BATTLE OF MANASSAS, OR BULL RUN.
Commanders on both Sides generally Veterans of the Mexican
War--General Irvin McDowell's Preconceived Plan--Johnston reinforces
Beauregard and approves his Plans--General Bernard E. Bee--Analysis of
the Fight--Superb Work of the Federal Artillery--Christening of
"Stonewall Jackson"--McDowell's Gallant Effort to recover Lost
Power--Before he was shorn of his Artillery he was the Samson of the
Field--The Rout--Criticism of McDowell--Tyler's
Reconnoissance--Ability of the Commanding Generals tested.
Before treating of future operations, I should note the situation of the
Confederate contingents in the Shenandoah Valley and at Acquia Creek. The
latter was ordered up to reinforce Beauregard as soon as the advance from
Washington took definite shape, and arrived as a supporting brigade to his
right on the 19th of July. At the same time orders were sent authorizing
Johnston's withdrawal from the Valley, to join with Beauregard for the
approaching conflict. The use of these contingents was duly considered by
both sides some days before the campaign was put on foot.
Opposing Johnston in the Valley was General Robert Patterson, of
Philadelphia, a veteran of the war of 1812 and of the Mexican War,
especially distinguished in the latter by the prestige of the former
service. Johnston was a veteran of the Mexican War, who had won
distinction by progressive service and was well equipped in the science of
war. Beauregard and McDowell were also veterans of the Mexican War, of
staff service, and distinguished for intelligent action and attainments,
both remarkable for physical as well as mental power.
[Illustration: BATTLE OF BULL RUN July 21st, 1861]
Between Johnston and Beauregard the Blue Ridge stretched out from the
Potomac southwest far below the southern line of Virginia, cut
occasionally by narrow passes, quite defensible by small bodies of
infantry and artillery. Patterson was ordered to hold Johnston in the
Valley, while McDowell should direct his strength against Beauregard.
McDowell seems to have accepted that order as not only possible, but sure
of success, while the Confederates viewed the question from the other
side, in a reverse light, and, as will presently appear, with better
judgment.
So far as it is possible to project a battle before reaching the field, it
seems that McDowell had concluded upon the move finally made before
setting out on his march from Washington. It was to give him an open
field, with superior numbers and appointments, and when successful was to
give him the approach to the base line of his adversary with fine
prospects of cutting off retreat. His ride to view the approaches of the
Confederate right on the morning of the 18th was made to confirm his
preconceived plan. The reconnoissance made by Tyler on the same morning
reinforced his judgment, so that the strategic part of the campaign was
concluded on that morning, except as to the means to be adopted to secrete
or mislead in his movement as long as possible, leaving, we may say, the
result to tactical operations. But tactics is time, and more decisive of
results than strategy when wisely adjusted.
Johnston was sixty miles away from Beauregard, but the delay of three
days, for McDowell's march _via_ Sudley Springs, so reduced the distance
in time and space as to make the consolidation easy under well-organized
transportation facilities. Holmes's brigade and six-gun battery were
posted in rear of Ewell's brigade.
General McDowell's order for battle on the 21st of July was issued on the
afternoon of the 20th, directing his First Division to march by the
Warrenton Turnpike, and make a diversion against the crossing of Bull Run
at the Stone Bridge, while the Second and Third Divisions, following on
the turnpike, were to file to the right, along the farm road, about
half-way between Centreville and the bridge, cross Bull Run at Sudley
Springs, and bear down against the Confederate rear and left; the First
Division, under Tyler, to march at two o'clock in the morning, to be
closely followed by the others under Hunter and Heintzelman; the turning
divisions, after crossing, to march down, clear the bridge, and lift Tyler
over the Run, bringing the three into compact battle order.
General Johnston came in from the Shenandoah Valley on the 20th with the
brigades of Bee, Bartow, and Jackson. The brigades were assigned by
Beauregard, the former two in reserve near the right of Blackburn's Ford,
the latter near its left.
Beauregard's order for battle, approved by General Johnston, was issued at
five A.M. on the 21st,--the brigades at Union Mills Ford to cross and
march by the road leading towards Centreville, and in rear of the Federal
reserve at that point; the brigades at McLean's Ford to follow the move of
those on their right, and march on a converging road towards Centreville;
those at and near Blackburn's to march in co-operative action with the
brigades on the right; the reserve brigades and troops at Mitchell's Ford
to be used as emergency called, but in the absence of special orders to
seek the most active point of battle.
