The whole matter seems to hinge upon this one question--

Who are to maintain the paupers? The ratepaying traders or the

non-ratepaying workmen?

If the paupers be set to work in a country like Great Britain, they

must necessarily be brought into competition with the self-supporting

workmen, and so be made to share the wage fund with them, decreasing

the price of labour in proportion to the extra number of such pauper

labourers among whom the capital of the trade has to be shared. Hence

the burden of maintaining the paupers will be virtually shifted from

the capitalist to the labourer, the poor-rate being thus really paid

out of the wages of the operatives, instead of the profits of the

traders, as it should be.

And here lies the great wrong of pauper labour. It saddles the poor

with the maintenance of their poorer brethren, while the rich not only

contribute nothing to their support, but are made still richer by the

increased cheapness resulting from the depreciation of labour and their

consequent ability to obtain a greater quantity of commodities for the

same amount of money.

In illustration of this argument let us say the wages of 600

independent scavagers amount, at 15_s._ a week each the year through,

to 23,400_l._ per annum; and let us say, moreover, that the keep of

400 paupers amounts, at 5_s._ a week each, to, altogether, 5200_l._;

hence the total annual expense to the several metropolitan parishes for

cleansing the streets and maintaining 400 paupers would be 23,400_l._ +

5200_l._ = 28,600_l._

If, however, the 400 paupers be set to scavaging work, and made to do

something for their keep, one of two things _must_ follow: (1) either

the 400 extra hands will receive their share of the 23,400_l._ devoted

to the payment of the operative scavagers, in which case the wages of

each of the regular hands will be reduced from 15_s._ to 9_s._ a week;

hence the maintenance of the paupers will be saddled upon the 600

independent operatives, who will lose no less than 9360_l._ per annum,

while the ratepayers will be saved the maintenance of the 400 paupers

and so gain 5200_l._ per annum by the change; (2) or else 400 of the

self-supporting operatives must be thrown out of work, in which case

the displaced labourers will lose no less than 15,600_l._, while the

ratepayers will gain upwards of 5000_l._

The reader is now, I believe, in a position to comprehend the wrong

done to the self-supporting scavagers by the employment of pauper

labour in the cleansing of the streets.

The preparation of the material of the roads of a parish seems, as far

as the metropolis is concerned, at one time to have supplied the chief

“test,” to which parishes have resorted, as regards the willingness

to labour on the part of the able-bodied applicants for relief. When

the casual wards of the workhouses were open for the reception of

all vagrants who sought a night’s shelter, each tramper was required

to break so many stones in the morning before receiving a certain

allowance of bread, soup, or what not for his breakfast; and he then

might be received again into the shelter of this casual asylum. In some

parishes the wards were open without the test of stone-breaking, and

there was a crowded resort to them, especially during the prevalence

of the famine in Ireland and the immigration of the Irish peasants to

England. The favourite resort of the vagrants was Marylebone workhouse,

and Irish immigrants very frequently presented slips of paper on

which some tramper whom they had met with on their way had written

“_Marylebone workhouse_,” as the best place at which they could apply,

and these the simple Irish offered as passports for admission!

Gradually, the asylum of these wards, with or without labour tests,

was discontinued, and in one where the labour test used to be strongly

insisted upon--in St. Pancras--a school for pauper children has been

erected on the site of the stone-yard.

This labour test was unequal when applied to all comers; for what

was easy work to an agricultural labourer, a railway excavator, a

quarryman, or to any one used to wield a hammer, was painful and

blistering to a starving tailor. Nor was the test enforced by the

overseers or regarded by the paupers as a proof of willingness to work,

but simply as a punishment for poverty, and as a means of deterring the

needy from applying for relief. To make labour a punishment, however,

is _not_ to destroy, but really to confirm, idle habits; it is to

give a deeper root to the vagrant’s settled aversion to work. “Well,

I always thought it was unpleasant,” the vagabond will say to himself

“_that_ working for one’s bread, and now I’m _convinced_ of it!” Again,

in many of the workhouses the labour to which the paupers were set was

of a manifestly unremunerative character, being work for mere work’s

sake; and to apply people to unproductive labour is to destroy all the

ordinary motives to toil--to take away the only stimulus to industry,

and remove the very will to work which the labour test was supposed to

discover[22].

