly in their saddles. As orders were
given, the staff, their limbs already closed to the horses' flanks,
pressed their spurs, but the electric current overleaped their speedy
strides, and twenty-five thousand braves moved in line as by a single
impulse. My old horse, appreciating the importance of corps head-quarters,
envious of the spread of his comrades as they measured the green, yet
anxious to maintain his _role_, moved up and down his limited space in
lofty bounds, resolved to cover in the air the space allotted his more
fortunate comrades on the plain.
Leaving the broken ranks for Jackson, our fight was made against the lines
near my front. As the plain along Hood's front was more favorable for the
tread of soldiers, he was ordered, as the column of direction, to push for
the plateau at the Henry House, in order to cut off retreat at the
crossings by Young's Branch. Wilcox was called to support and cover Hood's
left, but he lost sight of two of his brigades,--Featherston's and
Pryor's,--and only gave the aid of his single brigade. Kemper and Jones
were pushed on with Hood's right, Evans in Hood's direct support. The
batteries were advanced as rapidly as fields were opened to them,
Stribling's, J. B. Richardson's, Eshleman's, and Rogers's having fairest
field for progress.
At the first sound of the charge, General Lee sent to revoke his call in
favor of Jackson, asked me to push the battle, ordered R. H. Anderson's
division up, and rode himself to join me.
[Illustration: DEFEAT OF THE FEDERAL TROOPS BY LONGSTREET'S CORPS, SECOND
MANASSAS.]
In the fulness of the battle, General Toombs rode up on his iron-gray
under sweat and spur, his hat off, and asked for his command. He was told
that a courier was about to start with an order for the division
commander, and would guide him. He asked to be the bearer of the order,
received it, and with the guide rode to find his post in the battle. The
meeting of the brigade and its commander was more than joyful.
Jackson failed to pull up even on the left, which gave opportunity for
some of the enemy's batteries to turn their fire across the right wing in
enfilade, as we advanced, and the enemy strongly reinforced against us
from troops drawn from Jackson's front, but we being on the jump, the fire
of the batteries was not effective. It was severely threatening upon
General Lee, however, who would ride under it, notwithstanding appeals to
avoid it, until I thought to ride through a ravine, and thus throw a
traverse between him and the fire. He sent orders to Jackson to advance
and drive off or capture the batteries standing in his front and firing
across our line, but it was not in season to relieve us. Hood's aggressive
force was well spent when his troops approached the Chinn House, but R. H.
Anderson was up and put in to reinforce and relieve his battle.
General Pope drew Ricketts's division from his right to brace his left,
then Reno's command to aid in checking our march, but its progress,
furiously resisted, was steady, though much delayed. Piatt's brigade was
also put against us. This made time for Porter to gather his forces. His
regulars of Sykes's division, particularly, made desperate resistance,
that could only be overcome by our overreaching lines threatening their
rear.
When the last guns were fired the thickening twilight concealed the lines
of friend and foe, so that the danger of friend firing against friend
became imminent. The hill of the Henry House was reached in good time,
but darkness coming on earlier because of thickening clouds hovering over
us, and a gentle fall of rain closely following, the plateau was shut off
from view, and its ascent only found by groping through the darkening
rainfall. As long as the enemy held the plateau, he covered the line of
retreat by the turnpike and the bridge at Young's Branch. As he retired,
heavy darkness gave safe-conduct to such of his columns as could find
their way through the weird mists.
Captain William H. Powell, of the Fourth Regular Infantry, wrote of his
experience,--
"As we filed from the battle-field into the turnpike leading over the
stone bridge, we came upon a group of mounted officers, one of whom
wore a peculiar style of hat which had been seen on the field that
day, and which had been the occasion of a great deal of comment in the
ranks. As we passed these officers, the one with the peculiar hat
called out in a loud voice,--
"'What troops are those?'
"'The regulars,' answered somebody.
"'Second Division, Fifth Corps,' replied another.
"'God bless them! they saved the army,' added the officer.
"Subsequently we learned that he was General Irvin McDowell.
