THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DELAWARE.—PHILADELPHIA UNDER HOWE AND UNDER
ARNOLD.
BY FREDERICK D. STONE,
_Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania._
"THESE are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the
sunshine patriot will in this crisis shrink from the service of his
country, but he that stands it now deserves the love and thanks of man
and woman."
So wrote Thomas Paine, December 19, 1776. The preceding month had been
fraught with adversity. The loss of Fort Washington on the 16th of
November had rendered Fort Lee useless, as with it alone the passage
of the river could not be obstructed. Its evacuation was immediately
ordered, and the ammunition and some of the guns were removed. Before
all could be taken away, however, the fort became the object of
the enemy's attention. On the night of the 19th, two columns under
Cornwallis, composed of British and Germans, with a detachment from
the fleet, in all about six thousand men, crossed the river and landed
at Closter dock, seven miles above Fort Lee, then commanded by General
Greene. The night was stormy, and the movement escaped the notice of
Greene's sentries. By morning the sailors had dragged the artillery
to the top of the Palisades, and everything was ready for an advance
upon the fort. Greene was informed of the landing of Cornwallis, and
immediately took steps to secure a retreat for his command, then
numbering about three thousand men. Word was sent to Washington, who
was at the village of Hackensack with the troops which he had brought
with him from White Plains. In three quarters of an hour the commanding
general was at Greene's side. Seeing that the fort was not tenable,
he ordered a retreat. No time was to be lost; and leaving the tents
standing, the kettles over the fires, and such stores as could not be
removed, the troops were hurried towards the advancing enemy with such
speed that they gained the road leading to the only bridge over the
Hackensack before Cornwallis could intercept them.
The situation of the Americans was now more precarious than it had
been at Fort Lee. They were in danger of being shut in between the
Hackensack and Passaic rivers; they were in a perfectly flat country,
without intrenching tools or camp equipage; their right flank could be
turned and their line of retreat threatened if the British should land
a force at the head of Newark Bay or at Amboy. Washington's forces were
greatly reduced by reverses and by desertions. Nearly all that were
left were militia of the flying camp, called out for an emergency, and
impatient to return home, as their time of service had nearly expired.
Small as his numbers were, Washington was obliged to post some at Amboy
and others at Brunswick, to protect his flanks. As those remaining
were insufficient to hinder the advance of the enemy in his front, he
ordered Lee, whom he had left in command on the east of the Hudson, to
cross that river and join him, and, with hardly three thousand men,
Washington began his retreat through the Jerseys.
On the 21st he was at Aquacknoc Bridge on the Passaic, and by the
23d at Newark. On the 28th he left Newark, the advance-guard of the
British entering the town as his rear-guard quitted it, and the next
day he arrived at Brunswick. Here an attempt would have been made to
prevent the enemy crossing the Raritan, but the stream was fordable in
a number of places. As the British approached, the Jersey and Maryland
brigades, whose terms of service expired that day, refused to stay an
hour longer, and as the British crossed the river the line of march
was again taken up for Trenton. This point was reached on the 2d of
December, two brigades having been left at Princeton, under Stirling,
to watch the enemy.
Having seen his stores and baggage safely over the Delaware, and being
reinforced by about twelve hundred militia from the neighborhood of
Philadelphia, Washington faced about on the 6th, with such men as were
fit for service, and set out to join Stirling at Princeton.
It had not been the intention of Howe, when he ordered Cornwallis over
the Hudson, to do more than take possession of and hold East Jersey,
and Cornwallis's orders did not permit him to go beyond Brunswick. But
the slight opposition which Washington was able to offer to the British
advance excited in Howe the hopes of capturing Philadelphia, and he
joined Cornwallis in person at Brunswick. After a short halt, he pushed
on towards Stirling at Princeton, and before Washington could reach
that general Stirling was in full retreat, to avoid being intercepted.
A retrograde movement was ordered, and by the 8th the American army was
on the west bank of the Delaware. The advance of Cornwallis's column
reached the river before the rear-guard of the Americans had landed
on the Pennsylvania side; but as Washington had secured all the boats
for a considerable distance above and below Trenton, his position
was comparatively a safe one. Here for a time he rested his men, and
urged upon Congress the necessity of raising additional troops, and
the importance of preparing for the defence of Philadelphia, as the
military stores were in that city.
In his retreat through the Jerseys, Washington was greatly embarrassed
by the conduct of General Charles Lee. The instructions he had given
Lee on the 17th of November to join him may have been discretionary,
but the language and frequency of his orders left no doubt of the
expectations of the commander-in-chief. But Lee chose to read the
orders in the light of his wishes. On the east of the Hudson he
had an independent command, which he purposed to retain as long as
he could. Schemes and suggestions that should have had no weight
were allowed to delay his passage over the river until December
2d, and then his advance was slow and hesitating. The prospect of
receiving reinforcements from the Northern army, which would make his
command equal to that of Washington, strengthened his wish to act
independently. He proposed, as soon as the troops from the north should
join him, to attack the rear of the enemy. While this plan may not
have been devoid of military judgment, it is doubtful if it would have
had more than a temporary effect on Howe's movements, while it would
have deprived Washington of the reinforcements he so greatly needed.
Notwithstanding Washington's explicit directions to avoid the enemy
in joining him, Lee hung so close to the enemy's flank as to leave a
doubt of his real intentions, and on the morning of the 13th, just
after having put on record that he believed Washington to be "damnably
deficient", he was surprised and taken prisoner by Lieutenant-Colonel
Harcourt, at White's tavern, near Baskingridge, three miles from his
camp.
[Illustration: CHARLES LEE
From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the Present War_, i. p. 478.]
The estimation in which Lee was held gave an undue importance to
his capture. The British thought that in it they had deprived their
opponents of nearly all the military science they possessed, and they
styled him the American Palladium. With the Americans he had many
friends, who were flattered that a soldier of European distinction
should have espoused their cause, and, dazzled with his success at
Charleston, they rated him higher than Washington, and, unintentionally
perhaps, weakened the confidence that should have been reposed in the
commander-in-chief by his subordinates.
Having failed to overtake Washington in New Jersey, Howe turned
northward to Coryell's Ferry, fifteen miles above Trenton, in hopes of
finding boats to enable him to cross the Delaware; but in this he was
disappointed. He then took post at Pennington with a portion of his
force, while with the remainder he returned to Trenton, repaired the
bridges below the town which the Americans had destroyed, and extended
his line as far as Burlington.
So great was the terror spread through New Jersey as the British
advanced, that many of her citizens took advantage of the amnesty which
was offered by the Howes to all who would put themselves under their
protection within sixty days from the 30th of November. Chief among
these was Samuel Tucker, president of the Committee of Safety, who had
held many positions of honor and trust. Nor was this defection confined
to the east side of the Delaware. It was now that Joseph Galloway, and
citizens of Philadelphia, like the Allens, who had supported the cause
of the colonies until independence became the avowed object of the war,
sought safety within the British lines. But the influence which their
conduct might have exercised upon the people was neutralized by what
was soon endured at the hands of the British and Hessian troops. Never
before had any of the colonies been exposed to the unbridled impulses
of a mercenary and licentious soldiery. Houses were plundered and their
contents destroyed in mere wantonness, women were forced to submit to
indignities, and all the horrors which usually attended the invasion
of a European country by a foreign army in the eighteenth century were
transferred to the soil of New Jersey.[887]
[Illustration]
In Philadelphia the excitement was intense. On the 28th of November a
meeting was held in the State House yard to consider the condition of
affairs. It was addressed by Mifflin, who had been sent to the city to
warn Congress of the danger which threatened the army. He spoke with
animation, and endeavored to rouse the people to action. His efforts
met with some success, and in a few days the troops that reinforced
Washington prior to his retreat into Pennsylvania were in motion. On
the 30th the Council of Safety advised the citizens to prepare, upon
short notice, to remove their wives and children to places of safety.
On December 2d, when it was known in the city that Howe's army was at
Brunswick, crowds gathered at the Coffee House to learn the news. The
stores and schools were closed, and all business was suspended. No one
was allowed to cross the Delaware without a pass, while recruiting
parties with drums beating paraded in the streets. The roads leading
from the city were crowded with vehicles of every description, bearing
the families of citizens and their effects to places of refuge.
[Illustration: AN APPEAL.
Reduced from an original in the library of the Historical Society of
Pennsylvania.]
When these means of transportation failed, the water craft on the
Delaware was pressed into service. Women with children in their arms
were crowded in smoky cabins so low that they could not sit upright,
while the younger girls were quartered on the decks, from whence
they were driven by the snow and rain. But sadder sights presented
themselves in the streets of the city. The sick of the army arrived
daily. Many of the men had gone to the field clad only for a summer
campaign. They had succumbed to exposure, and had reached Philadelphia
in an almost naked condition. Measures were at once set on foot for
their relief. Vacant houses were taken for their accommodation. The
most seriously afflicted were sent to the hospitals, while committees
of citizens went from door to door begging clothing for their use.
[Illustration: BROADSIDE.
Reduced from an original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.]
Handbills were issued giving information of the advance of the enemy,
and to awaken the indignation of the people printed sheets were
circulated describing the insults to which the women of New Jersey had
been subjected. Some of the citizens refused to take the Continental
money, as it was rumored that Congress would soon disperse. On the 11th
of December Congress requested Washington to contradict this rumor in
general orders, and to assure the army that the delegates would remain
in Philadelphia until it was certain the enemy would capture the city.
It was well that Washington exercised his discretion in this matter,
for the next day the crushing news was known throughout the city that
he had been obliged to cross the Delaware. Congress at once adjourned
to Baltimore, having first conferred on Washington "full power to order
and direct all things relative to the department and to the operations
of the war."
The state of political affairs in Pennsylvania was the chief cause of
the inefficiency which exposed Philadelphia to the danger of capture
and of the panic with which her citizens were seized. The old colonial
charter had been abrogated, but the new constitution had not been put
into effect, and the condition of society bordered upon anarchy.
For two weeks after Washington had retreated across the Delaware there
seemed little chance of impeding the British advance. "Day by day the
little handful was decreasing, from sickness and other causes." The
services of all the regular troops in it, with the exception of those
from Virginia and Maryland, expired on the first of the year, and the
militia could not be depended upon. "They come", wrote Washington,
"you cannot tell how, go you cannot tell when, and act you cannot tell
where, consume your provisions, exhaust your stores, and leave you at
last at a critical moment." "These", he said again to Congress, on the
20th of December, "are the men I am to depend upon ten days hence." On
Congress he urged the importance of raising at once an army upon a more
substantial basis, and impressed upon those around him the necessity of
the utmost vigilance. But in the anguish of the moment he wrote to his
brother: "If every nerve is not strained to recruit the new army with
all possible expedition, I think the game is pretty nearly up.... I
cannot entertain the idea that [our cause] will finally sink, though it
may remain for some time under a cloud."
