FROM NEW MEXICO TO MANASSAS.
The War-Cloud--The Journey Northward--Appointed
Brigadier-General--Report to General Beauregard--Assigned to Command
at the Scene of the First Conflict--Personnel of the Confronting
Forces--Description of the Field of Manassas, or Bull Run--Beauregard
and McDowell of the same West Point Class--Battle of Blackburn's
Ford--Early's Mistake--Under Fire of Friend and Foe.
I was stationed at Albuquerque, New Mexico, as paymaster in the United
States army when the war-cloud appeared in the East. Officers of the
Northern and Southern States were anxious to see the portending storm pass
by or disperse, and on many occasions we, too, were assured, by those who
claimed to look into the future, that the statesman would yet show himself
equal to the occasion, and restore confidence among the people. Our mails
were due semi-monthly, but during winter seasons we were glad to have them
once a month, and occasionally had to be content with once in six weeks.
When mail-day came the officers usually assembled on the flat roof of the
quartermaster's office to look for the dust that in that arid climate
announced the coming mail-wagon when five or ten miles away; but affairs
continued to grow gloomy, and eventually came information of the attack
upon and capture of Fort Sumter by the Confederate forces, which put down
speculation and drew the long-dreaded line.
A number of officers of the post called to persuade me to remain in the
Union service. Captain Gibbs, of the Mounted Rifles, was the principal
talker, and after a long but pleasant discussion, I asked him what course
he would pursue if his State should pass ordinances of secession and call
him to its defence. He confessed that he would obey the call.
It was a sad day when we took leave of lifetime comrades and gave up a
service of twenty years. Neither Union officers nor their families made
efforts to conceal feelings of deepest regret. When we drove out from the
post, a number of officers rode with us, which only made the last farewell
more trying.
Passing Fort Craig, on the opposite side of the Rio Grande, we pitched our
camp for the night. A sergeant of the Mounted Rifle Regiment came over to
see me, and stated that he was from Virginia, and thought that he could go
with us to his native State, and at the same time asked that several other
soldiers who wished to return to their States might go as my escort. I
explained that private soldiers could not go without authority from the
War Department; that it was different with commissioned officers, in that
the latter could resign their commissions, and when the resignations were
accepted they were independent of military authority, and could, as other
citizens, take such action as they might choose, but that he and his
comrades had enlisted for a specified term of years, and by their oaths
were bound to the term of enlistment; that I could not entertain the
proposition.
We stayed overnight at Fort Fillmore, in pleasant meeting with old
comrades, saddened by the reflection that it was the last, and a prelude
to occurrences that must compel the ignoring of former friendships with
the acceptance of opposing service.
Speaking of the impending struggle, I was asked as to the length of the
war, and said, "At least three years, and if it holds for five you may
begin to look for a dictator," at which Lieutenant Ryan, of the Seventh
Infantry, said, "If we are to have a dictator, I hope that you may be the
man."
My mind was relieved by information that my resignation was accepted, to
take effect on the 1st of June. In our travel next day we crossed the line
into the State of Texas. From the gloomy forebodings of old friends, it
seemed at El Paso that we had entered into a different world. All was
enthusiasm and excitement, and songs of "Dixie and the South" were borne
upon the balmy air. But the Texas girl did not ascend to a state of
incandescent charm until the sound of the first notes of "The Bonny Blue
Flag" reached her ear. Then her feet rose in gleeful springs, her limbs
danced, her hands patted, her eyes glowed, her lips moved, though she did
not care to speak, or listen to any one. She seemed lifted in the air,
thrilled and afloat, holding to the "Single Star" in joyful hope of
Southern rights.
Friends at El Paso persuaded me to leave my family with them to go by a
train that was to start in a few days for San Antonio, and to take the
faster route by stage for myself.
Our travelling companions were two young men, returning to their Northern
homes. The ride of our party of four (including the driver) through the
Indian country was attended with some risk, and required vigilance, to be
assured against surprise. The constant watchfulness and possible danger
over a five-hundred-miles travel drew us near together, and in closer
communion as to our identity and future movements, and suggested to the
young men that it would be best to put themselves under my care, trusting
that I would see them safely through the Confederate lines. They were of
the laboring class, and had gone South to find employment. They were
advised to be careful, and talk but little when among strangers. Nothing
occurred to cause apprehension until we reached Richmond, Texas, where, at
supper, I asked for a glass of milk, and was told there was none.