This order was only preliminary, coupled with the condition that the
troops were to be held ready to move, but to wait for the special order
for action. The brigade at Blackburn's Ford had been reinforced by the
Fifth North Carolina and Twenty-fourth Virginia Regiments, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Jones and Colonel Kemper. I crossed the Run under the
five o'clock order, adjusted the regiments to position for favorable
action, and gave instructions for their movements on the opening of the
battle.
While waiting for the order to attack, a clever reconnoissance was made by
Colonels Terry and Lubbock, Texans, on the brigade staff, which disclosed
the march of the heavy columns of the Federals towards our left. Their
report was sent promptly to head-quarters, and after a short delay the
brigade was ordered back to its position behind the Run.
Tyler's division moved early on the 21st towards the Stone Bridge. The
march was not rapid, but timely. His first shells went tearing through the
elements over the heads of the Confederates before six o'clock. The Second
and Third Divisions followed his column till its rear cleared the road
leading up to the ford at Sudley Springs, when they filed off on that
route. McDowell was with them, and saw them file off on their course, and
followed their march. His Fifth Division and Richardson's brigade of the
First were left in reserve at Centreville, and the Fourth Division was
left in a position rearward of them. The march of the columns over the
single track of the farm road leading up to Sudley Springs was not only
fatiguing, but so prolonged the diversion of Tyler's division at the
bridge as to expose its real intent, and cause his adversary to look
elsewhere for the important work. Viewing the zone of operations as far as
covered by the eye, Evans discovered a column of dust rising above the
forest in the vicinity of Sudley Springs. This, with the busy delay of
Tyler in front of the bridge, exposed the plans, and told of another
quarter for the approaching battle; when Evans, leaving four companies of
infantry and two pieces of artillery to defend the bridge, moved with the
rest of his command to meet the approaching columns off his left. Bearing
in mind his care of the bridge, it was necessary to occupy grounds north
of the pike. The position chosen was the plateau near the Matthews House,
about a thousand yards north of the pike, and about the same distance from
Bull Run, commanding the road by which the turning divisions of the enemy
were to approach. His artillery (two six-pound guns) was posted to his
right and left, somewhat retired. Meanwhile, Tyler's batteries maintained
their position at and below the Stone Bridge, as did those near the lower
fords. McDowell's column crossed at Sudley's Ford at nine o'clock, and
approached Evans a few minutes before ten. The leading division under
Hunter, finding Evans's command across its route, advanced the Second
Rhode Island Regiment and battery of six guns of Burnside's brigade to
open the way. Evans's infantry and artillery met the advance, and after a
severe fight drove it back[5] to the line of woodland, when Burnside,
reinforced by his other three regiments, with them advanced eight guns.
This attack was much more formidable, and pressed an hour or more before
our forces retired to the woodland. The fight, though slackened,
continued, while the brigade under Porter advanced to Burnside's support.
Waiting some time to witness the opening of his aggressive fight towards
Centreville, Beauregard found at last that his battle order had
miscarried. While yet in doubt as to the cause of delay, his attention was
drawn to the fight opened by McDowell against Evans. This affair,
increasing in volume, drew him away from his original point and object of
observation. He reconsidered the order to attack at Centreville, and rode
for the field just opening to severe work. The brigades of Bee and
Bartow,--commanded by Bee,--and Jackson's, had been drawn towards the
left, the former two near Cocke's position, and Jackson from the right to
the left of Mitchell's Ford. They were to await orders, but were
instructed, and intrusted, in the absence of orders, to seek the place
where the fight was thickest. About twelve o'clock that splendid soldier,
Bernard E. Bee, under orders to find the point of danger, construed it
as calling him to Evans's support, and marched, without other notice than
the noise of increasing battle, with his own and Bartow's brigades and
Imboden's battery. The move against the enemy's reserve at Centreville
suspended, Colonels Terry and Lubbock, volunteer aides, crossed the Run to
make another reconnoissance of the positions about Centreville. Captain
Goree, of Texas, and Captain Sorrel, of Georgia, had also joined the
brigade staff. As Bee approached Evans he formed line upon the plateau at
the Henry House, suggesting to Evans to withdraw to that as a better field
than the advance ground held by the latter; but in deference to Evans's
care for the bridge, which involved care for the turnpike, Bee yielded,
and ordered his troops to join Evans's advance. Imboden's artillery,
however, failed to respond, remaining on the Henry plateau; leaving Bee
and Evans with two six-pounder smoothbore guns to combat the enemy's
formidable batteries of eight to twelve guns of superior metal, as well as
the accumulating superior infantry forces, Imboden's battery making a show
of practice with six-pounders at great range. The infantry crossed Young's
Branch under severe fire, and were posted on the line of Evans's battle.