The labour test, then, or setting the poor to work as a proof of

their willingness to labour, appears to be as foolish as it is

vicious; the objections to it being--(1) the inequality of the test

applied to different kinds of work-people; (2) the tendency of it to

confirm rather than weaken idle habits by making labour inordinately

repulsive; (3) the removal of the ordinary stimulus to industry by the

unproductiveness of the work to which the poor are generally applied.

And now, having dealt with the subject of parish labour as a test of

the willingness to work on the part of the applicants for relief, I

will proceed to deal with that portion of the work itself which is

connected with the cleansing of the streets.

And first as to the employment of paupers at all in the streets. If

pauperism be a disgrace, then it is unjust to turn a man into the

public thoroughfares, wearing the badge of beggary, to be pointed

at and scorned for his poverty, especially when we are growing so

particularly studious of our criminals that we make them wear masks

to prevent even their faces being seen[23]. Nor is it consistent with

the principles of an enlightened national morality that we should

force a body of honest men to labour upon the highways, branded with

a degrading garb, like convicts. Neither is it _wise_ to do so, for

the shame of poverty soon becomes deadened by the repeated exposure to

public scorn; and thus the occasional recipient of parish relief is

ultimately converted into the hardened and habitual pauper. “Once a

pauper always a pauper,” I was assured was the parish rule; and here

lies the _rationale_ of the fact. Not long ago this system of employing

_badged_ paupers to labour in the public thoroughfares was carried to

a much more offensive extent than it is even at present. At one time

the pauper labourers of a certain parish had the attention of every

passer-by attracted to them while at their work, for on the back of

each man’s garb--a sort of smock-frock--was marked, with sufficient

prominence, “CLERKENWELL. STOP IT!” This public intimation that the

labourers were not only paupers, but regarded as thieves, and expected

to purloin the parish dress they wore, attracted public attention, and

was severely commented upon at a meeting. The “STOP IT!” therefore was

cancelled, and the frocks are now _merely_ lettered “CLERKENWELL.”

Before the alteration the men very generally wore the garment inside

out.

The present dress of the parish scavagers is usually a loose

smock-frock, costing 1_s._ 6_d._ to 2_s._, and a glazed hat of about

the same price. In some cases, however, the men may wear these things

or not, at their option.

The pauper scavagers employed by the several metropolitan parishes may

be divided into three classes:--

1. The in-door paupers, who receive no wages whatever (their lodging,

food, and clothing being considered to be sufficient remuneration for

their labour).

2. The out-door paupers, who are paid partly in money and partly in

kind, and employed in some cases three days and in others six days in

the week.

These may be subdivided into--(_a_) the single men, who receive, or

rather used to receive, 9_d._ and a quartern loaf for each of the

three or more days they were so employed; (_b_) the married men with

families, who receive 7_s._ and 3 quartern loaves a week to 1_s._

1-1/2_d._ and 1 quartern loaf for each day’s labour.

3. The unemployed labourers of the district, who are set to scavaging

work by the parish, and paid a regular money wage--the employment

being constant, and the rate of remuneration ranging from 1_s._ 3_d._

to 2_s._ 6_d._ a day for each of the six days, or from 7_s._ 6_d._ to

15_s._ a week.