Each day brought new difficulties to be overcome. When it was learned
that the fleet that had sailed from New York had appeared off New
London, the march of a portion of Heath's troops, which had been
ordered from Peekskill, was countermanded, and three regiments from
Ticonderoga were directed to halt at Morristown, where about eight
hundred militia had been collected, and General Maxwell was sent
to command them. On the 20th, the troops under Gates and Sullivan
joined Washington. The former had been sent by Schuyler. Sullivan's
division was that which had been commanded by Lee up to the time of his
capture. Washington had been led to believe that a portion of these
troops had reënlisted, and he had been waiting until they should join
him to strike a blow at Howe's forces. Only a small number of the men
had done so, however, and he found that on the first of the year he
would have but fifteen hundred men independent of the militia. It was
evident, therefore, that the blow must be struck at once.
On the 14th of December the British troops went into winter-quarters.
They were stationed at Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, and Bordentown.
Howe returned to his easy quarters in New York. Cornwallis obtained
permission to visit England, and left Grant at Brunswick in command of
New Jersey. The troops at Trenton were under the Hessian, Lieut.-Col.
Rahl; those at Bordentown were commanded by his superior, Count Donop,
who had some outposts as far south as Burlington and Mount Holly. Howe
knew his line was too far extended, but he wished to cover the county
of Monmouth, where there were indications of an outbreak on the part
of some loyalists. The American army reached from Coryell's Ferry to
Bristol. The crossings above Trenton were guarded by Stirling, Mercer,
Stephen, and Fermoy. Ewing lay opposite Trenton. Dickinson with a few
New Jersey troops was opposite Bordentown, and Cadwalader with the
Pennsylvania militia was at Bristol.
Washington decided to attack the troops at Trenton. His men fit for
duty did not exceed five thousand, and of these nearly two thousand
were militia. The troops under Rahl consisted of three battalions of
Hessians, having with them six field-pieces, fifty chasseurs, and
twenty dragoons,—twelve hundred in all. Circumstances favored the plan
which Washington now adopted. Colonel Griffin, with two companies of
Virginians and some militia, had driven a party of Hessians, who had
penetrated as far south as Moorestown and Haddonfield, back to Mount
Holly, where they had been reinforced by Donop, who was thus too far
removed from Trenton to support Rahl in case of an emergency. The
success of Griffin made the militia at Bristol anxious for service, and
it was decided by Cadwalader and Reed, who was with him, to gratify
them by supporting Griffin. To this Washington assented, and at the
same time confided to Reed and Cadwalader his contemplated movement
against Trenton. On the morning of the 23d he wrote to them asking if
the plan had been carried out, and informed them that one hour before
day on the morning of the 26th was the time he had fixed upon for
attacking Rahl. "For heaven's sake", he wrote, "keep this to yourselves
as the discovery of it may prove fatal to us. Our numbers, sorry I
am to say, being less than I had any conception of; but necessity,
dire necessity, will, nay must justify an attack. Prepare and concert
with Griffin; attack as many of their posts as you possibly can with
a prospect of success; the more we can attack at the same instant the
more confusion we shall spread, and the greater good will result from
it."
Washington was informed that it was impracticable to act with Griffin;
and Reed repaired to Philadelphia to urge Putnam to create a diversion
by crossing the river at Cooper's Ferry. He found, however, that little
could be expected from Putnam, and returned to Bristol on the 25th,
where Cadwalader was preparing to carry out the part which Washington
had assigned to him. It was the intention of Washington to cross the
Delaware above Trenton with about one half of his command, and attack
the enemy, while Ewing and Cadwalader should cross opposite Trenton and
Bristol, and not only cut Rahl's line of retreat but prevent Donop from
reinforcing him.
Notwithstanding the fact that no aid could be expected from Putnam,
Washington determined to proceed, and urged Cadwalader to do all in his
power to support him. The boats had been gathered at McKonkey's Ferry,
nine miles above Trenton, and as the men marched to them the footprints
they left in the snow were here and there tinged with blood from the
feet of those who wore broken shoes. The boats were promptly manned
by Glover's regiment from Marblehead, and at dark the crossing began.
It was three o'clock before the artillery was landed, and four before
the troops took up the line of march. The attack was to have been made
about five, and against a more vigilant enemy this delay would have
proved fatal. But Rahl was not vigilant. He despised his opponents, and
refused to protect his position with redoubts as instructed by Donop.
He had been informed of Washington's intended movement, but paid no
attention to the report. It so happened that on the morning of the
attack his outposts had been fired upon by a body of strolling militia,
and this he supposed was the attack he was to look for. Washington
had with him two thousand four hundred men. These he divided into two
columns. One was commanded by Sullivan, and marched by the river road
which entered the town on the northwest. The other, under Greene,
took the Pennington road which approached the town from the north.
The Americans advanced in a violent storm of snow and hail. Greene's
command arrived at the outskirts of the town three minutes before
Sullivan's. The attacks of both parties were almost simultaneously.
Many of the guns were rendered useless by the storm, and the men were
ordered to charge. Those who had bayonets fixed them and rushed upon
the pickets, who retired. The Hessians were taken entirely by surprise.
For a while Rahl was allowed to remain undisturbed in bed, but when
matters grew serious he was aroused and hurriedly assumed command.
Some of his half-formed regiments were advanced towards the Americans,
but were driven back, throwing those in their rear into inextricable
confusion. Two lines of retreat were open to Rahl. One lay over the
bridge which crossed the Assanpink, south of the town; the other was
the road to Brunswick. But Sullivan's attack was so spirited that the
Hessians were driven past the road which led to the bridge, and as they
attempted to escape towards Brunswick, Washington intercepted them
with Hand's riflemen and held them in check. A battery under Captain
Thomas Forrest created great havoc in their ranks, and two of their
guns were turned against it. These were immediately charged by the
Americans, who were led by Captain William Washington and Lieutenant
James Monroe. Both were wounded, but the guns were captured. Rahl was
mortally wounded in trying to rally his men, and shortly after he fell
his command surrendered. All was over in three quarters of an hour.
With the exception of the horse and a small number of the infantry
which escaped over the Assanpink or to Brunswick, Rahl's entire force
was either killed or captured. The prisoners numbered nine hundred and
eighteen. The killed, Washington thought, did not exceed twenty or
thirty. The Americans had two privates killed, one frozen to death,
and two officers and four men wounded. As the enemy were supposed to
be in force at Princeton and Bordentown, and the Americans were in no
condition to withstand an attack, it was thought best not to risk the
advantage which had been gained, and as soon as the men were rested the
army, with its prisoners, returned to Pennsylvania.
Ewing and Cadwalader had been unable to carry out the parts assigned
them, on account of the ice. The latter sent a portion of his infantry
over the river, but recalled it when he found he could not land his
artillery. With no definite news of Washington's success, Cadwalader
recrossed on the morning of the 27th, supposing Washington to be at
Trenton. He soon learned his mistake, but discovered that Donop had
retreated towards Brunswick when he heard of the action at Trenton.
Cadwalader then moved on to Burlington, and on the 29th marched to
Crosswicks. The desperate condition of affairs previous to the battle
had stimulated the people to extraordinary efforts, and the news of the
victory raised their spirits in proportion to the depression they had
so lately suffered. Ignorant of the victory Washington had achieved,
Congress on the 27th vested him with powers that virtually constituted
him a military dictator for the period of six months. To convince the
people of the reality of the victory, the Hessians were marched through
the streets of Philadelphia, and one of their standards was hung up in
the chamber of Congress at Baltimore. Public rejoicings broke forth on
every side. "The Lord of Hosts has heard the cry of the distressed, and
sent an angel to their assistance", exclaimed Muhlenberg, the patriarch
of the Lutherans. On the 27th and 28th of December, fifteen hundred
militia under Mifflin followed Cadwalader into New Jersey, while the
Jerseymen gathered at Morristown and other points. In the face of this
feeling it was necessary that the offensive should be resumed, and on
the 30th Washington occupied Trenton. The service of the New England
troops expired on the first of the year; but through the efforts of
Robert Morris money was raised to offer bounties, which, with appeals
to their patriotism, induced them to remain six weeks longer with the
army.
As soon as Cornwallis heard of the surprise at Trenton, he gave up his
visit to England and hastily joined Grant at Brunswick. On the 30th,
with 8,000 men, he marched towards Trenton, with the determination of
driving Washington over the Delaware or capturing his entire force.
Washington immediately ordered Cadwalader and Mifflin to Trenton, and
sent forward a detachment under General Fermoy to retard the advance
of Cornwallis. On the night of January the 1st this detachment was at
Five Mile Run, between Trenton and Princeton. Early on the morning of
the 2d Cornwallis set out from Princeton, where he had halted the night
previous. The Americans retired before him, disputing every foot of
ground. Hand's riflemen, Scott's Virginians, and Forrest's battery bore
the brunt of the fighting. It was nearly noon by the time Shabbakong
Creek was reached, and two hours passed before the British succeeded in
crossing it. The main portion of the American army was strongly posted
on the south side of the Assanpink, the banks being sufficiently high
to enable the men in the rear to fire over the heads of those in front
of them. As the British approached Trenton, troops were sent forward by
Washington to support the Americans. A battery placed on a hill beyond
Trenton held the British in check for a short time, but the Americans
were soon driven into the town and across the bridge. The cannonading
on both sides was heavy, but the British were unable to force their
way across the stream, and as night approached Cornwallis, against the
advice of his officers, withdrew his troops, determined to renew the
conflict in the morning. "If ever there was a crisis in the affairs of
the Revolution", wrote Wilkinson, "this was the moment. Thirty minutes
would have sufficed to have brought the two armies into contact, and
thirty minutes more would have decided the combat." Washington's
position was indeed critical. It was hardly possible that with his
raw levies he could continue to hold in check the well-disciplined
troops of Cornwallis, which in the morning would be reinforced with
troops he had left at Maidenhead and Princeton. The Delaware behind
Washington was full of floating ice, and to cross it in that condition
was impossible. If Cornwallis should force the Americans' position,
the victory of the British would be decisive. Immediately after dark a
council of war was held. It was then decided to turn the left flank of
the enemy, strike a blow at Princeton, where the garrison was small,
and march on Brunswick, the depository of the British stores. The
sentries of both armies were posted along the banks of the Assanpink,
and at some points were within one hundred and fifty yards of each
other. Working parties were sent within hearing distance of the enemy
to throw up intrenchments, the guards were doubled, and everything was
done to indicate that Washington intended to defend his position to
the last. But at midnight the fires were replenished and the troops
silently withdrawn. Marching by the Quaker road, Washington turned the
left flank of Cornwallis, and by daybreak reached a point directly
south of Princeton. With the main body he moved directly on the town,
and ordered a detachment under Mercer to march to the left and demolish
the bridge over Stony Brook, thus destroying direct communication with
Cornwallis. The garrison at Princeton consisted of the 17th, 40th,
and 55th regiments and three companies of light horse. The 17th and
55th, with a few dragoons, started at sunrise on the morning of the
3d to join Cornwallis. The 17th, under Colonel Mawhood, had crossed
the bridge over Stony Brook, that Mercer was to destroy, and was some
distance beyond it, when Mawhood discovered Mercer on his flank and
rear, moving north on the east side of the stream. He at once recrossed
the bridge, and both parties endeavored to gain the high ground east of
the stream. As the Americans had the shortest distance to march, they
were successful, and with their rifles they poured a deadly fire into
the 17th and 55th, as they advanced to drive them from their position.