[Illustration: Thos. J. Goree. Captain and Aide-de-Camp.]
Burnside was reinforced by Porter's brigade, and afterwards by a part of
Heintzelman's division. Ricketts's battery, and subsequently the battery
under Griffin, pressed their fight with renewed vigor. The batteries,
particularly active and aggressive, poured incessant fire upon the
Confederate ranks, who had no artillery to engage against them except
Imboden's, far off to the rear, and the section of Latham's howitzers. The
efforts of the Federal infantry were cleverly met and resisted, but the
havoc of those splendid batteries was too severe, particularly Griffin's,
that had an oblique fire upon the Confederates. It was the fire of this
battery that first disturbed our ranks on their left, and the increasing
pounding of that and Ricketts's eventually unsettled the line. At this
juncture two brigades of Tyler's division, with General W. T. Sherman and
General Keyes, crossed the Run at a ford some distance above the bridge
and approached the Confederate right, making more unsettled their
position. At the same time the attacking artillery and infantry followed
up their opportunity in admirable style, pushed the Confederates back, and
pursued down to the valley of Young's Branch.
At one P.M., Colonels Terry and Lubbock returned from their reconnoissance
of the ground in front of Centreville, with a diagram showing points of
the Union lines and troops there posted. I sent it up to head-quarters,
suggesting that the brigades at the lower fords be put across the Run, and
advance against the reserves as designed by the order of the morning.
Colonel Terry returned with the suggestion approved, and we communicated
the same to the brigades at McLean's and Union Mills Fords, commanded by
officers of senior dates to myself. The brigades were prepared, however,
for concert of action. Bee, Bartow, and Evans made valorous efforts, while
withdrawing from their struggle on the Matthews plateau, to maintain the
integrity of their lines, and with some success, when General Wade Hampton
came with his brigade to their aid, checked the progress of pursuit, and
helped to lift their broken ranks to the plateau at the Henry House. The
fight assumed proportions which called for the care of both General
Johnston and General Beauregard, who, with the movements of their right
too late to relieve the pressure of the left, found it necessary to draw
their forces to the point at which the battle had been forced by the
enemy. At the same time the reserve brigades of their right were called to
the left. General Thomas J. Jackson also moved to that quarter, and
reached the rear crest of the plateau at the Henry House while yet Bee,
Bartow, Evans, and Hampton were climbing to the forward crest. Quick to
note a proper ground, Jackson deployed on the crest at the height, leaving
the open of the plateau in front. He was in time to secure the Imboden
battery before it got off the field, and put it into action. Stanard's
battery, Pendleton's, and Pelham's, and part of the Washington Artillery
were up in time to aid Jackson in his new formation and relieve our
discomfited troops rallying on his flank. As they rose on the forward
crest, Bee saw, on the farther side, Jackson's line, serene as if in
repose, affording a haven so promising of cover that he gave the
christening of "Stonewall" for the immortal Jackson.
"There," said he, "is Jackson, standing like a stone wall."
General Johnston and General Beauregard reached the field, and busied
themselves in getting the troops together and in lines of defence. Other
reinforcements were ordered from the right, including the reserve brigades
at McLean's and Union Mills Fords, and a number of batteries. Bee and
Evans reformed their lines upon Jackson's. After permitting Burnside's
brigade to retire for rest, McDowell pushed his battle by his strong
artillery arm, advancing against and turning the Confederate left, only
giving some little time to select positions for his batteries to plunge
more effective fire into the Confederate ranks. This time, so necessary
for McDowell's renewal, was as important to the Confederates in getting
their reinforcements of infantry and artillery in position, and proved of
even greater value in lengthening out the fight, so as to give Kirby Smith
and Elzey, just off the train from the Shenandoah Valley, time to appear
at the last moment.