"As we neared the bridge we came upon confusion. Men singly and in
detachments were mingled with sutlers' wagons, artillery caissons,
supply wagons, and ambulances, each striving to get ahead of the
other. Vehicles rushed through organized bodies and broke the columns
into fragments. Little detachments gathered by the road-side after
crossing the bridge, crying out to members of their regiments as a
guide to scattered comrades. And what a night it was! Dark, gloomy,
and beclouded by the volumes of smoke which had risen from the
battle-field."[52]
At six o'clock, General Pope received report of the Sixth Corps, that had
marched from Alexandria under General Franklin to the vicinity of
Centreville, and ordered the several commands to concentrate about that
hamlet during the night. The Second Corps from the Army of the Potomac
under General Sumner also joined him at Centreville.
But for the dropping off of two of Wilcox's brigades from close connection
with the right wing, and the deflection of Drayton's brigade, which was
taken off by some unauthorized and unknown person from my right to the
support of cavalry, it is possible that my working column could have
gained the plateau of the Henry House before it was dark. Or if Jackson
had been fresh enough to pull up even with us, he could have retained the
commands under Reno and Sykes's regulars in his front, which could have
given us safe sweep to the plateau, an hour before sundown, and in sight
of great possibilities.
By morning of the 31st everything off the turnpike was nasty and soggy.
Stuart's cavalry, followed by Pryor's brigade, were ordered across the Run
at Stone Bridge as a diversion, while we were trying another move to reach
the enemy's rear. The Confederates had worked all of the winter before,
fortifying this new position, just taken by Pope at Centreville. Direct
pursuit by the turnpike against these fortifications would therefore be
fruitless.
General Jackson was called to head-quarters early in the morning. Upon
receiving General Lee's orders to cross Bull Run at Sudley's and march by
Little River turnpike to intercept the enemy's march, he said, "Good!" and
away he went, without another word, or even a smile.
Though the suggestion of a smile always hung about his features, it was
commonly said that it never fully developed, with a single exception,
during his military career, though some claim there were other occasions
on which it ripened, and those very near him say that he always smiled at
the mention of the names of the Federal leaders whom he was accustomed to
encounter over in the Valley behind the Blue Ridge. Standing, he was a
graceful figure, five feet ten inches in height, with brown wavy hair,
full beard, and regular features. At first glance his gentle expression
repelled the idea of his severe piety, the full beard concealing the lower
features, which had they been revealed would have marked the character of
the man who claimed "his first duty to God, and his next to Jackson and
General Lee." Mounted, his figure was not so imposing as that of the bold
dragoon, Charley May, on Black Tom. He had a habit of raising his right
hand, riding or sitting, which some of his followers were wont to construe
into invocation for Divine aid, but they do not claim to know whether the
prayers were for the slain, or for the success of other fields. The fact
is, he received a shot in that hand at the First Bull Run, which left the
hand under partial paralysis and the circulation through it imperfect. To
relieve the pressure and assist the circulation he sometimes raised his
arm.
I was ordered to look after the dead and those whose misfortune it was to
be wounded, till Jackson could have time to stretch out on his new march,
then to follow him, leaving the work to details and to General D. H.
Hill's division, just coming in from Richmond.
After giving orders for the day, General Lee rode out towards Centreville
for personal observation, halted, and dismounted at a point which seemed
safe from danger or observation. Suddenly alarm was given of "The enemy's
cavalry!" The group dispersed in hot haste to have the heels of their
animals under them. The rush and confusion frightened the general's horse,
so that he pulled him violently to the ground, severely spraining his
right wrist, besides breaking some of the bones of the hand.
On reaching his head-quarters, Jackson ordered the assembly sounded,
mounted his horse, and marched for the Sudley Springs crossing. He cleared
the way in time for my column to reach that point at dark, the head of
his own column tapping Little River turnpike. The march was over a
single-track country road, bad enough on the south side of the river, much
worn through a post-oak forest over quicksand subsoil on the north side.