They had no bayonets, however, and were unable to stand the charge of
the British. They fled through an orchard in their rear, leaving their
commander mortally wounded on the ground. It was not until Mawhood
emerged from the orchard that he was aware that the whole American army
was within supporting distance of the troops he had just engaged. On
hearing the firing on his left, Washington halted his column, and with
the Pennsylvania militia moved to the support of Mercer. Encouraged
by the irresolution of the militia, Mawhood charged them, but other
regiments coming up and the militia gaining confidence, the British
halted, and then fled, as the Americans in turn advanced against them.
The 55th retreated to Princeton and joined the 40th. They made a mere
show of defending the town, took refuge in the college building,
deserted it, and were soon seen in full retreat across the Millstone
towards Brunswick. Washington's troops had been under arms for over
eighteen hours, and were too much fatigued to follow them. Having
dispersed the 17th regiment, he destroyed the bridge over Stony Brook
and Millstone as the head of Cornwallis's rear-guard came in sight. It
was commanded by Leslie, who had marched from Maidenhead as soon as he
heard the firing in his rear. Washington turned north at Kingston, and
proceeded to Somerset Court-House, where he rested his men. Cornwallis
was not aware that the Americans had been withdrawn from his front
until he heard the sound of the guns at Princeton. Realizing at once
that he had been outgeneralled, and that his stores were in danger, he
ordered a retreat. Failing to reach Princeton in time to be of service,
he continued his march to Brunswick, and made no attempt to follow
Washington. The losses of the British in these engagements were severe;
those on the 2d of January were never known. At Princeton, Washington
estimated that one hundred men were left dead upon the field, and that
the killed, wounded, and prisoners amounted to five hundred. Ensign
Inman, of the 17th, wrote that of the two hundred and twenty-four rank
and file of his regiment, which set out on the morning of the 3d, one
hundred and one were either killed or wounded, and that he was the only
officer of the right wing not injured. The Americans lost only twenty
or thirty privates, but many officers. Bravely had they urged their
men on in the thickest of the fight. That Washington escaped seemed
a miracle to those who saw him lead the troops which drove Mawhood
back. Hazlet, Morris, Neal, and Shippin fell upon the field. Mercer,
mortally wounded, died upon the 12th, lamented by the whole country.
From Somerset Court-House Washington marched to Morristown, where he
went into winter-quarters. The British troops were soon all withdrawn
to Amboy and Brunswick. In less than three weeks Washington had turned
back the tide of adversity, and had compelled his opponents to evacuate
West Jersey.
Washington remained at Morristown from the 7th of January until the
28th of May, during which time no military movement of importance took
place. His men left for their homes as soon as their terms of service
expired, and as few militia entered the camp to take their places, at
times it seemed as if the army would be so reduced as to be unworthy
of the name. It was not until late in the spring that the new levies
reached headquarters. On the 28th of May the Americans marched to
Middlebrook, and took position behind the Raritan. On the 13th of
June Howe marched from Brunswick and extended his line to Somerset
Court-House, and Arnold was sent to Trenton to take measures to prevent
his crossing the Delaware. The militia turned out in a spirited manner,
and Howe did not care to advance in the face of the opposition they
could offer, with Washington on his flank. He endeavored to bring on a
general engagement with the latter, but Washington refused to leave the
strong position he occupied, and Howe retired to Amboy.
Early in April Howe had settled upon a campaign having for its object
the capture of Philadelphia. He determined to embark his troops
and transport them to the banks of the Delaware or Chesapeake, and
march directly on the city. With the object of reaching the fleet he
started to cross to Staten Island; but learning that Washington was at
Quibbletown, he recalled his men and proceeded to Westfield, hoping to
outflank him. But, as Washington retired, Howe was unsuccessful, and
finally passed over to Staten Island, totally evacuating New Jersey.
For over six weeks Washington was ignorant of Howe's intentions.
Supposing that he would endeavor to coöperate with Burgoyne, and
would sail up the Hudson, Washington moved his army to Ramapo, in New
York. On the 23d of July, after Howe's troops had been three weeks
on the vessels, the fleet sailed, shaping its course southwesterly.
Its departure was promptly reported to Congress. Signal fires were
lighted along the Jersey coast as it was seen from time to time by
those who were watching for it, and messengers carried inland the news
of its progress. At last, on the 30th, it was spoken off the capes of
Delaware, but Lord Howe deemed it too hazardous to sail up that river,
and after consulting with his brother, the general, continued on his
course southward. On the 15th of August he entered Chesapeake Bay, and
on the 25th the troops were landed at Elk Ferry.
On the 24th of July Washington heard that the fleet had sailed
southward, and in consequence marched his army from Ramapo to Coryell's
Ferry. He continued his march to Philadelphia, when he learned that
the fleet was off the capes of Delaware; but as it was soon lost sight
of, he retraced his steps, and halted in Bucks County, Pennsylvania,
twenty miles from Philadelphia. While there, Lafayette, De Kalb, and
Pulaski joined the army.
[Illustration: LORD HOWE.
From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, ii. p. 96. Cf. cut
in _European Mag._, ii. 432. There is a colossal statue of Howe, by
Flaxman, in St. Paul's, London.]
For a while everything was in suspense. Concluding at last that Howe
had sailed for Charleston, Washington consulted with his officers, and
decided to return to the Hudson, so that Burgoyne could be opposed or
New York attacked, as circumstances should direct. He was just about
to do this when word was brought that the fleet had entered Chesapeake
Bay, and was at least two hundred miles from the capes. This news
created great consternation in Philadelphia, but the excitement was not
as great as it had been the previous winter, when Howe was at Trenton.
Repeated alarms had made the people callous, and internal political
differences continued to divide them. Besides this, the pacific
influence which the presence of a large Quaker population exercised
seemed to bear down all military efforts. Stirring appeals were made
by the authorities, new bodies of militia were ordered to be raised,
handbills calculated to arouse the people were issued, but all with
unsatisfactory results. To impress the lukewarm with the strength of
his forces, and to inspire hopes in the breasts of the patriotic, on
the 24th of August Washington marched his army through the streets of
Philadelphia. The men were poorly armed and clothed, and to give them
some uniformity they wore sprigs of green in their hats.
The Americans halted south of Wilmington, and a picked corps under
Maxwell was thrown to the front. The country below was patrolled by
parties of Delaware militia under Rodney, and Washington reconnoitred
it in person. The disembarkation of Howe's army on the 25th was
watched by a few militia, who fled when a landing was effected. Howe's
men were in good health, but hundreds of his horses had died on the
voyage, and those that survived were little better than carrion. His
advance, therefore, was slow. He moved in two columns, one on each
side of Elk River. Several days were spent in collecting horses, and
on the 3d of September the columns joined at Aitken's tavern. Here a
severe skirmish took place with Maxwell's corps, which was driven back.
Washington's force then lay behind Red Clay Creek, his left resting
on Christiana Creek, and extending in the direction of Newport. On the
8th the British advanced as if to attack the American left, but by
night Washington learned that the greater part of Howe's army was at
Milltown, on his right. Fearing that Howe would push past him in that
direction, cross the Brandywine, and gain the road to Philadelphia,
Washington, on the evening of the 8th, quietly withdrew his troops from
Red Clay Creek, and threw them in front of Howe, at Chad's Ford, on the
Brandywine. A redoubt, commanded by Proctor, was thrown up on the east
bank to protect the crossing. Wayne's division, formerly Lincoln's, was
within supporting distance, and Greene's, still further to the rear,
was to act as a reserve. The Pennsylvania militia, under Armstrong,
formed the left wing. They were posted at the fords below Chad's, which
were easily protected. The right wing was commanded by Sullivan. It was
composed of his own division and those of Stirling and Stephen. Both
Washington and Sullivan were unacquainted with the country to their
right, and supposed that, when they guarded the fords three miles above
where Sullivan was stationed, the enemy could not approach from that
direction without their receiving timely notice.
The British marched from Milltown to Kennett Square. On the morning
of the 11th, Knyphausen with 7,000 men took the direct road to Chad's
Ford. He skirmished with Maxwell, who had crossed the stream to meet
him, and drove him back over the Brandywine. At daybreak on the same
day, another column, 7,000 strong, set out from Kennett Square. It was
commanded by Cornwallis, and Howe accompanied it in person. It took
a road leading north to a point above the forks of the Brandywine,
turned to the east, crossed the west branch at Trimble's Ford and the
east at Jeffrey's, and then moved south. The plan was that Knyphausen
should engage the attention of the Americans in front until Cornwallis
had gained a position to attack their right. In this Knyphausen was
successful, his attempts to cross the Brandywine at Chad's Ford being
only feints.
About noon Washington heard of Cornwallis's march. He promptly
determined to cross the stream and engage Knyphausen, while Cornwallis
was too far distant to reinforce him or threaten the American right.
Wayne, Greene, and Sullivan's divisions were ordered to advance. Greene
had gained the west bank when word was received from Sullivan that a
Major Spear had assured him that there must be some mistake. He had
that morning passed over the road Cornwallis was said to be on, and
had seen nothing of him. Fearing that Cornwallis's march was only a
feint, and that he had returned and rejoined Knyphausen, Washington
ordered Greene back and sent scouts out for additional information.
By two o'clock it was obtained. Cornwallis was discovered on the
road to Dilworth, and would soon be in the rear of the Americans.
Stirling and Stephen were deployed on the hill southwest of Birmingham
Meeting-House, and Sullivan's division was ordered to join them.
Before it could reach its position Cornwallis began the attack. As he
attempted to turn the American right, Sullivan endeavored to move his
three divisions to the east. His own division had been formed in line
half a mile from those of Stirling and Stephen, and in closing the gap
it fell into confusion and was routed. With the divisions of Stirling
and Stephen, Sullivan made every effort to hold the position; but he
was outnumbered, his left flank was uncovered, and his entire command
was finally driven in confusion from the field. Sullivan, Stirling,
and Conway had encouraged their men with exhibitions of personal
bravery, and Lafayette, who acted as a volunteer, was wounded while
endeavoring to rally some fugitives. When Washington heard the firing
in the direction of Birmingham he rode thither with the utmost speed.
Meeting the fugitives, he ordered Greene to support the right wing. The
order was executed with wonderful promptness. Greene, throwing Weedon's
brigade on the flank of the enemy and Muhlenberg's in their front,
checked the pursuit. But the Americans were obliged to fall back until
they came to a narrow defile, flanked on both sides by woods, from
which the British could not drive them, and night ended the conflict.
When Knyphausen learned that Cornwallis was engaged he pushed across
the stream at Chad's Ford, but Wayne, Maxwell, and Proctor held him
in check until they found that the right wing had been defeated, when
they retired in good order, fighting as they fell back towards Chester.