After arranging the new position of the troops about Jackson, General
Johnston rode back to the Lewis House, where he could better comprehend
the entire field, leaving Beauregard in charge of the troops engaged on
his left. McDowell gave especial care to preparing his batteries for
renewal against the Confederate left. He massed Ricketts's and Griffin's
batteries, and made their practice grand. So well executed was it that the
Confederate left was again in peril, and, seeing reinforcements
approaching towards their rear, General Johnston sent orders to the
brigades at the lower fords revoking authority given them to advance
against Centreville, and ordering their return to the south side, and the
brigade at Union Mills was ordered to reinforce the Confederate left. The
brigade at Blackburn's Ford received the recall order in ample time, but
that at McLean's,--Jones's,--being a little farther away, became partially
engaged before the recall reached it. The brigades resumed their former
position, however, without serious trouble.
With this order came a message to me, saying that the Federals were
pressing severely on our left, and to the limit of its tension, that
reinforcements were in sight, approaching their right, which might prove
too heavy for our brave men, and force us back, for which emergency our
brigades should be held ready to cover retreat. These anxious moments were
soon relieved by the approach of General Kirby Smith's command, that had
been mistaken as reinforcements for the enemy. General Smith was wounded,
but was succeeded in command by the gallant Elzey, who by a well-timed
attack approached the rear of the massed batteries. At the same time a
brave charge on the part of Beauregard, in co-operation with this
fortunate attack of Smith and Elzey, captured the greater part of the
batteries and turned some of the guns upon the brave men who had handled
them so well.
McDowell made a gallant effort to recover his lost power, riding with his
troops and urging them to brave efforts, but our convex line, that he was
just now pressing back upon itself, was changed. Though attenuated, it had
become concave by reinforcement, and in elliptical curve was delivering a
concentrated fire upon its adversary. Before the loss of his artillery he
was the Samson of the field; now he was not only shorn of his power, but
some of his mighty strength was transferred to his adversary, leaving him
in desperate plight and exposed to blows increasing in force and
effectiveness. Although his renewed efforts were brave, his men seemed to
have given confidence over to despair. Still a show of battle was made
until General Johnston directed the brigades of Holmes and Early to good
positions for attack, when fight was abandoned and flight ensued.
The regulars under Sykes maintained order, and with the regular cavalry
covered the confused retreat. The Confederates in the field and
approaching at the moment were ordered in pursuit. At the same time
another order was sent the brigades at the lower fords, explaining that
the reinforcements, supposed to be Federals, proved to be Confederates,
and that the former were not only forced back, but were then in full
retreat, directing our brigades to cross again and strike the retreating
line on the turnpike. All of D. R. Jones's brigade that had crossed at
McLean's Ford under the former order had not yet returned to its position
under the order to that effect, and Ewell had gone from Union Mills Ford
to the battle on the extreme left, so that neither of them came in
position ready to take part in the pursuit. Those at Mitchell's and
Blackburn's Fords advanced, the former, under General Bonham, with orders
to strike at Cub Run, the latter at Centreville. Finding some obstruction
to his march, General Bonham kept the Centreville road, and joined the
brigade from Blackburn's, taking the lead as the ranking officer.
Through the abandoned camps of the Federals we found their pots and
kettles over the fire, with food cooking; quarters of beef hanging on the
trees, and wagons by the roadside loaded, some with bread and general
provisions, others with ammunition. When within artillery range of the
retreating column passing through Centreville, the infantry was deployed
on the sides of the road, under cover of the forest, so as to give room
for the batteries ordered into action in the open, Bonham's brigade on the
left, the other on the right.
As the guns were about to open, there came a message that the enemy,
instead of being in precipitate retreat, was marching around to attack the
Confederate right. With this report came orders, or reports of orders, for
the brigades to return to their positions behind the Run. I denounced the
report as absurd, claimed to know a retreat, such as was before me, and
ordered that the batteries open fire, when Major Whiting, of General
Johnston's staff, rising in his stirrups, said,--
"In the name of General Johnston, I order that the batteries shall not
open."