If Jackson had been followed by an enemy whose march he wished to baffle,
his gun-carriages could not have made deeper cuts through the mud and
quicksand.
Stuart was ordered over to the Little River turnpike, and advanced to the
vicinity of Ox Hill and Fairfax Court-House. He made some interesting
captures and reports of movements by the enemy. He slept near their lines,
north of the turnpike, east of Chantilly.
The Little River and Warrenton turnpikes converge and join as they near
Fairfax Court-House. At vulnerable points on the latter, General Pope
posted parts of his command to cover his rearward march. At Ox Hill
(Chantilly) were stationed Heintzelman's and Reno's corps, the divisions
of Hooker, Kearny, Stevens, and Reno.
Early on the 1st of September the Confederates resumed their march.
Jackson reached Ox Hill late in the afternoon, and deployed by
inversion,--A. P. Hill's division on his right, Ewell's under Lawton next,
his own under Stuart on his left, on the right of the road. On the left of
the road were Stuart's cavalry and the artillery. Two of Hill's brigades
were thrown out to find the enemy, and were soon met by his advance in
search of Jackson, which made a furious attack, driving back the
Confederate brigades in some disorder. Stevens, appreciating the crisis as
momentous, thought it necessary to follow the opportunity by aggressive
battle, in order to hold Jackson away from the Warrenton turnpike. Kearny,
always ready to second any courageous move, joined in the daring battle.
At the critical moment the rain and thunder-storm burst with great
violence upon the combatants, the high wind beating the storm in the faces
of the Confederates. So firm was the unexpected battle that part of
Jackson's line yielded to the onslaught. At one moment his artillery
seemed in danger. Stevens was killed when the storm of battle, as well as
that of the elements, began to quiet down. Stuart's cavalry drew near
Jackson's left during the progress of the battle. As I rode up and met
General Jackson, I remarked upon the number of his men going to the rear:
"General, your men don't appear to work well to-day."
"No," he replied, "but I hope it will prove a victory in the morning."
His troops were relieved as mine came up, to give them a respite till
morning. While my reliefs were going around, General Philip Kearny rode to
the line in search of his division. Finding himself in the presence of
Confederates, he wheeled his horse and put spurs, preferring the danger of
musket-balls to humiliating surrender. Several challenges called, but not
heeded, were followed by the ring of half a dozen muskets, when he fell
mortally hurt, and so perished one of the most gallant and dashing of the
Union generals.
"September 2, 1862.
"MAJOR-GENERAL JOHN POPE,
"_United States Army_:
"SIR,--The body of General Philip Kearny was brought from the field
last night, and he was reported dead. I send it forward under a flag
of truce, thinking the possession of his remains may be a consolation
to his family.
"I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
"R. E. LEE,
"_General_."[53]
The rain so concealed the fight in its last struggles that the troops
escaped before we were aware that it had been abandoned.
As both Federal division commanders fell, the accounts fail to do justice
to their fight. Stevens in his short career gave evidence of courage,
judgment, skill, and genius not far below his illustrious antagonist.
During the fight Stuart had parties out seeking information, and early on
the second had his troopers in the saddle in pursuit. The army, ready to
move, awaited reports of the cavalry, which came from time to time, as
they followed on the line of retreat. From Fairfax Court-House came the
report that the enemy's rear had passed in rapid retreat quite out of
reach, approaching the fortifications of Alexandria and Washington City.
Arms were ordered stacked, and a good rest was given the troops. Stuart's
cavalry pursued and engaged the retreating army.
In the afternoon the First Corps started on the march _via_ Dranesville
for Leesburg and the Potomac River, followed on the third by the Second.
The results to the Confederates of the several engagements about Manassas
Plains were seven thousand prisoners, two thousand of the enemy's wounded,
thirty pieces of artillery, many thousand small-arms picked up from the
field, and many colors, besides the captures made at Manassas Junction by
General Jackson.[54]
A fair estimate of forces engaged:
Federal army, aggregate 63,000
Confederates 53,500
Losses between Rappahannock River and Washington:
Federals, aggregate. 15,000
Confederates 10,000
The figures are given in round numbers, as the safest approximate
estimate, but the records now accessible give accurate details of losses
in each command about the same as these.