"What!" said one of my companions, "haven't the keows come up?"
Signal was telegraphed under the table to be on guard. The _nom de plume_
of the Texas bovine escaped attention, and it passed as an enjoyable
_lapsus linguae_.
At Galveston we took a small inland sailing-craft, but were a little
apprehensive, as United States ships were reported cruising outside in
search of all vessels not flying the Stars and Stripes. Our vessel,
however, was only boarded once, and that by a large Spanish mackerel that
made a misleap, fell amidships, and served our little company with a
pleasant dinner. Aboard this little vessel I first met T. J. Goree, an
intelligent, clever Texan, who afterwards joined me at Richmond, and
served in faithful duty as my aide-de-camp from Bull Run to Appomattox
Court-House.
At New Orleans, my companions found safe-conduct to their Northern lines,
and I journeyed on to Richmond. Relatives along the route, who heard of my
approach, met me at the stations, though none suggested a stop overnight,
or for the next train, but after affectionate salutations waved me on to
join "Jeff Davis, for Dixie and for Southern rights."
At every station old men, women, and children assembled, clapping hands
and waving handkerchiefs to cheer the passengers on to Richmond. On
crossing the Virginia line, the feeling seemed to culminate. The windows
and doors of every farm-house and hamlet were occupied, and from them came
hearty salutations that cheered us on to Richmond. The spirit electrified
the air, and the laborers of the fields, white and black, stopped their
ploughs to lift their hats and wave us on to speedy travel. At stations
where meals were served, the proprietors, in response to offers to settle,
said, "Meals for those going on to join Jeff Davis are paid."
On the 29th of June, 1861, I reported at the War Department at Richmond,
and asked to be assigned for service in the pay department, in which I had
recently served (for when I left the line service, under appointment as
paymaster, I had given up all aspirations of military honor, and thought
to settle down into more peaceful pursuits). On the 1st of July I
received notice of my appointment as brigadier-general, with orders to
report at Manassas Junction, to General Beauregard.
I reported on the 2d, and was assigned to command of the First, Eleventh,
and Seventeenth Regiments of Virginia Volunteers, to be organized as a
brigade. The regiments were commanded respectively by Colonels ---- Moore,
Samuel Garland, and M. D. Corse, all active, energetic, and intelligent
officers, anxious to acquire skill in the new service in which they found
themselves. Lieutenant Frank Armstead was assigned to duty at brigade
head-quarters, as acting assistant adjutant-general, and Lieutenant Peyton
T. Manning as aide-de-camp. Dr. J. S. D. Cullen, surgeon of the First
Virginia Regiment, became medical director. The regiments were stationed
at Manassas Junction.
On the 6th they were marched out, formed as a brigade, and put through the
first lessons in evolutions of the line, and from that day to McDowell's
advance had other opportunities to learn more of the drill and of each
other. General Beauregard had previously settled upon the stream of Bull
Run as his defensive-aggressive line, and assigned his forces accordingly.
A brigade under Brigadier-General R. S. Ewell was posted at Union Mills
Ford, on the right of the Confederate lines; one under Brigadier-General
D. R. Jones at McLean's Ford; Brigadier-General Bonham's brigade was
placed on outpost duty at Fairfax Court-House with orders to retire, at
the enemy's approach, to Mitchell's Ford, and Brigadier-General P. St.
George Cocke was to hold the fords between Mitchell's and the Stone
Bridge, the latter point to be defended by a regiment and a battalion of
infantry, and a battery, under Brigadier-General N. G. Evans.
