Of those who were occupied the following were the proportions:--

Engaged in productive employments[42] 5,350,000

Engaged in non-productive employments 2,450,000

Of those who were engaged in productive employments, the proportion (in

round numbers) ran as follows:--

Men 3,785,000

Women 660,000

Boys and girls 905,000

Here, then, we find nearly one-fifth, or 20 per cent., of our producers

to be boys and girls, and upwards of 10 per cent. to be women. Such

was the state of things in 1841. In order to judge of the possible

and probable condition of the labour market of the country, if this

introduction of women and children into the ranks of the labourers be

persisted in, let us see what were the proportions of the 10,920,000

men, women, and children who ten years ago still remained unoccupied

among us. The ratio was as follows:--

Men 275,000

Women 3,570,000

Boys and girls 7,075,000

Here the unoccupied men are about 5 per cent. of the whole, the

children nearly two-thirds, and the wives about one-third. Now it

appears that out of say 19,000,000 people, 8,000,000 were, in 1841,

occupied, and by far the greater number, 11,000,000, unoccupied.

Who were the remaining eleven millions, and what were they doing? They,

of course, consisted principally of the unemployed wives and children

of the eight millions of people before specified, three millions and a

half of the number being females of twenty years of age and upwards,

and seven millions being children of both sexes under twenty. Of these

children, four millions, according to the “age abstract,” were under

ten years, so that we may fairly assume that, at the time of taking

the last census, _there were very nearly seven millions of wives and

children of a workable age still unoccupied_. Let us suppose, then,

that these seven millions of people are brought in competition with the

five million producers. What is to be the consequence? If the labour

market be overstocked at present with only five millions of people

working for the support of nineteen millions (I speak according to the

Census of 1841), what would it be if another seven millions were to be

dragged into it? And if wages are low now, and employment is precarious

on account of this, what will not both work and pay sink to when the

number is again increased, and the people clamouring for employment are

at least treble what they are at present? When the wife has been taught

to compete for work with the husband, and son and daughter to undersell

their own father, what will be the state of our labour market then?

* * * * *

But the labour of wives, and children, and apprentices, is not the

only means of glutting a particular trade with hands. There is another

system becoming every day more popular with our enterprising tradesmen,

and this is the _importation of foreign labourers_. In the cheap

tailoring this is made a regular practice. Cheap labour is regularly

imported, not only from Ireland (the wives of sweaters making visits

to the Emerald Isle for the express purpose), but small armies of

working tailors, ready to receive the lowest pittance, are continually

being shipped into this country. That this is no exaggeration let the

following statement prove:--

“I am a native of Pesth, having left Hungary about eight years ago.

By the custom of the country I was compelled to travel three years in

foreign parts, before I could settle in my native place. I went to

Paris, after travelling about in the different countries of Germany.

I stayed in Paris about two years. My father’s wish was that I should

visit England, and I came to London in June, 1847. I first worked for

a West end show shop--not _directly_ for them--but through the person

who is their middleman getting work done at what rates he could for the

firm, and obtaining the prices they allowed for making the garments.

I once worked four days and a half for him, finding my own trimmings,

&c., for 9_s._ For this my employer would receive 12_s._ 6_d._ He then

employed 190 hands; he _has_ employed 300. Many of those so employed

set their wives, children, and others to work, some employing as many

as five hands this way. The middleman keeps his carriage, and will give

fifty guineas for a horse. I became unable to work from a pain in my

back, from long sitting at my occupation. The doctor told me not to sit

much, and so, as a countryman of mine was doing the same, I employed

hands, making the best I could of their labour. I have now four young

women (all Irish girls) so employed. Last week one of them received

4_s._, another 4_s._ 2_d._, the other two 5_s._ each. They find their

board and lodging, but I find them a place to work in, a small room,

the rent of which I share with another tailor, who works on his own

account. There are not so many Jews come over from Hungary or Germany

as from Poland. The law of travelling three years brings over many,

but not more than it did. The revolutions have brought numbers this

year and last. They are Jew tailors flying from Russian and Prussian

Poland to avoid the conscription. I never knew any of these Jews go

back again. _There is a constant communication among the Jews, and

when their friends in Poland, and other places, learn they are safe in

England, and in work and out of trouble, they come over too. I worked

as a journeyman in Pesth, and got_ 2_s._ 6_d. a week, my board and

washing, and lodging, for my labour._ We lived well, everything being

so cheap. The Jews come in the greatest number about Easter. They try

to work their way here, most of them. Some save money here, but they

never go back; if they leave England it is to go to America.”