I inquired, "Did General Johnston send you to communicate that order?"
Whiting replied, "No; but I take the responsibility to give it."
I claimed the privilege of responsibility under the circumstances, and
when in the act of renewing the order to fire, General Bonham rode to my
side and asked that the batteries should not open. As the ranking officer
present, this settled the question. By that time, too, it was near night.
Colonel G. W. Lay, of Johnston's staff, supported my views,
notwithstanding the protest of Major Whiting.
Soon there came an order for the brigades to withdraw and return to their
positions behind the Run. General Bonham marched his brigade back, but,
thinking that there was a mistake somewhere, I remained in position until
the order was renewed, about ten o'clock. My brigade crossed and recrossed
the Run six times during the day and night.
It was afterwards found that some excitable person, seeing Jones's
brigade recrossing the Run, from its advance, under previous orders, took
them for Federal troops crossing at McLean's Ford, and, rushing to
head-quarters at the Junction, reported that the Federals were crossing
below and preparing for attack against our right. And upon this report one
of the staff-officers sent orders, in the names of the Confederate chiefs,
revoking the orders for pursuit.
From the effective service of the two guns of Latham's battery, _at short
range_, against the odds brought against them, the inference seems fair
that the Imboden battery, had it moved under Bee's orders, could have so
strengthened the position on the Matthews plateau as to hold it and give
time for them to retire and meet General Jackson on the Henry plateau.
Glorious Victory spread her generous wings alike over heroes and
delinquents.
The losses of the Confederates in all arms were 1982. Federal losses in
all arms, 3333[6] officers and soldiers, twenty-five cannon.[7]
On the 22d the cavalry troop of Captain Whitehead was sent forward with
Colonel Terry, volunteer aide, on a ride of observation. They picked up a
number of prisoners, and Colonel Terry cut the lanyards of the Federal
flag over the court-house at Fairfax by a shot from his six-shooter, and
sent the bunting to head-quarters.
The plan of the Union campaign was that their army in the Valley of the
Shenandoah, under General Patterson, should stand so surely against the
Confederates in that field, under General Johnston, as to prevent the
withdrawal of the latter through the Blue Ridge, which goes to show that
the concentration was considered, and thought possible, and that McDowell
was, therefore, under some pressure to act in time to gain his battle
before Johnston could have time for his swoop from the mountains. At
Centreville on the 18th, McDowell was within five miles of his immediate
objective,--Manassas Junction,--by the route of Tyler's reconnoissance.
The Sudley Ford route involved a march of twenty miles and drew him nearer
the reach of Johnston's forces. So, if Tyler's reconnoissance proved the
route by Blackburn's Ford practicable, it was imperative on McDowell to
adopt it. If it was proved impracticable, the route by Sudley's Ford was
necessary and justified the delay. But it has been claimed that the Union
commander did not intend to have the reconnoissance, and that he could
have made his move a success by that route if he had adopted it; which, if
true, would put him in a more awkward position than his defeat. He was
right in his conclusion that the Confederates were prepared for him on
that route, but it would have been a grave error to leave the shorter,
more direct line for the circuitous route without first so testing the
former as to know if it were practicable, knowing as he did that the
Confederate left was in the air, because of leaven looked for from over
the Blue Ridge. After the trial of General Tyler on the 18th, and finding
the route closed against him, he should have given credit to the division
commander and his troops for their courageous work, but instead he
disparaged their efforts and put them under criticism. The experiment and
subsequent events go to show that the route was not practicable except for
seasoned troops.
McDowell's first mistake was his display, and march for a grand military
picnic. The leading proverb impressed upon the minds of young soldiers of
the line by old commanders is, "Never despise your enemy." So important a
part of the soldier's creed is it, that it is enjoined upon subalterns
pursuing marauding parties of half a dozen of the aborigines. His
over-confidence led him to treat with levity the reconnoissance of General
Tyler on the 18th, as not called for under his orders, nor necessary to
justify his plans, although they involved a delay of three days, and a
circuitous march around the Confederate left. Then, he put upon his
division commander the odium of error and uncalled-for exposure of the
troops. This broke the confidence between them, and worked more or less
evil through the ranks in the after-part of the campaign. Had he
recognized the importance of the service, and encouraged the conduct of
the division commander, he would have drawn the hearts of his officers and
soldiers towards him, and toned up the war spirit and _morale_ of his men.