Between Mitchell's and McLean's Fords, and about half a mile from each, is
Blackburn's Ford. The guard at that point was assigned to my command,--the
Fourth Brigade,--which was ordered to be ready, at a moment's warning, to
march to position, and prepare for battle. In the mean time I was to study
the ground and familiarize myself with the surroundings and avenues of
approach and retreat. Bull Run rises from the foot-hills of the Blue Ridge
and flows southeast through deeps and shallows into the Potomac, about
forty miles south of Alexandria. The swell of the tide-waters up to Union
Mills gives it the depth and volume of water of a river. Blackburn's Ford
is in a great bend of the river, the north bank holding the concave of the
turn. On the convex side was a strip of alluvial soil about seventy feet
wide, covered by large forest-trees and some tangled undergrowth. Outside
and extending some three hundred yards from the edge of the woodland was
an arable field upon a pretty ascending plain, beyond which was a second
growth of pine and oak. On the north bank stood a bluff of fifteen feet,
overhanging the south side and ascending towards the heights of
Centreville. Below Blackburn's Ford the bluff extended, in more or less
ragged features, far down to the southeast. Just above my position the
bluff graded down in even decline to Mitchell's Ford, the position
assigned for Bonham's brigade, the latter being on the concave of the
river, six hundred yards retired from my left and at the crossing of the
direct road between Centreville and Manassas Junction. At the Junction
well-constructed battery epaulements were prepared for defence.
The bluff of the north bank was first designated as my most suitable
ground, and I was ordered to open the front, lay out and construct
trenches, to be concealed by green pine-boughs. The regiments were from
Richmond, Lynchburg, and Alexandria,--more familiar with the amenities of
city life than with the axe, pick, spade, or shovel. They managed,
however, to bring down as many as half a dozen spreading second-growth
pines in the course of two days' work, when General Beauregard concluded
that the advanced position of the brigade would mar his general plan, and
ordered the line to be taken along the river bank of the south side, under
the woodland, and close under the bluff, a position only approvable as
temporary under accepted rules of warfare, but this proved a favorable
exception between the raw forces of the contending armies. In addition to
the two brigades on my right, the Sixth Brigade, under Colonel Jubal A.
Early, was posted (with artillery) near the fords. As proximate but
separate commands, stood General Theo. Holmes, thirty miles off to the
right, with a brigade, a battery, and cavalry, at and about Acquia Creek,
and General J. E. Johnston, sixty miles away, over the Blue Ridge
Mountains. Holmes's should have been an outpost, but he had ranked
Beauregard in the old service, and as a point of etiquette was given a
separate command. Johnston's command should have been an outlying
contingent, but he had been assigned to the Shenandoah Valley when,
because threatened with immediate invasion, it was of first importance.
Beauregard was subsequently assigned to Manassas Junction, which, under
later developments, became the strategic point. As Johnston was his
senior, another delicate question arose, that was not solved until the
tramp of McDowell's army was heard on the Warrenton Turnpike.
The armies preparing for the first grand conflict were commanded by West
Point graduates, both of the class of 1838,--Beauregard and McDowell. The
latter had been assigned to command of the Federal forces at Washington,
south of the Potomac, in the latter part of May, 1861. The former had
assumed command of the Confederates at Manassas Junction about the 1st of
June.
McDowell marched on the afternoon of the 16th of July at the head of an
army of five divisions of infantry, supplemented by nine field batteries
of the regular service, one of volunteers, besides two guns operating
separately, and seven companies of regular cavalry. In his infantry
columns were eight companies of regulars and a battalion of marines, an
aggregate of thirty-five thousand men.
Beauregard stood behind Bull Run with seven brigades, including Holmes,
who joined on the 19th, twenty-nine guns, fourteen hundred cavalry,--an
aggregate of twenty-one thousand nine hundred men, all volunteers. To this
should be added, for the battle of the 21st, reinforcements aggregating
eight thousand five hundred men, under General Johnston, making the sum of
the aggregate, thirty thousand four hundred.
The line behind Bull Run was the best between Washington and the Rapidan
for strategy, tactics, and army supplies.
General Beauregard gave minute instructions to his brigade commanders of
his position and general plan, which in itself was admirable. Bonham was
to retire from Fairfax Court-House, as the enemy advanced, and take his
place behind Mitchell's Ford on the Centreville and Manassas Junction
road. It was proposed that he should engage his rear-guard so as to try to
bring on the battle against him, as he approached his crossing of Bull
Run, when the brigades along the Run on his right should cross, wheel to
the left and attack on the enemy's left and rear.