There at night the defeated army gathered, and Washington reported to
Congress that, notwithstanding the misfortunes of the day, his troops
were in good spirits.
The American loss was about one thousand, killed, wounded, and
prisoners; that of the British, five hundred and seventy-nine. That
the conduct of the Americans inspired their opponents with respect is
shown by the language of Sir William Howe in summarizing the opposition
he had met with up to this time. "They fought the king's army", he
wrote, "on Long Island; they sustained the attack at Fort Washington;
they stood the battle at Brandywine: and our loss upon those occasions,
though by no means equal to theirs, was not inconsiderable."
The day after the battle Washington marched from Chester to
Philadelphia. He rested his army two days at Germantown, and then
recrossed the Schuylkill; public opinion demanding that another battle
should be risked before the city should be given up. On the 16th the
two armies met on the high ground south of Chester Valley and prepared
for action. The skirmishing had actually begun, when a violent storm
stopped the engagement by ruining the ammunition of both armies.
Washington withdrew to the hills north of the valley, and finding it
impossible to repair the damage done by the storm, retreated again
over the Schuylkill, leaving Wayne behind him to watch the enemy and
attack their rear should they attempt to follow. Wayne was to have
been reinforced by detachments under Smallwood and Gist, which did not
reach him. When the British moved nearer to the Lancaster road, Wayne
took position in their rear. He supposed that they were ignorant of his
presence, and wrote to Washington to that effect. But on the night of
the 20th he was attacked by a strong detachment under Major-General
Grey, and although he had taken measures to guard against a surprise,
the onslaught was so sudden that his men, who were sleeping on their
arms, were unable to make an effective resistance, and about one
hundred and fifty were either killed or wounded by the bayonet.
[Illustration: GENERAL GREY.
From Doyle's _Official Baronage_, ii. 76. There is a print in the
_European Mag._, Oct., 1797, and in Murray's _Impartial Hist._, vol.
ii. p. 433.]
Howe on the 21st resumed his march towards Philadelphia. Finding that
the Americans had thrown up intrenchments at Swedes Ford, he turned
up the river as if to cross above. Washington feared that it was his
intention to strike at Reading, where his stores were deposited, and to
protect them marched in the same direction on the opposite side of the
river. When he reached Potts Grove, now Pottstown, he discovered that
Howe, by a retrograde movement on the night of the 22d, had crossed at
Fatland and Gordon's fords, and was in full march for Philadelphia.
On the day of the battle of Brandywine the citizens of Philadelphia
heard the sound of cannon in the west, and gathered in the streets
to discuss and wonder what the future would bring forth. At night
a messenger arrived with news of the disaster. Everything was in
confusion, and when, on the morning of the 19th, about one o'clock, a
letter was received from Colonel Hamilton stating that the British were
marching on the city, the members of Congress were aroused from their
beds, and departed in haste for Lancaster, where they had agreed to
meet should their removal from Philadelphia become necessary.
[Illustration: GENERAL HOWE.
From Murray's _Impartial Hist. of the present War_, i. 280.]
"It was a beautiful still moonlight night, and the streets as full of
men, women, and children as on a market day." The alarm was premature,
but on the 25th Howe's army encamped at Germantown. Through Thomas
Willing, a leading citizen of Philadelphia, the inhabitants were
promised by Sir William Howe that if they should remain peaceably
in their dwellings they would not be molested. The next morning,
Cornwallis, with three thousand men, took possession of the city.
The troops marched down Second Street to the music of "God save the
King", and were greeted by some of the inhabitants with "acclamations
of joy", but the people generally "appeared sad and serious." Howe
immediately began to throw up a line of intrenchments north of the
city, extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, and informed his
brother, the admiral, who was in Delaware Bay, that the army was in
possession of the city. The defences of the river prevented the fleet
from approaching, and the day after the occupation an attempt was made
by the American flotilla to cannonade the city. The smaller vessels
were driven off before they had done serious damage, but the frigate
"Delaware" ran aground and was captured.
[Illustration: ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
After a crayon in the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania. There is a picture in
Independence Hall. Ceracchi's bust is given in stipple in Delaplaine's
_Repository_ (1815).
For view of "The Grange", Hamilton's home, see Valentine's _N. Y.
Manual_, 1858, p. 468; Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of America_; Lossing's
_Hudson_, 275.—ED.]
The main portion of Howe's army remained at Germantown, a village of
a single street, two miles in length, and five from the city. In the
centre stood the market-house, and along the road which there crosses
the main street Howe's army was encamped. The left under Knyphausen
reached to the Schuylkill, the right under Grant and Mathews to the
York road. At the upper end of the town stood the large stone mansion
of Benjamin Chew, late chief justice of the province, and in a field
opposite the 40th Regiment under Colonel Musgrave was encamped. The
advance was a mile beyond at Mount Pleasant, where the second battalion
of light infantry was stationed, with their pickets thrown out at Mount
Airy still further on. After Howe crossed the Schuylkill, Washington
marched to Pennybacker's Mills, and thence to Metutchen Hills, fifteen
miles from Philadelphia. He had been reinforced by McDougall's brigade
and other troops; and learning that Howe had detached a portion of his
command to reduce the forts on the Delaware, he determined to attack
him at Germantown. His plan was to engage the troops at Mount Pleasant
with a portion of his army, while a large force under Greene should
move down the Lime Kiln road, which enters the town from the east at
the market-house, and attack Grant and Mathews. At the same time the
Pennsylvania and Jersey militia were to make demonstrations on the
enemy's left and right flanks respectively.
[Illustration: ANTHONY WAYNE.
From the _New York Magazine_, March, 1797, following a picture by
Trumbull, now at New Haven. Other engravings are in the _National
Portrait Gallery_ (N. Y., 1834); Irving's _Washington_, quarto ed.,
vol. iii.; in Jones's _Georgia_, vol. ii., engraved by H. B. Hall;
Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 177. It has been engraved by I. B. Forrest,
J. F. E. Prud'homme, and others. A portrait by Henry Elonis is engraved
by Geo. Grahame. A likeness, front face, without hat, is in the _Mag.
of Amer. History_, Feb., 1886, and _History of Chester County_ by Futhy
and Cope. Cf. _Penna. Archives_, vol. x., and the sketch by J. W. De
Peyster, and a new portrait in _United Service_, March, 1886, p. 304.
A view of Wayne's house is given in Egle's _Pennsylvania_, p. 540;
Lossing's _Field-Book_, ii. 373; _Harper's Mag._, April, 1880.—ED.]
Washington moved from his quarters on the evening of October 3d.
Sullivan commanded the troops that were to attack the enemy in front,
and was followed by the reserve under Stirling, which Washington
accompanied. Sullivan arrived at Chestnut Hill on the morning of the
4th at sunrise, and halted two hours to allow Greene to gain his
ground, that the attacks might be made at the same time. Captain Allen
McLane's company and a portion of Conway's brigade were then ordered
to advance. They drove the guard at Mount Airy back on the light
infantry, and held them in check while Sullivan formed his line.
Wayne's division was on the east of the road, Sullivan's on the west.
The whole under Sullivan then moved forward, driving the light infantry
before them. A thick fog enveloped everything, and the men could not
see forty yards in front of them. But Wayne's men dashed on, calling
to each other to remember Paoli and crying for vengeance. The light
infantry were reinforced by the 40th Regiment under Musgrave. Just
then Howe rode up, calling out: "For shame, light infantry! I never
saw you retreat before." But he found the attack was general, and rode
back to the main line. Down the main street and past Chew's house
Sullivan and Wayne pursued the flying troops. But here the rout of
the British was checked by Agnew, who hastened forward with a portion
of the left wing. As the reserve passed Chew's house they were fired
upon by six companies of the 40th that had taken refuge there with
their commander Musgrave. Stirling endeavored to dislodge them, but
the effort was futile. Lieutenant-Colonel John Laurens and Major Louis
Fleury daringly attempted to fire the house, but were unsuccessful.
While this was going on, Greene made his attack on the right wing. His
march had taken half an hour longer than anticipated, while he still
met the enemy sooner than planned, as their first battalion of light
infantry had been moved forward the night before on the Lime Kiln
road. Greene attempted to advance in line of battle, but his line was
thrown into confusion. He drove a portion of the troops back to the
market-house, but when he encountered Grant he was obliged to retire,
and a part of his command was captured. Woodford's brigade wandered so
far from Greene's right as to reach the rear of Chew's house. It was
then directly behind Wayne's division, and when the brigade fired on
the house Wayne's men retired, as they supposed the enemy were in their
rear. This uncovered Sullivan's flank, and he too was obliged to fall
back. The British pursued until Whitemarsh was reached, where Wayne
checked them with a battery posted on the hill, near the church. The
Americans lost nearly eleven hundred killed, wounded, and prisoners;
the British, five hundred and twenty-one. The American General Nash, of
North Carolina, and the British General Agnew were mortally wounded.
While the Americans were defeated in their object, the moral results of
the battle were in their favor. It inspired them with confidence, and
showed the world that though driven from the field of Brandywine they
were still aggressive.
It was now evident to Howe that he must open communication with New
York by water, or his army would be in a state of siege. His attention
was therefore turned to the defences of the Delaware which were held by
the Americans. The most formidable of these was Fort Mifflin, situated
on an island in the river a short distance below the mouth of the
Schuylkill. Opposite this, at Red Bank, on the Jersey shore, was Fort
Mercer, while four or five miles below, at Billingsport, was another
fortification. Opposite these points _chevaux-de-frise_ were sunk in
the channel, which were protected by the batteries and by a fleet of
small vessels, known as the Pennsylvania navy, commanded by Commodore
John Hazelwood. Besides these, there were several larger vessels which
had been built by order of Congress.
On the 19th of October Howe withdrew his troops from Germantown and
encamped them behind his lines of intrenchments on the north side of
the city. Before this he had erected batteries to attack Fort Mifflin.
He now sent a body of men, under Colonel Stirling, over the river from
Chester to capture the fort at Billingsport. The garrison there was not
sufficient for the defence of the fort, and as the British approached
they evacuated the post. By the 21st Admiral Howe succeeded in passing
the lower _chevaux-de-frise_, and his vessels sailed up the river to a
point nearly opposite Fort Mifflin. On the same day three battalions
of Hessians, with artillery, crossed into Jersey from Philadelphia
to attack Fort Mercer. They arrived before the fort on the afternoon
of the 22d. It was commanded by Colonel Christopher Greene, of Rhode
Island, who had with him but six hundred men. The fortifications were
unfinished, but a strong redoubt, with an abatis, had been constructed.