Tyler was right in principle, in the construction of duty, under the
orders, and in his more comprehensive view of the military zodiac. In no
other way than by testing the strength along the direct route could
McDowell justify delay, when time was power, and a long march with raw
troops in July weather was pending.
The delay gave Beauregard greater confidence in his preconceived plan, and
brought out his order of the 21st for advance towards McDowell's reserve
at Centreville, but this miscarried, and turned to advantage for the plans
of the latter.
Had a prompt, energetic general been in command when, on the 20th, his
order of battle was settled upon, the division under Tyler would have been
deployed in front of Stone Bridge, as soon after nightfall as darkness
could veil the march, and the divisions under Hunter and Heintzelman
following would have been stretched along the lateral road in bivouac, so
as to be prepared to cross Sudley's Ford and put in a good day's work on
the morrow. Had General Tyler's action of the 18th received proper
recognition, he would have been confident instead of doubting in his
service. McDowell's army posted as it should have been, a march at
daylight would have brought the columns to the Henry House before seven
o'clock, dislodged Evans, busied by Tyler's display at the bridge, without
a chance to fight, and brought the three divisions, reunited in gallant
style, along the turnpike with little burning of powder. Thus prepared and
organized, the compact battle-order of twenty thousand men would have been
a fearful array against Beauregard's fragmentary left, and by the events
as they passed, would have assured McDowell of victory hours before Kirby
Smith and Elzey, of the Army of the Shenandoah, came upon the field.
Beauregard's mistake was in failing to ride promptly after his
five-o'clock order, and handling his columns while in action. As events
actually occurred, he would have been in overwhelming numbers against
McDowell's reserve and supply depot. His adversary so taken by surprise,
his raw troops would not have been difficult to conquer.
As the experience of both commanders was limited to staff service, it is
not surprising that they failed to appreciate the importance of prompt and
vigorous manoeuvre in the hour of battle. Beauregard gave indications of a
comprehensive military mind and reserve powers that might, with experience
and thorough encouragement from the superior authorities, have developed
him into eminence as a field-marshal. His adversary seemed untoward, not
adapted to military organization or combinations. Most of his men got back
to Washington under the sheltering wings of the small bands of regulars.
The mistake of supposing Kirby Smith's and Elzey's approaching troops to
be Union reinforcements for McDowell's right was caused by the
resemblance, at a distance, of the original Confederate flag to the colors
of Federal regiments. This mishap caused the Confederates to cast about
for a new ensign, brought out our battle-flag, led to its adoption by
General Beauregard, and afterwards by higher authority as the union shield
of the Confederate national flag.
The supplies of subsistence, ammunition, and forage passed as we marched
through the enemy's camps towards Centreville seemed ample to carry the
Confederate army on to Washington. Had the fight been continued to that
point, the troops, in their high hopes, would have marched in terrible
effectiveness against the demoralized Federals. Gaining confidence and
vigor in their march, they could well have reached the capital with the
ranks of McDowell's men. The brigade at Blackburn's Ford (five regiments),
those at McLean's and Mitchell's Fords, all quite fresh, could have been
reinforced by all the cavalry and most of the artillery, comparatively
fresh, and later by the brigades of Holmes, Ewell, and Early. This
favorable aspect for fruitful results was all sacrificed through the
assumed authority of staff-officers who, upon false reports, gave
countermand to the orders of their chiefs.
On the 21st a regiment and battery were discharged from the Union army,
reducing its aggregate to about 34,000. The Confederates had 31,860.
McDowell crossed Bull Run with 18,500 of his men, and engaged in battle
18,053 Confederates.
There seem to be no data from which the precise figures can be had. These
estimates, though not strictly accurate, are justified by returns so far
as they have been officially rendered.
The CONFEDERATE ARMY in this battle was organized as follows:
ARMY OF THE POTOMAC (AFTERWARDS FIRST CORPS), under Brig.-Gen. G. T.
Beauregard:--_Infantry_: _First Brigade_, under Brig.-Gen. M. S.