We had occasional glimpses behind the lines about Washington, through
parties who managed to evade the eyes of guards and sentinels, which told
of McDowell's work since May, and heard on the 10th of July that he was
ready to march. Most of us knew him and of his attainments, as well as of
those of Beauregard, to the credit of the latter, so that on that point we
were quite satisfied. But the backing of an organized government, and an
army led by the foremost American war-chief, that consummate
strategist, tactician, and organizer, General Scott, together with the
splendid equipment of the field batteries, and the presence of the force
of regulars of infantry, gave serious apprehension.
[Illustration: John B. Richardson. Captain Washington Artillery of New
Orleans; whose battery fired the first gun at Manassas, July, 1861, and
claims the last gun at Appomattox.]
On the 16th of July notice came that the advance of McDowell's army was
under definite orders for the next day. My brigade was at once ordered
into position at Blackburn's Ford, and all others were ordered on the
alert. Cocke's detachments were recalled from the fords between Mitchell's
and Stone Bridge, and Evans was left to hold the bridge. Bonham withdrew
from Fairfax Court-House as McDowell advanced. He retired behind the Run
at Mitchell's Ford, his vedettes following after exchanging shots with the
enemy's advance on the 18th. Early that morning a section of the
Washington Artillery was posted on a rear line behind Blackburn's Ford,
and trailed across towards the left, so as to flank fire against the
direct advance upon Bonham at Mitchell's Ford.
At eight o'clock A.M. on the 18th, McDowell's army concentrated about
Centreville, his immediate objective being Manassas Junction. From
Centreville the Warrenton Turnpike bears off a little south of west,
crossing Bull Run at Stone Bridge (four miles). The Manassas Junction road
due south crosses at Mitchell's Ford (three miles). Other farm roads
turned to the fords above and below Mitchell's. His orders to General
Tyler, commanding the advance division, were to look well to the roads on
the direct route to Manassas Junction and _via_ the Stone Bridge, to
impress an advance upon the former, but to have care not to bring on a
general engagement. At the same time he rode towards his left to know of
the feasibility of a turning move around the Confederates' right. There
were three moves by which it was supposed he could destroy the
Confederates,--first, by turning their right; second, by direct and
forcible march to the Junction; third, by turning their left. McDowell's
orders to his leading divisions indicated that he had settled down to a
choice as to the two opposite flanking moves; but to justify either he
must first test the feasibility of the direct route. The ride to his left
disclosed rough ground, rocky heights cut by streamlets, and covered by
heavy forest tangle, as formidable to military manoeuvres of raw troops as
armed battlements. According to preconceived plans, this eliminated the
question of the flanking move by the Confederate right.
Under the instructions, as General Tyler construed them, he followed the
Confederates to the heights of Centreville, overlooking the valley of Bull
Run, with a squadron of cavalry and two companies of infantry. From the
heights to the Run, a mile away, the field was open, and partially
disclosed the Confederate position on his right. On the left the view was
limited by a sparse growth of spreading pines. On the right was Mitchell's
Ford, on the left Blackburn's. To have a better knowledge of the latter,
he called up a brigade of infantry under General Richardson, Ayres's
battery of six field-guns, and two twenty-pound rifle guns under Benjamin.
The artillery was brought into action by the twenty-pound rifle guns, the
first shot aimed at the section of the Washington Artillery six-pounders
in rear of Blackburn's Ford, showing superior marksmanship, the ball
striking close beside the guns, and throwing the dust over the caissons
and gunners.
It was noticed that the enemy was far beyond our range, his position
commanding, as well as his metal, so I ordered the guns withdrawn to a
place of safety, till a fairer opportunity was offered them. The guns were
limbered and off before a second shot reached them. Artillery practice of
thirty minutes was followed by an advance of infantry. The march was made
quite up to the bluff overlooking the ford, when both sides opened fire.
The first pouring-down volleys were most startling to the new troops.