And so it came to pass that from Cedar Run and Bull Run we had the term
_All Run_. It is due to the gallant Sumner and his brave corps, however,
to say that they so covered the last as to save disgraceful retreat.
A cursory review of the campaign reveals the pleasure ride of General
Fitzhugh Lee by Louisa Court-House as most unseasonable. He lost the
fruits of our summer's work, and lost the Southern cause. Proud Troy was
laid in ashes. His orders were to meet his commander on the afternoon of
the 17th, on the plank-road near Raccoon Ford, and upon this appointment
was based General Lee's order of march for the 18th. If the march had been
made as appointed, General Lee would have encountered the army of General
Pope upon weak ground from Robertson River to near Raccoon Ford of the
Rapidan, and thus our march would have been so expedited that we could
have reached Alexandria and Washington before the landing of the first
detachment of the Army of the Potomac at Alexandria on the 24th. The
artillery and infantry were called to amend the delinquency by severe
marches and battles.
It would have been possible to make good the lost time, but the despatch
lost in the Stuart escapade was handed to General Pope that morning (the
18th), and gave him notice of our plans and orders. The delay thus brought
about gave time for him to quit his weaker ground and retire to strong
defensive heights behind the Rappahannock River, where he held us in check
five days.
Referring to the solid move proposed before opening the campaign by the
upper Rapidan to strike Pope's right, it may be said that it was not so
dependent upon the cavalry that was marching behind us. That used by
Jackson in his battle of the 9th was enough for immediate use. Jackson
could have passed the upper Rapidan on the 16th, and followed by the
right wing in time to strike Pope's right on the 17th in solid phalanx,
_when time was mightier than cannon-balls_. After losing eight days
between Orange Court-House and the Rappahannock, we found at last that we
must adopt the move by our left to get around the strong ground of the
Rappahannock, _and the move must now be made by detachments, not so
approved of the usages of war_. I was west of the Rappahannock when the
command should have been at Washington City.
[Illustration: SECOND BATTLE OF BULL RUN. POSITION OF TROOPS AT NIGHTFALL
Aug. 30th, 1862]
The conduct of General Pope's army after his receipt of the captured
despatch was good, especially his plans and orders for the 27th and 28th.
The error was his failure to ride with his working columns on the 28th, to
look after and conduct their operations. He left them in the hands of the
officer who lost the first battle of Manassas. His orders of the 28th for
General McDowell to change direction and march for Centreville were
received at 3.15 P.M. Had they been promptly executed, the commands,
King's division, Sigel's corps, and Reynolds's division, should have found
Jackson by four o'clock. As it was, only the brigades of Gibbon and
Doubleday were found passing by Jackson's position after sunset, when he
advanced against them in battle. He reported it "sanguinary." With the
entire division of King and that of Reynolds, with Sigel's corps, it is
possible that Pope's campaign would have brought other important results.
On the 29th he was still away from the active part of his field, and in
consequence failed to have correct advice of the time of my arrival, and
quite ignored the column under R. H. Anderson approaching on the Warrenton
turnpike. On the 30th he was misled by reports of his officers and others
to believe that the Confederates were in retreat, and planned his
movements upon false premises.
Jackson's march to Bristoe and Manassas Junction was hazardous, or seemed
so, but in view of his peculiar talent for such work (the captured
despatch of General Pope giving information of his affairs), and Lee's
skill, it seemed the only way open for progressive manoeuvre. The strength
of the move lay in the time it gave us to make issue before all of the
Army of the Potomac could unite with the army under General Pope. His game
of hide-and-seek about Bull Bun, Centreville, and Manassas Plains was
grand, but marred in completeness by the failure of General A. P. Hill to
meet his orders for the afternoon of the 28th. As a leader he was fine; as
a wheel-horse, he was not always just to himself. He was fond of the
picturesque.