Bonham, 11th N. C., 2d, 3d, 7th, and 8th S. C.; _Second Brigade_,
Brig.-Gen. R. S. Ewell, 5th and 6th Ala., 6th La.; _Third Brigade_,
Brig.-Gen. D. R. Jones, 17th and 18th Miss., 5th S. C.; _Fourth
Brigade_, Brig.-Gen. James Longstreet, 5th N. C., 1st, 11th, and 17th
Va.; _Fifth Brigade_, Col. P. St. George Cocke, 1st La. Battn., 8th
Va. (seven companies), 18th, 19th, 28th, and 49th Va. (latter, three
companies); _Sixth Brigade_, Col. J. A. Early, 13th Miss., 4th S. C.,
7th and 24th Va.; _Troops not brigaded_: 7th and 8th La., Hampton
Legion, S. C., 30th Va. (cav.), Harrison's Battn. (cav.); _Independent
companies_: 10th Cav., Washington (La.) Cav.; _Artillery_: Kemper's,
Latham's, Loudoun, and Shield's batteries, Camp Pickens companies.
ARMY OF THE SHENANDOAH (JOHNSTON'S DIVISION), Brig.-Gen. Joseph E.
Johnston:--_First Brigade_, Col. T. J. Jackson, 2d, 4th, 5th, and 27th
Va., Pendleton's Batt.; _Second Brigade_, Col. F. S. Bartow, 7th, 8th,
and 9th Ga., Duncan's and Pope's Ky. Battns., Alburti's Batt.; _Third
Brigade_, Brig.-Gen. Barnard E. Bee, 4th Ala., 2d and 11th Miss., 1st
Tenn., Imboden's Batt.; _Fourth Brigade_, Col. A. Elzey, 1st Md.
Battn., 3d Tenn., 10th and 13th Va., Grane's Batt.; _Not brigaded_:
1st Va. Cav., 33d Va. Inf.
The FEDERAL ARMY, commanded by Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell, was
organized as follows:
FIRST DIVISION, Brig.-Gen. Daniel Tyler:--_First Brigade_, Col. E. D.
Keyes, 2d Me., 1st, 2d, and 3d Conn.; _Second Brigade_, Brig.-Gen. R.
C. Schenck, 2d N. Y., 1st and 2d Ohio, Batt. E, 2d U. S. Art.; _Third
Brigade_, Col. W. T. Sherman, 13th, 69th, and 79th N. Y., 2d Wis.,
Batt. E, 3d U. S. Art.; _Fourth Brigade_, Col. I. B. Richardson, 1st
Mass., 12th N. Y., 2d and 3d Mich., Batt. G, 1st U. S. Art., Batt. M,
2d U. S. Art.
SECOND DIVISION, (1) Col. David Hunter (wounded); (2) Col. Andrew
Porter:--_First Brigade_, Col. Andrew Porter, 8th (militia), 14th, and
27th N. Y., Battn. U. S. Inf., Battn. U. S. Marines, Battn. U. S.
Cav., Batt. D, 5th U. S. Art.; _Second Brigade_, Col. A. E. Burnside,
2d N. H., 1st and 2d R. I., 71st N. Y.
THIRD DIVISION, Col. S. P. Heintzelman (wounded):--_First Brigade_,
Col. W. B. Franklin, 5th and 11th Mass., 1st Minn., Batt. I, 1st U. S.
Art.; _Second Brigade_, Col. O. B. Wilcox (wounded and captured), 11th
N. Y. (Fire Zouaves), 38th N. Y., 1st and 4th Mich., Batt. D, 2d U. S.
Art.; _Third Brigade_, Col. O. O. Howard, 3d, 4th, and 5th Me., 2d Vt.
FOURTH (RESERVE) DIVISION,[8] Brig.-Gen. Theodore Runyon, 1st, 2d, 3d,
and 4th N. J. (three months), 1st, 2d, and 3d N. J., 41st N. Y. (three
years).
FIFTH DIVISION, Col. Dixon S. Miles:--_First Brigade_,[9] Col. Louis
Blenker, 8th N. Y. (Vols.), 29th and 39th N. Y., 27th Penn., Batt. A,
2d U. S. Art., Rookwood's N. Y. Batt.; _Second Brigade_, Col. Thomas
A. Davies, 16th, 18th, 31st, and 32d N. Y., Batt. G, 2d U. S. Art.