Donop summoned the garrison to surrender, and upon receiving a refusal
formed his regiments for the attack. They rushed upon the embankments
and passed the abandoned lines with little opposition. But when they
charged the redoubt, they were met with a fire that nearly filled the
ditches with killed and wounded. Most of the men retired in confusion,
and those who attempted to scale the works were beaten back in a
hand-to-hand conflict. It was intended that the fleet should coöperate
with Donop; that the "Vigilant", with sixteen 24-pounders, should
pass to the west of Fort Mifflin, while other vessels should engage
Hazelwood and prevent his offering assistance to Greene. The plan
failed, however, at all points. The "Vigilant" could not sail up the
west channel, and Hazelwood was more than a match for the vessels sent
against him. He drove them back, while some of his boats sailed close
to the shore and poured an effective fire into the flank of Donop's
column. It was in vain that Donop and his officers re-formed the men
and led them back to the attack. They were shot down in scores as
they attempted to remove the abatis, and in three quarters of an hour
from the time the engagement opened the men withdrew for the last
time, leaving Donop behind them, mortally wounded. He died three days
afterwards, "finishing", to use his own words, "a noble career early."
His command had numbered about twenty-five hundred men, one sixth of
whom were either killed or wounded. The Americans had but fourteen
killed and twenty-three wounded. Two of the vessels which had been
sent against Hazelwood, the "Augusta" and the "Merlin", ran aground,
and were discovered in that position by the Americans on the 22d. They
were at once attacked, and the magazine of the "Augusta" exploded
with terrific force. She had been set on fire either by accident or
by a shot from the American batteries, and blew up before all of her
crew could be removed. It was found impossible to save the "Merlin",
and she was fired by her officers and destroyed.
[Illustration: THE DESTRUCTION OF THE AUGUSTA.
After a painting in gallery of the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania, said
to have been painted by a French officer. Cf. Wallace's _Col. Wm.
Bradford_.]
Taught caution by these reverses, Howe made no further effort to
capture the forts until he had succeeded in erecting a number of
batteries on the Pennsylvania shore within range of Fort Mifflin. On
the 10th of November these were opened with serious result to the
Americans. The reply from the fort was spirited, and the damage done to
it in daytime was repaired during the night. On the first day, Colonel
Samuel Smith, of Maryland, who commanded the garrison, was wounded,
and was taken to Red Bank. The second in command, Lieutenant-Colonel
Russell, was relieved, on account of ill-health, by Major Simeon
Thayer, of Rhode Island, and the defence of the fort was continued.
On the 15th the "Vigilant", carrying sixteen 24-pounders, and a hulk
with three guns of the same capacity, succeeded in passing up the
west channel and taking the fort in the rear, while other vessels
engaged the fleet. The fort by this time was little more than a mass
of ruins. The ammunition was nearly exhausted. Major Fleury, the
engineer of the fort, and Major Talbot were wounded; nearly all the
guns were dismounted, and whenever the men appeared on the platforms
they were picked off by sharpshooters in the shrouds of the vessels.
During the night of the 15th the garrison was removed to Red Bank, as
preparations were being made to storm the place the next day, and on
the morning of the 16th the British took possession of the place. The
gallant defence of this fort by about three hundred men called forth
commendations from all sides. Swords were voted to Hazelwood and Smith
by Congress, while Fleury and Thayer were promoted. Fort Mercer was
now the only water-defence held by the Americans. With the object of
capturing it, on the 18th Cornwallis marched to Chester and crossed to
Billingsport. Greene was sent to oppose him, and crossed the Delaware
at Bristol; but before he could render any assistance to Varnum, who
commanded the troops on the Jersey side of the river, that officer was
obliged to retire before Cornwallis and abandon Fort Mercer, which the
British now destroyed. Lafayette, who was with Greene, made a spirited
attack on a body of Hessians encamped near Gloucester, for which he
gained considerable credit. The majority of the small vessels of the
Pennsylvania navy succeeded in passing up the river by the batteries
that Howe had erected at Philadelphia, but the larger ones, together
with nearly all those built by Congress, were destroyed.
A few days after the fall of Fort Mifflin the British transports made
their way up to Philadelphia, and to some extent relieved the distress
that the scarcity of provisions occasioned. About the end of October
Washington removed his headquarters to Whitemarsh, and on November 24th
reconnoitred the enemy's lines with a view to attack them. A majority
of his officers, however, opposed the plan. It was soon evident that
Sir William Howe was about to resume the offensive, and Greene was
recalled from Jersey. On the evening of December 4th, Howe, with nearly
all his army, marched out of Philadelphia with the avowed intention of
driving Washington over the mountains. His advance-guard arrived at
Chestnut Hill about daylight the next morning. General James Irvine
with the Pennsylvania militia met them at the foot of the hill, and,
after a sharp skirmish, the militia fled, leaving Irvine wounded in the
hands of the British. When Howe arrived in front of Washington's lines
he found them so strong that he did not dare to attack them, and after
spending four days in endeavoring to gain a position that would compel
Washington to attack him, he suddenly gave up the design and returned
to the city.
[Illustration]
As the season was advancing, and the Americans were in no condition to
keep the field, it was decided to go into winter-quarters at Valley
Forge, on the west side of the Schuylkill, where the Valley Creek
empties into the river. The surrounding hills were covered with woods
and presented an inhospitable appearance. The choice was severely
criticised, and De Kalb described it as a wilderness. But the position
was central and easily defended. The army arrived there about the
middle of December, and the erection of huts began. They were built
of logs, and were fourteen by fifteen feet each. The windows were
covered with oiled paper, and the openings between the logs were
closed with clay. The huts were arranged in streets, giving the place
the appearance of a city. It was the first of the year, however,
before they were occupied, and previous to that the suffering of the
army had become great. Although the weather was intensely cold the
men were obliged to work at the buildings, with nothing to support
life but flour mixed with water, which they baked into cakes at the
open fires. "My brigade's out of provisions, nor can the commissary
obtain any meat", wrote Huntington on the 22d of December. "Three
days successively we have been destitute of bread", said Varnum the
same day, "and two days we have been entirely without meat." Soap,
vinegar, and other articles necessary for the health of the men were
never furnished, and so imperfectly did the clothier-general perform
his duties that many of the men were without shirts, and hundreds were
confined to the hospitals and farm-houses for want of shoes. Blankets
and proper coverings were so scarce that numbers, after toiling
during the day, were obliged to sit by the fires all night to keep
from freezing. By the 23d of December two thousand eight hundred and
ninety-eight men were unfit for duty, because they were barefoot and
otherwise naked. The horses died of starvation by hundreds, and the
men were obliged to haul their own provisions and firewood. As straw
could not be found to protect the men from the cold ground, sickness
spread through their quarters with fearful rapidity. "The unfortunate
soldiers", wrote Lafayette, in after-years, "were in want of
everything; they had neither coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes; their feet
and their legs froze till they became black, and it was often necessary
to amputate them.... The army frequently remained whole days without
provisions, and the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers
was a miracle which each moment served to renew." At times, however,
it seemed as if the forbearance of the men was exhausted, and that the
war would end in mutiny. But the officers succeeded in allaying the
feelings of discontent, and under the management of Greene, who assumed
the duties of quarter-master-general on the 23d of March, a change for
the better took place.
While the country around Valley Forge was so impoverished by the
military operations of the previous summer as to make it impossible
for it to support the army, the sufferings of the latter were chiefly
owing to the inefficiency of Congress. That body met at Lancaster
after leaving Philadelphia, and at once adjourned to York, where its
sessions were continued. But it in no way equalled the congresses which
had preceded it. "The Continental Congress and the currency", wrote
Gouverneur Morris in 1778, "have greatly depreciated." Many of the
members entertained the widespread fear of a standing army, and refused
to follow the advice given by Washington for the relief of the men
who defended them. Some of the delegates, indeed, did not hesitate to
criticise the judgment of Washington, and question his abilities. The
capture of Burgoyne gave them an opportunity of comparing the results
of the Northern and Southern campaigns. In writing of Washington's
army a member of Congress said to Gates: "We have had a noble army
melted down by ill-judged marches, which disgrace their authors and
directors, and which have occasioned the severest and most just sarcasm
and contempt of our enemies. How much you are to be envied, my dear
general! How different your conduct and your fortune! In short, this
army will be totally lost unless you come down and collect the virtuous
band, who wish to fight under your banner, and with their aid save
the southern hemisphere. Congress must send for you." "I am weary",
exclaimed John Adams, "with so much insipidity." "I am sick of Fabian
systems in all quarters." It was a matter for thanksgiving, he thought,
that the credit of defending the Delaware was "not immediately due to
the commander-in-chief nor to Southern troops. If it had been, idolatry
and adulation would have been unbounded." The prevalence of these
sentiments made it easy for disappointed soldiers like Mifflin and
Conway to spread dissensions which, if they had been allowed to grow,
would have brought about the removal of Washington. Mifflin's eloquence
and abilities as a politician far exceeded his merits in the field; and
he was jealous of the preference shown by Washington for Greene and
Knox. Conway aspired to a major-generalship, and was chagrined that
Washington opposed him. If Washington had been removed and Lee or Gates
appointed in his place, Mifflin and Conway would have been benefited
by the change. The schemes of the last two were warmly supported by
James Lovell and Dr. Benjamin Rush, and the most insidious measures
were entered upon to undermine the reputation of Washington. Anonymous
letters were circulated for this purpose, and the country was made to
ring with the cry that, under a Gates, a Lee, or a Conway, the Southern
army would be victorious. Through the influence of this faction, Gates
was made president of the Board of War, of which Mifflin was a member,
and authority which belonged to the commander-in-chief was vested in
it. To separate Lafayette from Washington, and gain for themselves the
influence of his name, the "Cabal", as it has been called, proposed
an impracticable winter campaign against Canada, which Lafayette was
to command, with Conway to assist him. But here the faction spent
its strength. The friends of Washington had been put on their guard
by the disclosure of a correspondence which showed the malignity of
his enemies. Wilkinson, who was on Gates's staff, repeated, while his
tongue was loosened with wine, an opinion expressed in a letter that
Conway had written to Gates. Gates read it to his military family.
"Heaven has been determined to save your country", it said, "or a weak
general and bad counsellors would have ruined it." The words reached
Washington, who enclosed them to Conway, simply informing him that he
understood they formed a portion of a letter of his to Gates. It was
in vain that the members of the Cabal attempted at first to carry the
matter through with a high hand, then to deny that such a letter had
ever been written, and finally to excuse themselves. Their ends were
discovered and their power was gone. Lafayette would have nothing to
do with the Canadian expedition unless De Kalb was made his second
in command. He repaired to Albany only to find that no measures had
been taken to carry out the promises made him, and as the friends of
Washington were soon in the ascendency in Congress, Lafayette was
recalled to Valley Forge.
Through the advice of a committee which Congress had sent to camp to
inquire into the condition of the army, many defects and abuses were
corrected, and its organization was improved. The new troops that had
been called for came in slowly, but their effectiveness was increased
through the exertion of Baron Steuben, who joined the army about the
close of February. A pupil of Frederick the Great, and a distinguished
officer in the Prussian service, he won the esteem of Congress by
offering to serve as a volunteer. His experience and industry soon
instilled a discipline into the army which it had never known, and
in May he was made inspector-general, with the rank and pay of a
major-general.