* * * * *

The labour market of a particular place, however, comes to be

overstocked with hands, not only from the introduction of an inordinate

number of apprentices and women and children into the trade, as well

as the importation of workmen from abroad, but the same effect is

produced by _the migration of country labourers to towns_. This,

as I have before said, is specially the case in the printer’s and

carpenter’s trades, where the cheap provincial work is executed chiefly

by apprentices, who, when their time is up, flock to the principal

towns, in the hopes of getting better wages than can be obtained in

the country, owing to the prevalence of the apprentice system of work

in those parts. The London carpenters suffer greatly from what are

called “improvers,” who come up to town to get perfected in their art,

and work for little or no wages. The work of some of the large houses

is executed mainly in this way; that of Mr. Myers was, for instance,

against whom the men lately struck.

But the unskilled labour of towns suffers far more than the skilled

from the above cause.

The employment of unskilled labourers in towns is being constantly

rendered more casual by the migrations from the country parts.

The peasants, owing to the insufficiency of their wages, and the

wretchedness of their dwellings and diet, in Wilts, Somerset, Dorset,

and elsewhere, leave their native places without regret, and swell

the sum of unskilled labour in towns. This is shown by the increase

of population far beyond the excess of births over deaths in those

counties where there are large manufacturing or commercial towns;

whilst in purely agricultural counties the increase of population

does not keep pace with the excess of births. “Thus in Lancashire,”

writes Mr. Thornton, in his work on Over-Population, “the increase of

the population in the ten years ending in 1841, was 330,210, and in

Cheshire, 60,919; whilst the excess of births was only 150,150 in the

former, and 28,000 in the latter. In particular towns the contrast

is still more striking. In Liverpool and Bristol the annual deaths

actually exceed the births, so that these towns are only saved from

depopulation by their rural recruits, yet the first increased the

number of its inhabitants in ten years by more than one-third, and

the other by more than one-sixth. In Manchester, the annual excess of

births could only have added 19,390 to the population between 1831

and 1841; the actual increase was 68,375. The number of emigrants

(immigrants) into Birmingham, during the same period, may, in the same

way, be estimated at 40,000; into Leeds, at 8000; into the metropolis,

at 130,000. On the other hand, in Dorset, Somerset, and Devon, the

actual addition to the population, in the same decennial period, was

only 15,491, 31,802, and 39,253 respectively; although the excess of

births over deaths in the same counties was about 20,000, 38,600, and

48,700.”

The unskilled labour market suffers, again, from the depression of

almost any branch of skilled labour; for whatever branch of labour be

depressed, and men so be deprived of a sufficiency of employment, one

especial result ensues--the unskilled labour market is glutted. The

skilled labourer, a tailor, for instance, may be driven to work for the

wretched pittance of an East end slop-tailor, but he cannot “turn his

hand” to any other description of skilled labour. He cannot say, “I

will make billiard-tables, or book-cases, or boots, or razors;” so that

there is no resource for him but in unskilled labour. The Spitalfields

weavers have often sought dock labour; the turners of the same

locality, whose bobbins were once in great demand by the silk-winders,

and for the fringes of upholsterers, have done the same; and in this

way the increase of casual labour increases the poverty of the poor,

and so tends directly to the increase of pauperism.

* * * * *

We have now seen what a vast number of surplus labourers may be

produced by an extension of time, rate, or mode of working, as well as

by the increase of the hands, by other means than by _the increase of

the people themselves_. If, however, we are increasing our workers at

a greater rate than we are increasing the means of work, the excess of

workmen must, of course, remain unemployed. But are we doing this?

Let us test the matter on the surest data. In the first instance let us

estimate the increase of population, both according to the calculations

of the late Mr. Rickman and the returns of the several censuses. The

first census, I may observe, was taken in 1801, and has been regularly

continued at intervals of ten years. The table first given refers to

the population of England and Wales:--

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