OF THE STREET-ORDERLIES.

This constitutes the last of the four varieties of labour employed in

the cleansing of the public thoroughfares of London. I have already

treated of the self-supporting manual labour, the self-supporting

machine labour, and the pauper labour, and now proceed to the

consideration of the philanthropic labour of the streets.

In the first place, let us understand clearly what is meant by

philanthropic labour, and how it is distinguished from pauper labour on

the one hand, and self-supporting labour on the other. Self-supporting

labour I take to be that form of work which returns not less, and

generally something more, than is expended upon it. Pauper labour,

on the other hand, is work to which the applicants for parish relief

are “set,” not with a view to the profit to be derived from it, but

partly as a test of their willingness to work, and partly as a means

of employing the unemployed; while philanthropic labour is employment

provided for the unemployed with the same disregard of profit as

distinguishes pauper labour, but with a greater regard for the poor,

and as a means of affording them relief in a less degrading manner

than is done under the present Poor Law. Pauper and philanthropic

labour, then, differ essentially from self-supporting labour in being

_non-profitable_ modes of employment; that is to say, they yield so

bare an equivalent for the sum expended upon the labourers, that

none, in the ordinary way of trade, can be found to provide the means

necessary for putting them into operation: while pauper labour differs

from philanthropic labour, in the fact that the funds requisite for

“setting the poor on work” are provided by law as a matter of social

policy, whereas, in the case of philanthropic labour, the funds,

or a part of them, are supplied by voluntary contributions, out of

a desire to improve the labourers’ condition. There are, then, two

distinguishing features in all philanthropic labour--the one is, that

it yields no profit (if it did it would become a matter of trade), and

the other, that it is instituted and maintained from a wish to benefit

the labourer.

[Illustration: STREET ORDERLIES.]

The Street-Orderly system forms part of the operations on behalf of

the poor adopted by a society, of which Mr. Charles Cochrane is the

president, entitled the “National Philanthropic Association,” which is

said to have for its object “the promotion of social and salutiferous

improvements, street cleanliness, and the employment of the poor, so

that able-bodied men may be prevented from burthening the parish-rate,

and preserved independent of workhouse, alms, and degradation.” Here a

twofold object is expressed: the Philanthropic Association seeks not

only to benefit the poor by giving them employment, and “preserving

them independent of workhouse, alms, and degradation,” but to benefit

the public likewise, by “promoting social and salutiferous improvements

and street cleanliness.” I shall deal with each of these objects

separately; but first let me declare, so as to remove all suspicion

of private feelings tending in any way to bias my judgment in this

most important matter, that I am an utter stranger to the President

and Council of the Philanthropic Association; and that, whatever I may

have to say on the subject of the street-orderlies, I do simply in

conformity with my duty to the public--to state truthfully all that

concerns the labourers and the poor of the metropolis.

_Viewed economically, philanthropic and pauper work may be said to be

the regulators of the minimum rate of wages_--establishing the lowest

point to which competition can possibly drive down the remuneration

for labour; for it is evident, that if the self-supporting labourer

cannot obtain greater comforts by the independent exercise of his

industry than the parish rates or private charity will afford him, he

will at once give over working for the trading employer, and declare

on the funds raised by assessment or voluntary subscription for his

support. Hence, those who wish well to the labourer, and who believe

that cheapness of commodities is desirable “only,” as Mr. Stewart

Mill says (p. 502, vol. ii.), “when the cause of it is, that their

production costs little labour, and not when occasioned by that

labour’s being ill-remunerated;” and who believe, moreover, that

the labourer is to be benefited solely by the cultivation of a high

standard of comfort among the people--to such, I say, it is evident,

that a poor law which reduces the relief to able-bodied labourers

to the smallest modicum of food consistent with the continuation of

life must be about the greatest curse that can possibly come upon

an over-populated country, admitting, as it does, of the reduction

of wages to so low a point of mere brutal existence as to induce

that recklessness and improvidence among the poor which is known to

give so strong an impetus to the increase of the people. A minimized

rate of parish relief is necessarily a minimized rate of wages, and

admits of the labourers’ pay being reduced, by pauper competition, to

little short of starvation; and such, doubtlessly, would have been

the case long ago in the scavaging trade by the employment of parish

labour, had not the Philanthropic Association instituted the system of

street-orderlies, and by the payment of a higher rate of wages than the

more grinding parishes afforded--by giving the men 12_s._ instead of

9_s._ or even 7_s._ a week--prevented the remuneration of the regular

hands being dragged down to an approximation to the parish level.

Hence, rightly viewed, philanthropic labour--and, indeed, pauper labour

too--comes under the head of a remedy for low wages, as preventing, if

properly regulated, the undue depreciation of industry from excessive

competition, and it is in this light that I shall now proceed to

consider it.

The several plans that have been propounded from time to time, as

remedies for an insufficient rate of remuneration for work, are as

multifarious as the circumstances influencing the three requisites

for production--labour, capital, and land. I will here run over as

briefly as possible--abstaining from the expression of all opinion on

the subject--the various schemes which have been proposed with this

object, so that the reader may come as prepared as possible to the

consideration of the matter.

The remedies for low wages may be arranged into two distinct groups,

viz., those which seek to increase the labourer’s rate of pay

_directly_, and those which seek to do so _indirectly_.

London Labour and the London Poor, Vol. 2 · 第 196 / 558 题