In pp. 246, 247, I give a table of the wages paid by each of the

metropolitan parishes. This has been collected at great trouble in

order to arrive at the truth on this most important matter, and for

which purpose the several parishes have been personally visited. It

will be seen on reference to this document, that there is only one

parish at present that employs its in-door paupers in the scavaging of

the public streets; and 3 parishes employing 48 out-door paupers, who

are paid partly in money and partly in bread; the money remuneration

ranging from 1_s._ 1-1/2_d._ a day (paid by Clerkenwell) to 7_s._

a week (paid by Chelsea), and moreover 31 parishes employing 408

applicants for relief (paupers they cannot be called), and paying them

wholly in money, the remuneration ranging from 15_s._ per week to 7_s._

6_d._ (paid by the Liberty of the Rolls), and the employment from 6

to 3 days weekly. As a general rule it was found that the greatest

complaints were made by the authorities as to the idleness of the poor,

and by the poor as to the tyranny of the authorities, in those parishes

where the remuneration was the least. In St. Luke’s, Chelsea, for

instance, where the remuneration is but 7_s._ a week and three loaves,

the criminations and recriminations by the parish functionaries and

the paupers were almost equally harsh and bitter. I should, however,

observe that the men employed in this parish spoke in terms of great

commendation of Mr. Pattison the surveyor, saying he always gave them

to understand that they were free labourers, and invariably treated

them as such. The men at work for Bermondsey parish also spoke very

highly of their superintendent, who, it seems, has interested himself

to obtain for them a foul-weather coat. Some of the highway boards or

trusts take all the pauper labourers sent them by the parish, while

others give employment only to such as please them. These boards

generally pay good wages, and are in favour with the men.

The mode of working, as regards the use of the implements and the

manual labour, is generally the same among the pauper scavagers as I

have described in connection with the scavagers generally.

The consideration of what is the rate of parish pay to the poor who

are employed as scavagers, is complicated by the different modes in

which the employment is carried out, for, as we see, there is--1st, the

scavaging labour, by workhouse inmates, without any payment beyond the

cost of maintenance and clothing; 2nd, the “short” or three-days-a-week

labour, with or without “relief” in the bestowal of bread; and 3rd, the

six days’ work weekly, with a money wage and no bread, nor anything in

the form of payment in kind or of “relief.”

Let me begin with the first system of labour above mentioned, viz.

the employment of the in-door paupers without wages of any kind,

their food, lodging, and clothing being considered as equivalents for

their work. The principal evil in connection with this form of parish

work is its compulsory character, the men regarding it not as so much

work given in exchange for such and such comforts, but as something

_exacted_ from them; and, to tell the truth, it is precisely the

counterpart of slavery, being equally deficient in all inducement to

toil, and consequently requiring almost the same system of compulsion

and supervision in order to keep the men at their labour. All interest

in the work is destroyed, there being no reward connected with it; and

consequently the same organized system of setting to work is required

as with cattle. There are but two inducements to voluntary action--pain

to be avoided or pleasure to be derived--or, in other words, the

attractiveness and repulsiveness of objects. Take away the pecuniary

attraction of labour, and men become mere beasts of burden, capable

of being set to work only by the dread of some punishment; hence the

system of parish labour, which has no reward directly connected with

it, must necessarily be tyrannical, and so tend to induce idleness and

a hatred of work altogether.

Of the different forms of pauper work, street-sweeping is, I am

inclined to believe, the most unpopular of all among the poor. The

scavaging is generally done in the workhouse dress, and that to all,

except the hardened paupers, and sometimes even to them, is highly

distasteful. Neither have such labourers, as I have said, the incentive

of that hope of the reward which, however diminutive, still tends to

sweeten the most repulsive labour. I am informed by an experienced

gangsman under a contractor, that it is notorious that the workhouse

hands are the least industrious scavagers in the streets. “They don’t

sweep as well,” he said, “and don’t go about it like regular men; they

take it quite easy.” It is often asserted that this labour of the

workhouse men is applied as a _test_; but this opinion seems rather to

bear on the past than the present.

One man thus employed gave me the following account. He was garrulous

but not communicative, as is frequently the case with men who love to

hear themselves talk, and are not very often able to command listeners.

He was healthy looking enough, but he told me he was, or had been

“delicate.” He querulously objected to be questioned about his youth,

or the reason of his being a pauper, but seemed to be abounding in

workhouse stories and workhouse grievances.

“Street-sweeping,” he said, “degrades a man, and if a man’s poor he

hasn’t no call to be degraded. Why can’t they set the thieves and

pickpockets to sweep? they could be watched easy enough; there’s

always idle fellers as reckons theirselves real gents, as can be got

for watching and sitch easy jobs, for they gets as much for them, as

three men’s paid for hard work in a week. I never was in a prison, but

I’ve heerd that people there is better fed and better cared for than

in workusses. What’s the meaning of that, sir, I’d like for to know?

You can’t tell me, but I can tell you. The workus is made as ugly as

it can be, that poor people may be got to leave it, and chance dying

in the street rather.” [Here the man indulged in a gabbled detail of a

series of pauper grievances which I had a difficulty in diverting or

interrupting. On my asking if the other paupers had the same opinion

as to street-sweeping as he had, he replied:--] “To be sure they has;

all them that has sense to have a ’pinion at all has; there’s not two

sides to it any how. No, I don’t want to be kept and do nothink. I want

_proper_ work. And by the rights of it I might as well be kept with

nothink to do as ---- or ----” [parish officials]. “Have they nothing

to do,” I asked? “Nothink, but to make mischief and get what ought to

go to the poor. It’s salaries and such like as swallers the rates, and

that’s what every poor family knows as knows anythink. Did I ever like

my work better? Certainly not. Do I take any pains with it? Well, where

would be the good? I can sweep well enough, when I please, but if I

could do more than the best man as ever Mr. Darke paid a pound a week

to, it wouldn’t be a bit better for me--not a bit, sir, I assure you.

We all takes it easy whenever we can, but the work _must_ be done. The

only good about it is that you get outside the house. It’s a change

that way certainly. But we work like horses and is treated like asses.”

[On my reminding him that he had just told me that they all took it

easy when they could, and _that_ rather often, he replied:] “Well,

don’t horses? But it ain’t much use talking, sir. It’s only them as has

been in workusses and in parish work as can understand all the ins and

outs of it.”

In giving the above and the following statements I have endeavoured to

elicit the _feelings_ of the several paupers whom I conversed with.

Poor, ignorant, or prejudiced men may easily be mistaken in their

opinions, or in what they may consider their “facts,” but if a clear

exposition of their sentiments be obtained, it is a guide to the

truth. I have, therefore, given the statement of the in-door pauper’s

opinions, querulously as they were delivered, as I believe them to be

the sentiments of those of his class who, as he said, had any opinion

at all.

It seems indeed, from all I could learn on the subject, that pauper

street-work, even at the best, is unwilling and slovenly work, pauper

workmen being the worst of all workmen. If the streets be swept clean,

it is because a dozen paupers are put to the labour of eight, nine,

or ten regular scavagers who are independent labourers, and who may

have some “pride of art,” or some desire to show their employers that

they are to be depended upon. This feeling does not actuate the pauper

workman, who thinks or knows that if he did evince a desire and a

perseverance to please, it would avail him little beyond the sneers and

ill-will of his mates; so that, even with a disposition to acquire the

good opinion of the authorities, there is this obstacle in his way, and

to most men who move in a circumscribed sphere it is a serious obstacle.

Of the second mode of pauper scavaging, viz., that performed by

out-door paupers, and paid for partly in money and partly in kind,

I heard from officials connected with pauper management very strong

condemnations, as being full of mischievous and degrading tendencies.

The payment to the out-door pauper scavager averages, as I have

stated, 9_d._ a day to a single man, with, perhaps, a quartern loaf;

and this, in some cases, is for only three days in the week; while

to a married man with a family, it varies between 1_s._ 1-1/2_d._

and 1_s._ 2_d._ a day, with a quartern, and sometimes two quartern

loaves; and this, likewise, is occasionally from three to six days

in the week. On this the single or family men must subsist, if they

have no other means of earning an addition. The men thus employed

are certainly not independent labourers, nor are they, in the full

sense of the word as popularly understood, paupers; for their means

of subsistence are partly the fruits of their toil; and although they

are wretchedly dependent, they seem to feel that they have a sort of

right to be set to work, as the law ordains such modicum of relief, in

or out of the workhouse, as will only ward off death through hunger.

This “three-days-a-week work” is by the poor or pauper labourers

looked upon as being, after the in-door pauper work, the worst sort of

employment.