* * * * *
While the American army was suffering at Valley Forge the British were
comfortably quartered in Philadelphia. When they first entered the
city it presented a sorry appearance: 590 dwellings and 240 stores
were unoccupied; the leaden spouts of many houses had been taken
down to mould into bullets, and the bells of the churches and public
buildings had been removed to places of safety. The male population
between the ages of eighteen and sixty numbered but 5,335, and of
these one fifth were Quakers. The feelings of the Quaker citizens had
been greatly outraged by the arrest and banishment to the western
part of Virginia of a number of their people. Sullivan had discovered
on his march through New Jersey what he believed to be a treasonable
correspondence on their part with the enemy, and he had forwarded the
papers to Congress. The matter had been referred to the authorities
of Pennsylvania, who found in the correspondence, and in an address
issued by the Quaker meeting in December, the grounds for sending
the Quaker leaders into exile. It was but natural that the families
of these men should have looked upon the British as their deliverers
from an outrageous tyranny. But they soon found to their sorrow that
their opposition to war afforded them as little protection from one
side as from the other. The property destroyed by the British was
enormous, and a revulsion of feeling was the consequence. At one time
seventeen handsome houses beyond the lines were set on fire to prevent
their being occupied by the American pickets. Persons living in the
neighborhood of the city were robbed by both parties, and their crops
carried off or destroyed. The temptation to sell their produce for
hard money induced some of the neighboring farmers to supply the enemy
with luxuries, though they found access to the city hazardous. The
Americans under Smallwood guarded the roads leading to Wilmington,
while Generals Potter and Lacy scoured the country west and north of
the city. Captains Allen McLane, Clark, and Lee watched the movements
of the enemy and reported them to Washington, but they could not oppose
the large forces that Howe frequently sent out to protect those who
were willing to risk furnishing him with provisions.
[Illustration:
NOTE.—The play-bill on the opposite page is after a fac-simile given
in Smith's _Amer. Hist. and Lit. Curios._, 2d series. A list of such
bills printed in Philadelphia at this time is given in Hildeburn's
_Issues of the Press in Penna._, ii. pp. 315, 316.]
The desolation which surrounded the town was soon in striking contrast
with the scenes within. The empty stores were occupied by itinerant
traders from New York, who offered for sale articles of luxury that
the war had driven from the American market. The officers of the army
were quartered on the citizens, and after the campaign closed they gave
themselves up to social enjoyments. Clubs met at the public-houses, and
weekly balls were given at the City Tavern. As many of the officers
were men of education and refinement, they were warmly welcomed in
the families of leading citizens; but there was another class who did
much to change the moral aspect of the city, when, by following the
loose example of their commander, Sir William Howe, they shocked the
staid citizens with their immorality. Cock-fighting and gambling were
favorite amusements, and a faro-table kept by a foreigner proved the
ruin of many young officers. The theatre on South Street was fitted up
under directions of Captains André and De Lancey. Some of the scenes
were painted by André. The profits of the performances were divided
among the widows and orphans of the soldiers. As spring approached,
horse-racing was added to the list of amusements. While citizens of
wealth could take part in the gaieties which surrounded them, those
in moderate circumstances suffered privations. Firewood was extremely
scarce and provisions high. "Nothing but hard money will pass", wrote a
resident to a relative outside of the lines. "There is plenty of goods,
but little money among the tradespeople. The market is poor. I received
the butter by J——; we are no longer accustomed to eat butter on our
bread. I keep it to make water soup, which we have nearly every day."
The army of occupation, on the other hand, was plentifully supplied
with military stores after the defences on the Delaware were captured.
Martial law ruled supreme. The appointment of Joseph Galloway to be
superintendent of police and the designation of magistrates under him
were the only steps taken towards the revival of civil authority, and
Galloway received his orders from headquarters.
The supineness of Howe robbed the British of all the benefits that
might have resulted from the capture of Philadelphia. Attempts were
made to raise regiments of loyalists, but so little support did the
scheme receive that it was only partially successful. The "Pennsylvania
Loyalists", of which William Allen, Jr., was colonel, and the "Queen's
Rangers", commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Simcoe, were the most
efficient of these corps. No attempt was made to drive Washington's
half-starved forces from their camp, although their condition was
perfectly well known to Howe through the deserters that flocked to
the city. The military movements of Howe while in Philadelphia were
confined to foraging expeditions and attacks on isolated posts that
could be surprised and broken up with little danger of loss. While
these were successful, they gave to the war a predatory character that
reflected little credit on British arms, and intensified the bitterness
entertained for all representatives of royal authority.
The British government, dissatisfied with the results of Howe's
campaigns, decided early in 1778 upon his recall. Sir Henry Clinton,
his successor, arrived in Philadelphia the 8th of May, and on the 18th
an entertainment was given by the officers of the army in honor of the
retiring commander. The fête was styled the "Mischianza", and consisted
of a regatta, a mock tournament, and a ball. But "Knights of the
Burning Mountain" and of the "Blended Rose", with squires and ladies
decked with spangles and ribbons, could not disguise the fact that the
royal army had failed in accomplishing the task assigned to it, and
the chagrin of its veterans was deepened by the frivolous scenes which
marked the retirement of Sir William Howe.
The alliance with France made it necessary for the British to contract
their operations, and Sir Henry Clinton brought with him orders to
evacuate Philadelphia. His intention of doing so became known to
Washington, and that his information might be more certain he ordered
Lafayette, with a body of two thousand four hundred men, the flower of
the army, to cross the Schuylkill and take a position near the city.
This movement was made on the very day of the Mischianza, and on the
morning of the 19th Howe learned that Lafayette was at Barren Hill,
twelve miles distant. Clinton had not yet assumed command, and in the
hope of closing his career in America by a brilliant stroke, Howe
determined to make an effort to capture the young Frenchman and his
detachment. So confident was he of doing this, that, before leaving the
city, he invited his friends to meet Lafayette, whom he promised to
bring with him on his return, while his brother, the admiral, prepared
a vessel in which to take the distinguished captive to England. On
the night of the 19th Grant, with five thousand men, marched by way
of Frankford and Oxford, and by morning he had gained a point on
the Swedes Ford road two miles in the rear of Lafayette. Another
detachment, under Grey, was sent by way of Chestnut Hill to attack
Lafayette's flank; while the main portion of the army, under Howe,
took the Ridge road, to attack him in front. Lafayette's position was
on high ground, and was naturally strong. Neither Grey nor Howe could
approach him without his being aware of their advance. In his rear were
two roads. One led along the riverside to Matson's Ford, three miles
distant; the other along a ridge, a short distance from the river, to
Swedes Ford, still higher up. The ground between the roads was heavily
wooded. Had Grant, who held the Swedes Ford road, sent a portion of
his force to Matson's Ford (which he could have done by a cross-road),
Lafayette's only line of retreat would have been destroyed. But in
place of doing this he marched down the Swedes Ford road to attack the
American rear. Through the carelessness of his scouts, Lafayette was
ignorant of Grant's position. He was preparing his force to receive
Howe, when he heard of the column advancing from Chestnut Hill. He had
just faced a portion of his troops in that direction when he learned
that Grant was in his rear. Lafayette's danger was now apparent, but
he was equal to the occasion. Without losing a moment, he sent troops
through the woods, with orders to allow themselves to be seen at times
by Grant, and lead him to suppose that they were the advance-guards of
larger numbers. He also left a small body to engage the attention of
Howe and Grey, and then silently marched his detachment along the river
road, below Grant, to Matson's Ford. Grant was entirely deceived. He
halted his men, reconnoitred the troops seen in the woods, and then
pushed on to Barren Hill, where he met the other columns and discovered
that Lafayette had escaped. The British pursued him to the ford, but by
the time they reached it Lafayette had drawn up his force on the other
side, and his rear-guard could be seen following him, dotting the river
like the corks of a seine. Fearing that Lafayette had been reinforced
by the entire American army, Howe made no attempt to follow him, but
returned to the city, and on the 24th sailed for England.
The evacuation of Philadelphia was now only a question of time, and the
news that it had been decided upon was appalling to the Tory citizens
who had openly committed themselves to the royal side. In their despair
they offered to raise three thousand men, if two thousand of the royal
army could be left in addition, to protect the city. Howe had advised
some of them to make terms with Congress, but those who had been most
active in serving him decided to leave with the army. One hundred and
eighty transports arrived in the Delaware, and such diligence was
used in loading them that for days light carts drawn by soldiers, and
every kind of carriage, from wagons to wheelbarrows, were constantly
rolling between the houses and the river. As fast as the transports
received their cargoes they dropped down the river. The defences were
dismantled. On the 30th of May bodies of troops were thrown across
the Delaware to protect the passage of the army. Everything was now
ready for the departure of the British, but the final movement was
delayed for a few days on account of the arrival of the commissioners
appointed under the conciliatory bills of Parliament. At last, on the
morning of June 18th, the men were withdrawn from the lines and marched
below the city, where they were embarked upon boats and taken over to
Gloucester. This was done so quietly that many of the citizens were not
aware of the departure of the army until they noticed the absence of
the redcoats in the streets. "They did not go away", wrote a resident,
"they vanished."
By narrowly watching the movements of the enemy Washington was
convinced that it was Clinton's intention to march the greater part of
his army across Jersey. In this opinion he was opposed by the erratic
Charles Lee, who had been exchanged, and had reached the camp. Lee
could not believe that the British would give up Pennsylvania, and
argued that it was more probable that they would strike at Lancaster,
or possibly cross the lower Susquehanna and take up a position on its
west bank. Before this, however, Washington had sent all of the Jersey
troops into that State. He had put them under the command of Maxwell,
with directions to coöperate with Dickinson, who commanded the militia,
in opposing any attempt Clinton should make to cross the State. On
the 18th of June George Roberts rode at full speed into camp at Valley
Forge. He had been at the ferry over the Schuylkill at Market Street,
and citizens on the Philadelphia side had shouted over the water that
the British had gone. They had destroyed the bridge, so that he was
unable to cross, but the intelligence could be relied upon. Shortly
afterwards a letter was received from Captain Allen McLane confirming
the news. He had ridden into the city from the north, and had picked up
some stragglers.