Part of my line broke and started at a run. To stop the alarm I rode with
sabre in hand for the leading files, determined to give them all that was
in the sword and my horse's heels, or stop the break. They seemed to see
as much danger in their rear as in front, and soon turned and marched back
to their places, to the evident surprise of the enemy. Heavy firing was
renewed in ten or fifteen minutes, when the Federals retired. After about
twenty minutes a second advance was made to the top of the bluff, when
another rousing fusillade followed, and continued about as long as the
first, with like result. I reinforced the front line with part of my
reserve, and, thinking to follow up my next success, called for one of the
regiments of the reserve brigade.
Colonel Hays, of the Seventh Louisiana Regiment, was sent, but was not in
time for the next attack. He was in position for the fourth, and did his
share in that fight. After the fourth repulse I ordered the advance, and
called for the balance of the reserve brigade. The Fourth Brigade, in
their drills in evolution, had not progressed as far as the passage of
defiles. The pass at the ford was narrow, unused, and boggy. The lagoons
above and below were deep, so that the crossing was intricate and slow.
Colonel Early came in with his other regiments, formed his line behind my
front, and was asked to hurry his troops to the front line, lest the next
attack should catch him behind us, when his raw men would be sure to fire
on the line in front of them. He failed to comprehend, however, and
delayed till the next attack, when his men promptly returned fire at
anything and everything before them. I thought to stop the fire by riding
in front of his line, but found it necessary to dismount and lie under it
till the loads were discharged. With the Federals on the bluff pouring
down their fire, and Early's tremendous fire in our rear, soldiers and
officers became mixed and a little confused. Part of my men got across the
Run and partially up the bluff of the enemy's side; a body of the Union
soldiers were met at the crest, where shots were exchanged, but passing
the Run, encountering the enemy in front, and receiving fire from our
friends in rear were not reassuring, even in handling veterans. The recall
was ordered as the few of the enemy's most advanced parties joined issue
with Captain Marye of my advance. Federal prisoners were brought in with
marks of burnt powder on their faces, and Captain Marye and some of his
men of the Seventeenth, who brought them in, had their faces and clothing
soiled by like marks. At the first moment of this confusion it seemed that
a vigorous pressure by the enemy would force us back to the farther edge
of the open field, and, to reach that stronger ground, preparations were
considered, but with the aid of Colonels Garland and Corse order was
restored, the Federals were driven off, and the troops better distributed.
This was the last effort on the part of the infantry, and was followed by
the Federal batteries throwing shot and shell through the trees above our
heads. As we were under the bluff, the fire was not annoying, except
occasionally when some of the branches of the trees were torn off and
dropped among us. One shot passed far over, and dropped in the house in
which General Beauregard was about to sit down to his dinner. The
interruption so annoyed him that he sent us four six-pound and three rifle
guns of the Washington Artillery, under Captain Eshleman, to return fire
and avenge the loss of his dinner. The guns had good cover under the
bluff, by pushing them as close up as would admit of effective fire over
it; but under tactical formation the limbers and caissons were so far in
rear as to bring them under destructive fire. The men, thinking it
unsoldier-like to flinch, or complain of their exposure, worked away very
courageously till the limbers and caissons were ordered forward, on the
right and left of the guns, to safer cover. The combat lasted about an
hour, when the Federals withdrew to their ground about Centreville, to
the delight of the Confederates. After this lively affair the report came
of a threatened advance off to our right. General Beauregard recalled
Early's command to its position in that quarter. He was ordered to march
to the right, under the bluff, so that his men could not come within range
of the batteries, but he chose to march back on the road leading directly
to the rear, when the dust of his columns drew fire of a battery, and
several damaging shots were thrown among his troops. The Confederate
losses were sixty-eight; Federal, eighty-three. The effect of this little
affair was encouraging to the Confederates, and as damaging to the
Federals. By the double action of success and failure the Confederate
infantry felt themselves christened veterans. The Washington Artillery was
equally proud of its even combat against the famed batteries of United
States regulars.
McDowell was disposed to ignore this fight as unwarranted under his
instructions, and not a necessary adjunct of his plans. His course and
that of the officers about him reduced the aggressive spirit of the
division commander to its minimum, and had some influence upon the troops
of the division. For battle at this time McDowell had 37,300[3] men and
forty-nine guns. Beauregard had 20,500[4] men and twenty-nine guns.