[24] TABLE SHOWING THE NUMBER OF MEN EMPLOYED BY THE METROPOLITAN

PARISHES AND HIGHWAY BOARDS IN SCAVAGING, AS WELL AS THE NUMBER OF

HOURS PER DAY AND NUMBER OF DAYS PER WEEK, TOGETHER WITH THE AMOUNT OF

WAGES ACCRUING TO EACH, AND THE TOTAL ANNUAL WAGES OF THE WHOLE.

-----------------------------------------+------------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------------------

| No. of | Number of | | |

| married men| single men | Number of | Number of | Daily or weekly

| employed | employed |Superintendents| Foremen | wages of the

PARISHES. | by parishes| by parishes| employed | or Gangers | married

| daily in | daily in | by parishes. | employed | parish-men.

| scavaging | scavaging | |by parishes.|

|the streets.|the streets.| | |

-----------------------------------------+------------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------------------

_Paid in Money (by Parishes)._ | | | | | _s._

Greenwich | 7 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 15

| | | | |

Walworth }| 12 | 8 | | 3 | 15

Newington }| | | | |

Lambeth | 30 | | 1 | 5 | 15

Poplar | 20 | | | 4 | 15

St. Ann’s, Soho | 4 | 1 | | | 15

Rotherhithe | 4 | | | 1 | 14

Wandsworth | 6 | | | 1 | 12

Hackney | 12 | 4 | | 4 | 12

St. Mary’s, Paddington | 8 | 5 | 1 | 2 | 12

St. Giles’s, and St. George’s, Bloomsbury| 20 | 4 | | 4 | 12

St. Pancras (South-west Division) | 10 | | 2 | | 12

St. Clement Danes | 6 | 2 | | 1 | 11

St. Paul’s, Covent-garden | 2 | 5 | | 1 | 11

St. James’s, Westminster | 6 | | | 1 | 10

Ditto | 6 | | | 1 | 10

Ditto | 6 | | | 1 | 9

St. Andrew’s, Holborn | 10 | | 1 | 1 | 9

Marylebone | 80 | 15 | 1 | 10 | 9

St. George’s, Hanover-square | 30 | 6 | 1 | 4 | 9_s._ a week.

Liberty of the Rolls | 1 | | | | 7s. 6d.

Bermondsey | 13 | 1 | 1 | | 1_s._ 4_d._ per day.

_Paid in Money (by Highway Boards)._ | | | | |

St. James’s, Clerkenwell (1st Division) | 5 | | | | 15

Islington | 7 | 1 | | 1 | 15

Commercial Road East | 4 | 1 | 1 | | 15

Hampstead | 4 | | | 1 | 15

Highgate | 3 | 2 | | 1 | 14

Kensington | 6 | 1 | | 1 | 12

Lewisham | 4 | | | 1 | 12

Camberwell | 10 | | | 1 | 12

Christchurch, Lambeth | 6 | | | 1 | 12

Woolwich | 5 | | | 1 | 12

Deptford | 4 | | | 1 | 9

_Paid partly in kind._ | | | | |

St. Luke’s, Chelsea | 27 | 9 | | 3 | 7_s._, and on an average

| | | | | 3 loaves each,

| | | | | at 4d. a loaf.

Hans-town „ | 6 | | | 1 | 7_s._, and average 3

| | | | | loaves per head.

St. James’s, Clerkenwell | 6 | | | |1_s._ 1-1/2_d._ a day, and

| | | | | 1 quartern loaf.

_Paid wholly in kind._ | | | | |

St. Pancras (Highways) | | 10 | 1 | | estimated expense

| | | | | of food, 2_s._ 4_d._

| | | | | weekly.

-----------------------------------------+------------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------------------

Total | 400 | 66 | 8 | 62 |

-----------------------------------------+------------+------------+---------------+------------+--------------------------

--------------------+--------------------+-------------+------------+------------+-----------------

| | | Number of | Number of | Total annual

Daily or weekly | Weekly wages | Weekly wages| hours per | days in the| wages of

wages of the | of the |of Foremen or| day each | week each | the whole,

single | Superintendents | Gangers | parish-man | parish-man | including the

parish-men. | employed by | employed by | is employed| is employed| estimated

| parishes. | parishes. |to sweep the| in sweeping| value of food

| | | streets. |the streets.| and clothes.

--------------------+--------------------+-------------+------------|------------+-----------------

_s._ | _s._ | _s._ | | | £. _s._ _d._

15 | 30_s._ and a house | 18 | 10 | 6 | 456 16 0

| to live in. | | | |

14 | | 18 | 12 | 6 | 899 12 0

| | | | |

| 20 | 18 | 10 | 6 | 1456 0 0

| | 18 | 10 | 6 | 967 4 0

15 | | | 12 | 6 | 195 0 0

| | 16 | 10 | 6 | 187 4 0

| | 18 | 10 | 6 | 234 0 0

10 | | 18 | 10 | 6 | 665 12 0

10 | 20 | 15 | 12 | 6 | 509 12 0

12 | | 18 | 12 | 6 | 936 0 0

| | 18 | 12 | 6 | 93 12 0

11 | | 15 | 10 | 6 | 267 16 0

11 | | 13 | 12 | 6 | 234 0 0

| | 12 | 10 | 6 | 187 4 0

| | 12 | 10 | 6 | 187 4 0

| | 12 | 10 | 6 | 166 12 0

| 15 | 12 | 10 | 6 | 304 4 0

9 | 18 | 16 | 10 | 6 | 2685 16 0

9_s._ a week. | 20 | 16 | 10 | 6 | 1060 16 0

| | | 10 | 6 | 19 10 0

1_s._ 4_d._ per day.|28_s._ and clothing.| | 10 | 5 | 321 3 4

| | | | |

| | | 10 | 6 | 195 0 0

15 | | 18 | 10 | 6 | 405 0 0

15 | 100_l._ a year. | | 12 | 6 | 295 0 0

| | 18 | 10 | 6 | 202 10 0

14 | | 18 | 10 | 6 | 228 16 0

12 | | 18 | 12 | 6 | 265 4 0

| | 18 | 10 | 6 | 171 12 0

| | 18 | 12 | 6 | 358 16 0

| | 15 | 10 | 6 | 226 4 0

| | 18 | 10 | 6 | 202 16 0

| | 18 | 10 | 3 | 140 8 0

| | | | |

7 | | 14 | 10 | 6 | 834 12 0

| | | | |

| | | | |

| | 14 | 10 | 6 | 161 4 0

| | | | |

| | | 10 | 3 | 70 4 0

| | | | |

| | | | |

| 21_s._ and food. | | 8 | 4 | 128 5 4

| | | | |

| | | | |

--------------------+--------------------+-------------+------------+------------+-----------------

| | | | |15,919 8 8

--------------------+--------------------+-------------|------------+------------+-----------------

From a married man employed by the parish under this mode, I had the

following account.

He was an intelligent-looking man, of about 35, but with nothing very

particular in his appearance unless it were a head of very curly hair.

He gave me the statement in his own room, which was larger than I have

usually found such abodes, and would have been very bare, but that it

was somewhat littered with the vessels of his trade as a street-seller

of Nectar, Persian Sherbet, Raspberryade, and other decoctions of

coloured ginger-beer, with high-sounding names and indifferent flavour:

in the summer he said he could live better thereby, with a little

costering, than by street-sweeping, but being often a sickly man he

could not do so during the uncertainties of a winter street trade. His

wife, a decent looking woman, was present occasionally, suckling one

child, about two years old--for the poor often protract the weaning of

their children, as the mother’s nutriment is the _cheapest_ of all food

for the infant, and as the means of postponing the further increase of

their family--whilst another of five or six years of age sat on a bench

by her side. There was nothing on the walls in the way of an ornament,

as I have seen in some of the rooms of the poor, for the couple had

once been in the workhouse, and might be driven there again, and with

such apprehensions did not care, perhaps, to make a home otherwise than

they found it, even if the consumption of only a little spare time were

involved.

London Labour and the London Poor, Vol. 2 · 第 194 / 558 题