Washington had everything in readiness to move the army at a moment's
notice. Six brigades were immediately put in motion, and the remainder
of the army followed the next day. Crossing the Schuylkill at Valley
Forge, Washington marched directly for Coryell's Ferry on the Delaware,
which he crossed on the 22d. He now sent a picked corps under Morgan
to assist Maxwell. At Hopewell a council of war was held. Lee opposed
any attack, and argued that, on military grounds, rather than delay
the British, he would build a bridge of gold to facilitate their
march. He so successfully urged his views that it was decided to
move on a line parallel with the enemy, and send only a detachment
of fifteen hundred men under Scott to aid Maxwell in annoying their
flanks. Greene, Lafayette, and Wayne protested against the decision
of the Council, and as their views agreed with Washington's, and
were supported by Steuben and Du Portail, Washington determined to
attack Clinton if an opportunity offered. For this purpose he moved
his army to Kingston, whence he could strike at Clinton's line if he
attempted to cross the Raritan. He also sent Wayne with a thousand men
and Poor's detachment to join Scott and Maxwell. The command of this
body belonged to Lee, but as he did not approve of the change in the
plans, he declined it in favor of Lafayette. Subsequently, however, Lee
claimed it, and to relieve Washington from an embarrassing position,
and save Lee's feelings, Lafayette magnanimously yielded. The Jersey
militia had turned out in a spirited manner, and under Dickinson and
Forman were doing all in their power to retard Clinton's advance. They
destroyed the bridges as they retired from Haddonfield to Mount Holly,
and filled up the wells so that the enemy could not obtain water. The
heat was intense and the British suffered severely. Clinton arrived at
Crosswicks on the 23d, just in time to save a bridge over the creek at
that place. There he learned that Washington was in Jersey, and would
soon be on his flank if he continued to march in his present direction.
Encumbered as he was with a baggage train twelve miles long, Clinton
knew it would be impossible to protect it in crossing the Raritan. He
determined, therefore, to march by the way of Freehold to the Neversink
Hills, from which place he could embark his army for New York. Morgan
and Maxwell hung on his rear from the time he left Crosswicks, and to
protect his baggage Clinton sent it to the head of the column. As he
approached Freehold, he knew from the frequency with which troops were
seen on his left that he was in close proximity to the American army.
He arrived at Freehold, where the court-house of Monmouth County is
situated, on the morning of the 26th, and there encamped. The head of
his column extended a mile and a half beyond the court-house on the
road to Middletown. His left was on the road just marched over from
Crosswicks to Freehold. The village was entered on the west by a road
leading to Cranberry. It passed over low ground that was intersected
by several swamps and ravines, which, with woods, completely covered
the left of Clinton's line. The American army reached Cranberry,
eight miles from Freehold, on the morning of the 26th. On account of
a violent storm it was obliged to halt there, but the advance under
Lee was within five miles of the enemy. When Washington heard of
Clinton's position he ordered Lee to prepare a plan to attack him as
soon as he resumed his march, unless it should prove that there were
strong reasons for his not doing so. On the evening of the 27th Lee
called his officers together only to tell them that no plan could be
decided upon until the field was reached. At sunrise on the morning
of the 28th, Knyphausen, with the baggage, began his march towards
Middletown. At eight o'clock he was followed by the rest of the army.
Scarcely had the rear-guard moved from its ground when it was fired
upon by the militia under Dickinson. The militia were forced to retire,
and as they did so were met by Lee's detachment as it advanced from
Englishtown. On account of conflicting information the Americans halted
for a short time, and then engaged the enemy and drove them towards
their retreating columns. As matters were growing serious, Clinton
reinforced his rear-guard, and the fighting promised to become general.
But Lee had no faith in the ability of the Americans to cope with the
British, and as the latter occupied strong ground he withdrew his men.
From the time Clinton began his march across Jersey, Lee had contended
that all the Americans could hope to do was to fall upon some isolated
party of the enemy and either rout or capture it. To effect this he
endeavored to draw the rear-guard of the British across the ravines
intersecting the low ground west of Freehold, and while they were thus
separated from the main body to defeat them. But his men could not
understand his strategy. As they were withdrawn from one position after
another they lost heart. It seemed to them that they were flying from
a shadow, and so frequently were they ordered back that the retreat
became rapid and confused. When Washington heard that Dickinson had
engaged the enemy he again sent word to Lee to attack them also, unless
there were powerful reasons for the contrary, and he would support him
with the entire army. The day was excessively hot, and the men threw
off their knapsacks that they might march more quickly. As they came to
the church which stands between Englishtown and Freehold, stragglers
were met who told them that Lee was retreating. Unwilling to believe
the story, Washington spurred to the front to learn the truth. After
passing the ravine which borders the low ground we have spoken of,
on the west, he met Lee and his men in full retreat. A stormy scene
ensued. Overwhelmed by the indignation which Washington manifested,
Lee vainly endeavored to excuse his conduct. Little time, however, was
lost in wasting words. Calling upon Colonels Stewart and Ramsey, who
were near him with their regiments, to check the enemy, then but two
hundred yards distant, Washington crossed the ravine in his rear, and
formed his men as they came up on its western bank. Greene was placed
on the right and Stirling on the left, while Wayne remained east of
the ravine in front of Greene. In this position a severe engagement
took place. Encouraged by the retreat of Lee, Clinton sent additional
reinforcements to his rear, and vainly strove to drive Washington from
his chosen ground. A battery under the Chevalier de Mauduit Duplessis,
planted on an elevation on Greene's right, kept up an effective fire
on the enemy's left, while Wayne repelled a desperate charge led by
Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, in which that officer fell at the head of
his men. Night ended the conflict, and both parties slept on the ground
which they had occupied. At midnight Clinton withdrew his troops, and,
leaving his dead unburied, resumed his march to Middletown. He retired
so silently that Poor, who lay close to his right, was not aware of the
movement, and on the morning of the 29th the Americans found themselves
alone on the field. By daybreak Clinton was on too strong ground to be
attacked, and after resting his men a few days Washington marched to
the North River, and Clinton embarked for New York.
The battle of Monmouth, as the conflict at Freehold was called, was the
last general engagement fought on Northern soil. The Americans had 229
killed and wounded, the British over 400. Besides this, the latter lost
many by desertion on their march, and numbers fell from the effects of
the heat, which registered ninety-six degrees on the day of the battle.
Lee's conduct would probably have passed unnoticed had he not, in a
letter to Washington, endeavored to defend himself, while he demanded
the grounds which called forth the remarks addressed to him on the
battlefield. The letter was written in a highly improper spirit, and
the result was a court-martial, that found Lee guilty of disobedience
of orders, misbehavior before the enemy, and disrespect of the
commander-in-chief. For these reasons he was suspended from command
for twelve months, and before he was again ordered to service he was
dismissed from the army for having written an impertinent letter to
Congress.
Before leaving Valley Forge, Washington directed General Arnold, who
had not fully recovered from the wounds received at Saratoga, to
proceed to Philadelphia and take military command of the city. The
duties assigned him were of a delicate nature. Congress had ordered
that when the Americans took possession of the city no goods should
be sold or removed until their ownership had been decided upon by a
properly constituted commission. The object of this was to secure for
the army such goods as the British and Tories might have abandoned or
parted with at nominal prices to their friends. In his instructions to
Arnold, Washington had referred him to the resolutions of Congress for
his guidance, and had urged him to take every step in his power to
preserve tranquillity and give security to individuals of every class
until the restoration of civil power. Arnold arrived on the morning of
the 19th of June, and with the approbation of several of the principal
citizens issued a proclamation that closed the stores and suspended
business. It also commanded the citizens to make returns to the town
major of goods in their possession, beyond those needed for family
use, that the purchasing agents of the army might contract for those
they required. The temptation to benefit himself by the power he now
exercised was greater than Arnold could withstand, and three days after
he issued his first proclamation he entered into an agreement with the
clothier-general of the army and another individual, that all goods
purchased for the public and found to be superfluous should be charged
to them and sold for their joint account. It soon became noised about
that Arnold was personally interested in the purchases ostensibly
made for the government, and although the secret of the agreement was
preserved until after his treason, the knowledge of his speculations
in Montreal gave such a color of truth to the rumor that the community
were greatly dissatisfied: besides, he took up his abode in a spacious
mansion on Market Street, formerly the residence of Governor Penn,
which Howe had just vacated, and entered upon a style of living far
beyond his means.
When the exiled Whigs returned to their homes they found the city in
a filthy condition, and its surroundings a scene of desolation. The
houses in the built-up portions of the city were not much injured,
but many of them had been stripped of their furniture, and the papers
were filled with advertisements of missing articles which the owners
hoped to recover. The Supreme Executive Council resumed its sessions
in Philadelphia on the 26th of June. Its patriotic president, Thomas
Wharton, Jr., had died at Lancaster the month previous, and it was
presided over by the vice-president, George Bryan. The Congress
assembled more slowly. On the 2d of July a few delegates gathered in
the State House, and two days afterwards celebrated the anniversary
of Independence at the City Tavern; but it was not until the 7th that
a sufficient number were present to conduct business. On the 12th,
Gérard, the French ambassador, arrived. Until a suitable residence
could be found for him he was the guest of Arnold. Congress received
and entertained him on the 6th of August. No opportunity was lost of
honoring the new ally. On the birthday of Louis XVI. the president
and members of Congress called upon his ambassador and offered their
congratulations, and on the 25th were in turn entertained by Gérard.
In the midst of their rejoicings the Whigs did not forget the Tories,
whom they looked upon as promoters of their sufferings. Many of them
had been attainted of treason while the government was at Lancaster,
but the most obnoxious had gone off with the British. Such as remained
were summoned before the authorities, and so great was the clamor
against them that several were executed for aiding the enemy. The
new Constitution had been put into effect, but it was opposed by a
number of conscientious Whigs, and its administration was largely
in the hands of new men, who did not command universal respect.
The depreciation of the currency had also a demoralizing effect.
Speculation ran wild, and the greatest extravagance prevailed. The
prices of all kinds of commodities rose to enormous figures, and the
attempts of Congress to regulate them by law and fix the value of the
currency only served to increase the evil. The community was soon
divided into two classes. The Anti-Constitutionalists and the Tories
formed one party; the supporters of the new government the other.
The latter zealously advocated all the measures of Congress, and,
classing their opponents under the one head of "Tories", accused them
of being the authors of all the difficulties that embarrassed the
government; it was through their efforts that traitors were allowed to
go unpunished, and the necessaries of life locked up so that higher
prices could be wrung from the people. "Party disputes and personal
quarrels", wrote Washington from Philadelphia, in December, "are the
great business of the day; whilst the momentous concerns of an empire,
a great and accumulating debt, ruined finances, depreciated money, and
want of credit ... are but secondary considerations." "Our money", he
continued, "is now sinking fifty per cent. a day in this city; and yet
an assembly, a concert, a dinner, or a supper, that will cost three or
four hundred pounds, will not only take men off from acting in this
business, but even from thinking of it."
It was in a community thus rent by faction and passion that Arnold
commanded. The early restoration of civil power limited his authority,
but his arrogance soon brought him in conflict with the new government.
Unable to brook the restraint it put upon him, he joined its opponents,
and was soon the centre of a gay and fashionable circle that gladly
added so distinguished a soldier to their number. Arnold at that time
was a widower, in his thirty-eighth year. He was of a susceptible
nature, and before long fell in love with Miss Peggy Shippen, the
daughter of Edward Shippen, a leading lawyer of character and
position, whose political opinions caused him to be numbered among
the disaffected. In this company the temptations to spend money were
not easily resisted, and Arnold soon yielded to them. He gave elegant
entertainments, and lived ostentatiously, if not extravagantly. He was
soon involved in debt, and in the hopes of extracting himself entered
into questionable speculations. His quarrel with the state authorities
became more bitter, and in February, 1779, the Council published a
series of charges which were referred to Congress. The committee who
considered them failed to find Arnold guilty of any intentional wrong,
and on the 19th of March he resigned the command of Philadelphia, and
on the 8th of April was married to Miss Shippen. The Pennsylvania
authorities were dissatisfied with the action of the committee of
Congress, and succeeded in having the case reconsidered. After
considerable delay, it was determined that the whole matter should be
referred to a court-martial, to be appointed by the commander-in-chief.
The court met in December, and the following month found Arnold guilty
of two of the charges that had been preferred against him. The most
serious one, that of speculating in goods bought for the public while
the stores were closed, was not sustained for want of evidence, which
was not discovered until after his treason. The acts he was found
guilty of were indiscretions rather than crimes; and for these he was
sentenced to be reprimanded by the commander-in-chief.
EDITORIAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
DURING the movements of Washington to check the British in their
attempts to secure New York, what Congress called a flying camp was
formed of some militia in Jersey, under Mercer, to impede the enemy's
advance in case he turned towards Philadelphia.[888]
In Nov., 1776, Washington, crossing into New Jersey,[889] left Lee in
command on the New York side, but Washington, at first requesting,
afterwards instructed Lee to follow him (Sparks's _Washington_, iv.
168, 186-7, 193; 5 Force, iii. 779; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, 1872, p.
267). Lee's secret purpose was to find some excuse for delaying, and so
to prolong his independent command, with a chance of making a brilliant
stroke. He endeavored at first to quiet Washington's importunities by
detaching a part of Heath's force at Peekskill, but Heath would take
orders only from Washington (_Memoirs_).[890] Finally Lee was moved to
follow (Dec. 2d and 3d), and while crossing Jersey "to reconquer it" he
was surprised at his transient quarters, Dec. 13, 1776, and captured.
Captain Bradford, Lee's aid, gave Stiles the account which is entered
in his diary (Johnston's _Campaign of 1776, Docs._, p. 146, and _N. E.
Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1860, p. 33).[891]
[Illustration: (From the _Gentleman's Magazine_.)]
We have abundant evidence of the consternation which ensued in
Philadelphia upon the advance of the British to Trenton.[892] The
political condition of the government of the colony was very unstable.
The colonial charter, under the instigation of Congress (May 10, 1776),
had been overthrown by a convention called in the interests of the
patriot party, which in July had met to frame a new constitution.[893]
This, however, upon its adoption, failed of being effective, by its
opponents' obstructive movements to prevent the organization of an
executive council, so that in the interim the supreme power, such as it
was, resided in a Council of Safety, which was hampered in its control
of the militia. Such was the conjunction when fear of an invasion
came, and the Quaker element was passive under the alarm, and, indeed,
antagonistic to measures of resistance.[894]
[Illustration: JOS. REED.
From Du Simitière's _Thirteen Portraits_ (Lond., 1783). Cf. also _Heads
of illustrious Americans_ (London, 1783). A likeness by C. W. Peale,
engraved by Sartain, is in W. B. Reed's _Life of Jos. Reed_, vol. i. A
copy of the original painting is in the Hist. Society of Penna. There
is also the profile likeness in _2 Penna. Archives_, xi.; Scharf and
Westcott's _Philadelphia_, i. 279. There is a painting in Independence
Hall by C. W. Peale, which differs from that engraved by Sartain.]
The Jersey campaign in general can be followed in original authorities
in Sparks's _Washington_, vol. iv.; Force's _5 Amer. Archives_, iii.;
in Joseph Reed's "Narrative of the movements of the American army in
the neighborhood of Trenton in the winter of 1776-1777", which, having
been used in Reed's _Reed_, i. ch. 14, is printed in the _Penna. Mag.
of Hist._, Dec., 1884, p. 391; the account by Congress,—not very
correct,—dated Baltimore, Jan. 9, 1777, and sent to France (Lee's _R.
H. Lee_, and E. E. Hale's _Franklin in France_, 97); and the current
reports sent from Boston, Feb. 27, by Bowdoin to Franklin (Hale, p.
110.)[895]
The principal British contemporary accounts are in Stedman, _Annual
Register_, Howe's _Narrative_, the evidence of Cornwallis in the
_Detail and Conduct of the War_, and _Letter to a Nobleman_, 1779.
[Illustration: CHARLES LEE.
From _An Impartial Hist. of the War in America_, Lond., 1780, p. 319,
where the print represents his full length. Compare with this a print
by Thomlinson, published in London, Oct. 31, 1755, with cannon and
a flag bearing the motto "Appeal to Heaven", which is reproduced in
Smith's _British Mezzotint Portraits_, and the engraving by G. R. Hall
in Moore's _Treason of Charles Lee_, and in the quarto edition of
Irving's _Washington_. There is a German print in the _Geschichte der
Kriege in und ausser Europa_ (Nürnberg, 1778).
Dr. Moore considers the only picture of Lee which "bears any
evidence of authenticity, or answers to the descriptions given by
his contemporary friends and biographers", to be one drawn by Barham
Rushbrooke at the time of Lee's return from Poland, and showing him
dressed in the uniform of an aid of King Stanislaus. It was first
engraved in 1813 in Dr. Thomas Gridlestone's treatise to prove that
Lee was Junius, and that writer said of it that, "though designed as a
caricature, it was allowed, by all who knew General Lee, to be the only
successful delineation of his countenance or person." It is familiar in
prints, representing his extremely attenuated figure in profile, with
a small dog in front of him. It is given in Moore's _Treason of Lee_;
Gay's _Pop. Hist. U. S._, iii. 460; in Scull's _Evelyns in America_ (p.
295,—also see p. 196); and in K. M. Rowland's "Virginia Cavaliers" in
the _Southern Bivouac_, April, 1886.
There are views of Lee's house in Virginia in J. E. Cooke's "Historic
houses in the Shenandoah", in _Appleton's Journal_, p. 69, July 19,
1873, and in Mrs. Lamb's _Homes of America_.
The principal sources of Lee's history are: Edward Langworthy's
_Memoirs of the Life of the late Charles Lee, to which are added his
Political and Military Essays_ (London, 1792; Dublin, 1792; New York,
1792, 1793). It was reproduced as _Life and Memoirs of Maj.-Gen.
Charles Lee_ (N. Y., 1795, 1813), as _Political and Military Essays,
with Memoirs_, etc., 2d ed., with App. (London, 1797), and with new
title as _Anecdotes of the late Charles Lee, Esq._ (London, 1797). Cf.
Sparks's _Life of Charles Lee_ (1846); Moore's _Treason of Lee_; the
_Papers of Charles Lee_, published by the N. Y. Hist. Soc. in their
collections; Irving's _Washington_, i. 377; Fonblanque's _Burgoyne_,
160; Jones's _N. Y. during the Rev._, ii. ch. 23; John Bernard's
_Retrospections of America_ (1887), p. 96.]
The story is also told in local monographs,[896] and by the general
historians.[897]
On the temporary clothing of Washington with dictatorial powers, see
the Circular of Congress (Dec. 28th), explaining why it was done
(_Journals_, i. 585). Cf. also Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 550; Greene's
_Greene_, i. 292; Thacher's _Military Journal_, 74; Wells's _Sam.
Adams_, ii. 458, and the adverse views of Abraham Clark in _N. Jersey
Rev. Corresp._, p. 68.
The purpose of some sudden stroke on Washington's part is well
indicated.[898] The advance of Griffin with militia was opportune in
drawing Donop forward to Mount Holly, so that he was too distant to
support Rahl at Trenton.
On the attack on Trenton there is special record from the Washington
papers in Sparks (iv. 242, 246, 541), Dawson, i. 20 (to Congress),
_Mass. Soc. Hist. Col._, xliv. 32 (to Heath, and Heath's letter in
_N. H. State Papers_, viii. 445). Others are in 5 Force, iii., a full
record of the battle. Congress wrote to the agents in France (_Diplom.
Corresp._, i. 246.)[899]
What is known as the Reed-Cadwalader controversy, hinging upon the
alleged weakness or defection of Joseph Reed at this time, is more
particularly examined in another place.
On the English side we have Howe's despatch in Dawson (i. 202) Tryon to
Germain in _N. Y. Col. Doc._ (viii. 694). The effect of the battle in
England to discourage the expatriated loyalists is told in Hutchinson's
_Diary_, ii. 139. Stedman accuses Howe of bad judgment in placing
so unfit a man in command as Rahl. Adolphus (ii. 385), On "private
information" supposed to have been Arnold's, says that Arnold suggested
to Washington the movement, and Mahon (vi. 130) has followed Adolphus.
[Illustration: TRENTON, PRINCETON, MONMOUTH.
From the map in Marshall's _Atlas_ to his _Washington_ (1804). Cf. also
Sparks's _Washington_, iv. 258; Guizot's _Atlas_ to his _Washington_.
The plans of Trenton and Princeton in Carrington (pp. 270, 302) vary
somewhat from the contemporary ones as to roads. The chief contemporary
English map of New Jersey is one based on the surveys of Bernard Ratzer
in 1769, which was published in London, Dec. 1, 1777, by William
Faden, and called _The Province of New Jersey, divided into East and
West, commonly called the Jerseys_ (32 × 23 inches). It was improved
from surveys by Gerard Banker. It was reissued in fac-simile by the
Geological Survey of New Jersey in 1877, and this fac-simile is in W.
S. Sharp's reprint of Smith's _New Jersey_, 1877. Another fac-simile
was published in 1884. A second edition of the original was published
in 1778, corrected by the British and Hessian engineers.
An American map of the campaign, by Erskine, is given in the
illustrated ed. of Irving's _Washington_, ii. 430. There are English
maps in the _Gent. Mag._, Sept., 1776, and in Stedman's _American War_.
Gordon gives a map (vol. ii. 525). Cf. Lossing's _Field-Book_, vol. ii.
We have Hessian maps of some of the movements preceding Howe's
evacuation of New Jersey in 1777, which are among the Faden MS.
maps in the library of Congress, and bear the name of Wangenheim, a
"lieutenant dans les chasseurs Hessois, 1777", namely: No. 75, "Plan
de l'affaire de Westfield et du camp de Raway, 1777, Jan. 26, 27." No.
76, "Plan de notre camp à New Brunswick, le 12^e Juin; notre marche le
14 à Middlebush; la situation du camp le 15^e Juin, et celle de Gen.
Washington à Boundbrook." No. 77, "Position de notre camp le 24 Juin,
1777, à Perth Amboy."]
[Illustration: TRENTON AND PRINCETON.
A section of a large map in the library of Congress, apparently of
Hessian origin, _Plan général des opérations de l'armée Britannique
contre les Rebelles_, etc. The broken lines represent roads. The
Americans are represented by blocks, half white and half black. The
British are solid black. KEY: "76, Marche du Général Cornwallis.
77, Marche du Général Knyphausen le 23 Juin, et son camp près de
Richardstown."]
[Illustration: FADEN'S MAP OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON.