The Indians of the Six Nations, after the arrival of the

English, having conceived a desire for many articles they

introduced among them, and thereby finding them of use to their

necessities, or rather superfluities, cultivated an acquaintance

with them, and lived in tolerable friendship with their Province

for some time, to which they were rather inclined, for they were

strangers to bribery, and at enmity with the French, who had

espoused the cause of their enemies, supplied them with arms,

and openly acted against them. This enmity increased in

proportion as the desire of the French for subduing those

people, who were a bar to their first projected schemes.

However, we find the Indians, as far back as the very confused

manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this

province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of

assisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to

destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many

nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the

managers of these times. The French, after repeated losses

discovering that the Six Nations were not to be subdued, but

that they could without much difficulty effect their purpose

(which I have good authority to show were ... standing) by

favors and kindness, on a sudden, changed their conduct in the

reign of Queen Anne, having first brought over many of their

people to settle in Canada; and ever since, by the most

endearing kindnesses and by a vast profusion of favors, have

secured them to their interest; and, whilst they aggravated our

frauds and designs, they covered those committed by themselves

under a load of gifts, which obliterated the malpractices of ...

among them, and enabled them to establish themselves wherever

they pleased, without fomenting the Indians' jealousy. The able

agents were made use of, and their unanimous indefatigable zeal

for securing the Indian interest, were so much superior to any

thing we had ever attempted, and to the futile transactions of

the ... and trading Commissioners of Albany, that the latter

became universally despised by the Indians, who daily withdrew

from our interest, and conceived the most disadvantageous

sentiments of our integrity and abilities. In this state of

Indian affairs I was called to the management of these people,

as my situation and opinion that it might become one day of

service to the public, had induced me to cultivate a particular

intimacy with these people, to accommodate myself to their

manners, and even to their dress on many occasions. How I

discharged this trust will best appear from the transactions of

the war commenced in 1744, in which I was busily concerned. The

steps I had then taken alarmed the jealousy of the French;

rewards were offered for me, and I narrowly escaped

assassination on more than one occasion. The French increased

their munificence to the Indians, whose example not being at all

followed at New York, I resigned the management of affairs on

the ensuing peace, as I did not choose to continue in the name

of an office which I was not empowered to discharge as its

nature required. The Albany Commissioners (the men concerned in

the clandestine trade to Canada, and frequently upbraided for it

by the Indians) did then reassume their seats at that Board, and

by their conduct so exasperated the Indians that several chiefs

went to New York, 1753, when, after a severe speech to the

Governor, Council, and Assembly, they broke the covenant chain

of friendship, and withdrew in a rage. The consequences of which

were then so much dreaded, that I was, by Governor, Council, and

House of Assembly, the two latter then my enemies, earnestly

entreated to effect a reconciliation with the Indians, as the

only person equal to that task, as will appear by the Minutes of

Council and resolves of the House. A commission being made out

for me, I proceeded to Onondaga, and brought about the much

wished for reconciliation, but declined having any further to

say of Indian affairs, although the Indians afterwards refused

to meet the Governor and Commissioners till I was sent for. At

the arrival of General Braddock, I received his Commission with

reluctance, at the same time assuring him that affairs had been

so ill conducted, and the Indians so estranged from our

interest, that I could not take upon me to hope for success.

However, indefatigable labor, and (I hope I may say without

vanity) personal interest, enabled me to exceed my own

expectations; and my conduct since, if fully and truly known,

would, I believe, testify that I have not been an unprofitable

servant. 'Twas then that the Indians began to give public sign

of their avaricious dispositions. The French had long taught

them it; and the desire of some persons to carry a greater

number of Indians into the field in 1755 than those who

accompanied me, induced them to employ any agent at a high

salary, who had the least interest with the Indians; and to

grant the latter Captains' and Lieutenants' Commissions, (of

which I have a number now by me,) with sterling pay, to induce

them to desert me, but to little purpose, for tho' many of them

received the Commissions, accompanied with large sums of money,

they did not comply with the end proposed, but served with me;

and this had not only served them with severe complaints against

the English, as they were not afterwards all paid what had been

promised, but has established a spirit of pride and avarice,

which I have found it ever since impossible to subdue; whilst

our extensive connections since the reduction of Canada, with so

many powerful nations so long accustomed to partake largely of

French bounty, has of course increased the expense, and rendered

it in no small degree necessary for the preservation of our

frontiers, outposts, and trade....

Extract from a Letter--Cadwallader Colden to the Earl of Halifax, December

22, 1763:--

Before I proceed further, I think it proper to inform your

Lordship of the different state of the Policy of the Five

Nations in different periods of time. Before the peace of

Utrecht, the Five Nations were at war with the French in Canada,

and with all the Indian Nations who were in friendship with the

French. This put the Five Nations under a necessity of depending

on this province for a supply of every thing by which they could

carry on the war or defend themselves, and their behavior

towards us was accordingly.

After the peace of Utrecht, the French changed their measures.

They took every method in their power to gain the friendship of

the Five Nations, and succeeded so far with the Senecas, who are

by far the most numerous, and at the greatest distance from us,

that they were entirely brought over to the French interest. The

French obtained the consent of the Senecas to the building of

the Fort at Niagara, situated in their country.

When the French had too evidently, before the last war, got the

ascendant among all the Indian Nations, we endeavored to make

the Indians jealous of the French power, that they were thereby

in danger of becoming slaves to the French, unless they were

protected by the English....

_Appendix B._

CAUSES OF THE INDIAN WAR.

Extract from a Letter--Sir W. Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13,

1763. (Chap. VII. Vol. I. p. 131.)

... The French, in order to reconcile them [the Indians] to

their encroachments, loaded them with favors, and employed the

most intelligent Agents of good influence, as well as artful

Jesuits among the several Western and other Nations, who, by

degrees, prevailed on them to admit of Forts, under the Notion

of Trading houses, in their Country; and knowing that these

posts could never be maintained contrary to the inclinations of

the Indians, they supplied them thereat with ammunition and

other necessaries in abundance, as also called them to frequent

congresses, and dismissed them with handsome presents, by which

they enjoyed an extensive commerce, obtained the assistance of

these Indians, and possessed their frontiers in safety; and as

without these measures the Indians would never have suffered

them in their Country, so they expect that whatever European

power possesses the same, they shall in some measure reap the

like advantages. Now, as these advantages ceased on the Posts

being possessed by the English, and especially as it was not

thought prudent to indulge them with ammunition, they

immediately concluded that we had designs against their

liberties, which opinion had been first instilled into them by

the French, and since promoted by Traders of that nation and

others who retired among them on the surrender of Canada and are

still there, as well as by Belts of Wampum and other

exhortations, which I am confidently assured have been sent

among them from the Illinois, Louisiana, and even Canada, for

that purpose. The Shawanese and Delawares about the Ohio, who

were never warmly attached to us since our neglects to defend

them against the encroachments of the French, and refusing to

erect a post at the Ohio, or assist them and the Six Nations

with men or ammunition, when they requested both of us, as well

as irritated at the loss of several of their people killed upon

the communication of Fort Pitt, in the years 1759 and 1761, were

easily induced to join with the Western Nations, and the

Senecas, dissatisfied at many of our posts, jealous of our

designs, and displeased at our neglect and contempt of them,

soon followed their example.

These are the causes the Indians themselves assign, and which

certainly occasioned the rupture between us, the consequence of

which, in my opinion, will be that the Indians (who do not

regard the distance) will be supplied with necessaries by the

Wabache and several Rivers, which empty into the Mississippi,

which it is by no means in our power to prevent, and in return

the French will draw the valuable furs down that river to the

advantage of their Colony and the destruction of our Trade; this

will always induce the French to foment differences between us

and the Indians, and the prospects many of them entertain, that

they may hereafter become possessed of Canada, will incline them

still more to cultivate a good understanding with the Indians,

which, if ever attempted by the French, would, I am very

apprehensive, be attended with a general defection of them from

our interest, unless we are at great pains and expense to regain

their friendship, and thereby satisfy them that we have no

designs to their prejudice....

The grand matter of concern to all the Six Nations (Mohawks

excepted) is the occupying a chain of small Posts on the

communication thro' their country to Lake Ontario, not to

mention Fort Stanwix, exclusive of which there were erected in

1759 Fort Schuyler on the Mohawk River, and the Royal Blockhouse

at the East end of Oneida Lake, in the Country of the Oneidas

Fort Brewerton and a Post at Oswego Falls in the Onondagas

Country; in order to obtain permission for erecting these posts,

they were promised they should be demolished at the end of the

war. General Shirley also made them a like promise for the posts

he erected; and as about these posts are their fishing and

hunting places, where they complain, that they are often

obstructed by the troops and insulted, they request that they

may not be kept up, the war with the French being now over.

In 1760, Sir Jeffrey Amherst sent a speech to the Indians in

writing, which was to be communicated to the Nations about Fort

Pitt, &c., by General Monkton, then commanding there, signifying

his intentions to satisfy and content all Indians for the ground

occupied by the posts, as also for any land about them, which

might be found necessary for the use of the garrisons; but the

same has not been performed, neither are the Indians in the

several countries at all pleased at our occupying them, which

they look upon as the first steps to enslave them and invade

their properties.

And I beg leave to represent to your Lordships, that one very

material advantage resulting from a continuance of good

treatment and some favors to the Indians, will be the security

and toleration thereby given to the Troops for cultivating lands

about the garrisons, which the reduction of their Rations

renders absolutely necessary....

PONTEACH: OR THE SAVAGES OF AMERICA. A Tragedy. London. Printed for

the Author; and Sold by J. Millan, opposite the Admiralty,

Whitehall. MDCCLXVI.

The author of this tragedy was evidently a person well acquainted with

Indian affairs and Indian character. Various allusions contained in it, as

well as several peculiar forms of expression, indicate that Major Rogers

had a share in its composition. The first act exhibits in detail the

causes which led to the Indian war. The rest of the play is of a different

character. The plot is sufficiently extravagant, and has little or no

historical foundation. Chekitan, the son of Ponteach, is in love with

Monelia, the daughter of Hendrick, Emperor of the Mohawks. Monelia is

murdered by Chekitan's brother Philip, partly out of revenge and jealousy,

and partly in furtherance of a scheme of policy. Chekitan kills Philip,

and then dies by his own hand; and Ponteach, whose warriors meanwhile have

been defeated by the English, overwhelmed by this accumulation of public

and private calamities, retires to the forests of the west to escape the

memory of his griefs. The style of the drama is superior to the plot, and

the writer displays at times no small insight into the workings of human

nature.

The account of Indian wrongs and sufferings given in the first act accords

so nearly with that conveyed in contemporary letters and documents, that

two scenes from this part of the play are here given, with a few

omissions, which good taste demands.

ACT I.

SCENE I.--AN INDIAN TRADING HOUSE.

_Enter_ M'DOLE _and_ MURPHEY, _Two Indian Traders, and their Servants_.

_M'Dole._ So, Murphey, you are come to try your Fortune

Among the Savages in this wild Desart?

_Murphey._ Ay, any thing to get an honest Living,

Which, faith, I find it hard enough to do;

Times are so dull, and Traders are so plenty,

That Gains are small, and Profits come but slow.

_M'Dole._ Are you experienced in this kind of Trade?

Know you the Principles by which it prospers,

And how to make it lucrative and safe?

If not, you're like a Ship without a Rudder,

That drives at random, and must surely sink.

_Murphey._ I'm unacquainted with your Indian Commerce

And gladly would I learn the arts from you,

Who're old, and practis'd in them many Years.

_M'Dole._ That is the curst Misfortune of our Traders;

A thousand Fools attempt to live this Way,

Who might as well turn Ministers of State.

But, as you are a Friend, I will inform you

Of all the secret Arts by which we thrive,

Which if all practis'd, we might all grow rich,

Nor circumvent each other in our Gains.

What have you got to part with to the Indians?

_Murphey._ I've Rum and Blankets, Wampum, Powder, Bells,

And such like Trifles as they're wont to prize.

_M'Dole._ 'Tis very well: your Articles are good:

But now the Thing's to make a Profit from them,

Worth all your Toil and Pains of coming hither.

Our fundamental Maxim then is this,

That it's no Crime to cheat and gull an Indian.

_Murphey._ How! Not a Sin to cheat an Indian, say you?

Are they not Men? hav'nt they a Right to Justice

As well as we, though savage in their Manners?

_M'Dole._ Ah! If you boggle here, I say no more;

This is the very Quintessence of Trade,

And ev'ry Hope of Gain depends upon it;

None who neglect it ever did grow rich,

Or ever will, or can by Indian Commerce.

By this old Ogden built his stately House,

Purchased Estates, and grew a little King.

He, like an honest Man, bought all by weight,

And made the ign'rant Savages believe

That his Right Foot exactly weighed a Pound.

By this for many years he bought their Furs,

And died in Quiet like an honest Dealer.

_Murphey._ Well, I'll not stick at what is necessary;

But his Devise is now grown old and stale,

Nor could I manage such a barefac'd Fraud.

_M'Dole._ A thousand Opportunities present

To take Advantage of their Ignorance;

But the great Engine I employ is Rum,

More pow'rful made by certain strength'ning Drugs.

This I distribute with a lib'ral Hand,

Urge them to drink till they grow mad and valiant;

Which makes them think me generous and just,

And gives full Scope to practise all my Art.

I then begin my Trade with water'd Rum;

The cooling Draught well suits their scorching Throats.

Their Fur and Peltry come in quick Return:

My Scales are honest, but so well contriv'd,

That one small Slip will turn Three Pounds to One;

Which they, poor silly Souls! ignorant of Weights

And Rules of Balancing, do not perceive.

But here they come; you'll see how I proceed.

Jack, is the Rum prepar'd as I commanded?

_Jack._ Yes, Sir, all's ready when you please to call.

_M'Dole._ Bring here the Scales and Weights immediately;

You see the Trick is easy and conceal'd.

[_Showing how to slip the Scale._

_Murphey._ By Jupiter, it's artfully contriv'd;

And was I King, I swear I'd knight th' Inventor.

Tom, mind the Part that you will have to act.

_Tom._ Ah, never fear; I'll do as well as Jack.

But then, you know, an honest Servant's Pain Deserves Reward.

_Murphey._ O! I'll take care of that.

[_Enter a Number of Indians with Packs of Fur._

_1st Indian._ So, what you trade with Indians here to-day?

_M'Dole._ Yes, if my Goods will suit, and we agree.

_2d Indian._ 'Tis Rum we want; we're tired, hot, and thirsty.

_3d Indian._ You, Mr. Englishman, have you got Rum?

_M'Dole._ Jack, bring a Bottle, pour them each a Gill.

You know which Cask contains the Rum. The Rum?

_1st Indian._ It's good strong Rum; I feel it very soon.

_M'Dole._ Give me a Glass. Here's Honesty in Trade;

We English always drink before we deal.

_2d Indian._ Good way enough; it makes one sharp and cunning.

_M'Dole._ Hand round another Gill. You're very welcome.

_3d Indian._ Some say you Englishmen are sometimes Rogues;

You make poor Indians drunk, and then you cheat.

_1st Indian._ No, English good. The Frenchmen give no Rum.

_2d Indian._ I think it's best to trade with Englishmen.

_M'Dole._ What is your Price for Beaver Skins per Pound?

_1st Indian._ How much you ask per Quart for this strong Rum?

_M'Dole._ Five Pounds of Beaver for One Quart of Rum.

_1st Indian_. Five Pounds? Too much. Which is't you call Five

Pound?

_M'Dole._ This little Weight. I cannot give you more.

_1st Indian._ Well, take 'em; weigh 'em. Don't you cheat us now.

_M'Dole._ No; He that cheats an Indian should be hanged.

[_Weighing the Packs._

There's Thirty Pounds precisely of the Whole;

Five times Six is Thirty. Six Quarts of Rum.

Jack, measure it to them; you know the Cask.

This Rum is sold. You draw it off the best.

[_Exeunt Indians to receive their Rum._

_Murphey._ By Jove, you've gained more in a single Hour

Than ever I have done in Half a Year:

Curse on my Honesty! I might have been

A _little King_, and lived without Concern,

Had I but known the proper Arts to thrive.

_M'Dole._ Ay, there's the Way, my honest Friend, to live.

[_Clapping his shoulder._

There's Ninety Weight of Sterling Beaver for you,

Worth all the Rum and Trinkets in my Store;

And, would my Conscience let me do the Thing,

I might enhance my Price, and lessen theirs,

And raise my Profits to a higher Pitch.

_Murphey._ I can't but thank you for your kind Instructions,

As from them I expect to reap Advantage.

But should the Dogs detect me in the Fraud,

They are malicious, and would have Revenge.

_M'Dole._ Can't you avoid them? Let their Vengeance light

On others Heads, no matter whose, if you

Are but Secure, and have the Gain in Hand;

For they're indiff'rent where they take Revenge,

Whether on him that cheated, or his Friend,

Or on a Stranger whom they never saw,

Perhaps an honest Peasant, who ne'er dreamt

Of Fraud or Villainy in all his Life;

Such let them murder, if they will, a Score,

The Guilt is theirs, while we secure the Gain,

Nor shall we feel the bleeding Victim's Pain.

[_Exeunt._

SCENE II.--A DESART.

_Enter_ ORSBOURN _and_ HONNYMAN, _Two English Hunters_.

_Orsbourn._ Long have we toil'd, and rang'd the woods in vain;

No Game, nor Track, nor Sign of any Kind

Is to be seen; I swear I am discourag'd

And weary'd out with this long fruitless Hunt.

No Life on Earth besides is half so hard,

So full of Disappointments, as a Hunter's:

Each Morn he wakes he views the destin'd Prey,

And counts the Profits of th' ensuing Day;

Each Ev'ning at his curs'd ill Fortune pines,

And till next Day his Hope of Gain resigns.

By Jove, I'll from these Desarts hasten home,

And swear that never more I'll touch a Gun.

_Honnyman._ These hateful Indians kidnap all the Game.

Curse their black Heads! they fright the Deer and Bear,

And ev'ry Animal that haunts the Wood,

Or by their Witchcraft conjure them away.

No Englishman can get a single Shot,

While they go loaded home with Skins and Furs.

'Twere to be wish'd not one of them survived,

Thus to infest the World, and plague Mankind.

Curs'd Heathen Infidels! mere savage Beasts!

They don't deserve to breathe in Christian Air,

And should be hunted down like other Brutes.

_Orsbourn._ I only wish the Laws permitted us

To hunt the savage Herd where-e'er they're found;

I'd never leave the Trade of Hunting then,

While one remain'd to tread and range the Wood.

_Honnyman._ Curse on the Law, I say, that makes it Death

To kill an Indian, more than to kill a Snake.

What if 'tis Peace? these Dogs deserve no Mercy;

They kill'd my Father and my eldest Brother,

Since which I hate their very Looks and Name.

_Orsbourn._ And I, since they betray'd and kill'd my Uncle;

Tho' these are not the same, 'twould ease my Heart

To cleave their painted Heads, and spill their Blood.

I do abhor, detest, and hate them all,

And now cou'd eat an Indian's Heart with Pleasure.

_Honnyman._ I'd join you, and soop his savage Brains for Sauce;

I lose all Patience when I think of them,

And, if you will, we'll quickly have amends

For our long Travel and successless Hunt,

And the sweet Pleasure of Revenge to boot.

_Orsbourn._ What will you do? Present, and pop one down?

_Honnyman._ Yes, faith, the first we meet well fraught with Furs;

Or if there's Two, and we can make sure Work,

By Jove, we'll ease the Rascals of their Packs,

And send them empty home to their own Country.

But then observe, that what we do is secret,

Or the Hangman will come in for Snacks.

_Orsbourn._ Trust me for that; I'll join with all my Heart;

Nor with a nicer Aim, or steadier Hand

Would shoot a Tyger than I would an Indian.

There is a Couple stalking now this way

With lusty Packs; Heav'n favor our Design.

Are you well charged?

_Honnyman._ I am. Take you the nearest,

And mind to fire exactly when I do.

_Orsbourn._ A charming Chance!

_Honnyman._ Hush, let them still come nearer.

[_They shoot, and run to rifle the Indians._

They're down, old Boy, a Brace of noble Bucks!

_Orsbourn._ Well tallow'd faith, and noble Hides upon 'em.

[_Taking up a Pack._

We might have hunted all the Season thro'

For Half this Game, and thought ourselves well paid.

_Honnyman._ By Jove, we might, and been at great Expense

For Lead and Powder; here's a single Shot.

_Orsbourn._ I swear, I have got as much as I can carry.

_Honnyman._ And faith, I'm not behind; this Pack is heavy.

But stop; we must conceal the tawny Dogs,

Or their bloodthirsty Countrymen will find them,

And then we're bit. There'll be the Devil to pay;

They'll murder us, and cheat the Hangman too.

_Orsbourn._ Right. We'll prevent all Mischief of this Kind.

Where shall we hide their Savage Carcases?

_Honnyman._ There they will lie conceal'd and snug enough.

[_They cover them._

But stay--perhaps ere long there'll be a War,

And then their Scalps will sell for ready Cash,

Two Hundred Crowns at least, and that's worth saving.

_Orsbourn._ Well! that is true; no sooner said than done--

[_Drawing his Knife._

I'll strip this Fellow's painted greasy Skull.

[_Strips off the Scalp._

_Honnyman._ Now let them sleep to Night without their Caps,

[_Takes the other Scalp._

And pleasant Dreams attend their long Repose.

_Orsbourn._ Their Guns and Hatchets now are lawful Prize,

For they'll not need them on their present Journey.

_Honnyman._ The Devil hates Arms, and dreads the Smell

of Powder;

He'll not allow such Instruments about him;

They're free from training now, they're in his Clutches.

_Orsbourn._ But, Honnyman, d'ye think this is not Murder?

I vow I'm shocked a little to see them scalp'd,

And fear their Ghosts will haunt us in the Dark.

_Honnyman._ It's no more Murder than to crack a Louse,

That is, if you've the Wit to keep it private.

And as to Haunting, Indians have no Ghosts,

But as they live like Beasts, like Beasts they die.

I've killed a Dozen in this selfsame Way,

And never yet was troubled with their Spirits.

_Orsbourn._ Then I'm content; my Scruples are removed.

And what I've done, my Conscience justifies.

But we must have these Guns and Hatchets alter'd,

Or they'll detect th' Affair, and hang us both.

_Honnyman._ That's quickly done--Let us with Speed return,

And think no more of being hang'd or haunted;

But turn our Fur to Gold, our Gold to Wine,

Thus gaily spend what we've so slily won,

And Bless the first Inventor of a Gun.

[_Exeunt._

The remaining scenes of this act exhibit the rudeness and insolence of

British officers and soldiers in their dealings with the Indians, and the

corruption of British government agents. Pontiac himself is introduced and

represented as indignantly complaining of the reception which he and his

warriors meet with. These scenes are overcharged with blasphemy and

ribaldry, and it is needless to preserve them here. The rest of the play

is written in better taste, and contains several vigorous passages.

_Appendix C._

DETROIT AND MICHILLIMACKINAC.

1. THE SIEGE OF DETROIT. (Chap. IX.-XV.)

The authorities consulted respecting the siege of Detroit consist of

numerous manuscript letters of officers in the fort, including the

official correspondence of the commanding officer; of several journals and

fragments of journals; of extracts from contemporary newspapers; and of

traditions and recollections received from Indians or aged Canadians of

Detroit.

THE PONTIAC MANUSCRIPT.

This curious diary was preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit, and

afterwards deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It is

conjectured to have been the work of a French priest. The original is

written in bad French, and several important parts are defaced or torn

away. As a literary composition, it is quite worthless, being very diffuse

and encumbered with dull and trivial details; yet this very minuteness

affords strong internal evidence of its authenticity. Its general

exactness with respect to facts is fully proved by comparing it with

contemporary documents. I am indebted to General Cass for the copy in my

possession, as well as for other papers respecting the war in the

neighborhood of Detroit.

The manuscript appears to have been elaborately written out from a rough

journal kept during the progress of the events which it describes. It

commences somewhat ambitiously, as follows:--

"Pondiac, great chief of all the Ottawas, Chippewas, and Pottawattamies,

and of all the nations of the lakes and rivers of the North, a man proud,

vindictive, warlike, and easily offended, under pretence of some insult

which he thought he had received from Maj. Gladwin, Commander of the Fort,

conceived that, being great chief of all the Northern nations, only

himself and those of his nations were entitled to inhabit this portion of

the earth, where for sixty and odd years the French had domiciliated for

the purpose of trading, and where the English had governed during three

years by right of the conquest of Canada. The Chief and all his nation,

whose bravery consists in treachery, resolved within himself the entire

destruction of the English nation, and perhaps the Canadians. In order to

succeed in his undertaking, which he had not mentioned to any of his

nation the Ottawas, he engaged their aid by a speech, and they, naturally

inclined to evil, did not hesitate to obey him. But, as they found

themselves too weak to undertake the enterprise alone, their chief

endeavored to draw to his party the Chippewa nation by means of a council.

This nation was governed by a chief named Ninevois. This man, who

acknowledged Pondiac as his chief, whose mind was weak, and whose

disposition cruel, listened to his advances, and joined him with all his

band. These two nations consisted together of about four hundred men. This

number did not appear to him sufficient. It became necessary to bring into

their interests the Hurons. This nation, divided into two bands, was

governed by two different chiefs of dissimilar character, and nevertheless

both led by their spiritual father, a Jesuit. The two chiefs of this last

nation were named, one Takee, of a temper similar to Pondiac's, and the

other Teata, a man of cautious disposition and of perfect prudence. This

last was not easily won, and having no disposition to do evil, he refused

to listen to the deputies sent by Pondiac, and sent them back. They

therefore addressed themselves to the first-mentioned of this nation, by

whom they were listened to, and from whom they received the war-belt, with

promise to join themselves to Pondiac and Ninevois, the Ottawas and

Chippewas chiefs. It was settled by means of wampum belts, (a manner of

making themselves understood amongst distant savages,) that they should

hold a council on the 27th of April, when should be decided the day and

hour of the attack, and the precautions necessary to take in order that

their perfidy should not be discovered. The manner of counting used by the

Indians is by the moon; and it was resolved in the way I have mentioned,

that this council should be held on the 15th day of the moon, which

corresponded with Wednesday the 27th of the month of April."

The writer next describes the council at the River Ecorces, and recounts

at full length the story of the Delaware Indian who visited the Great

Spirit. "The Chiefs," he says, "listened to Pondiac as to an oracle, and

told him they were ready to do any thing he should require."

He relates with great minuteness how Pontiac, with his chosen warriors,

came to the fort on the 1st of May, to dance the calumet dance, and

observe the strength and disposition of the garrison, and describes the

council subsequently held at the Pottawattamie village, in order to adjust

the plan of attack.

"The day fixed upon having arrived, all the Ottawas, Pondiac at their

head, and the bad band of the Hurons, Takee at their head, met at the

Pottawattamie village, where the premeditated council was to be held. Care

was taken to send all the women out of the village, that they might not

discover what was decided upon. Pondiac then ordered sentinels to be

placed around the village, to prevent any interruption to their council.

These precautions taken, each seated himself in the circle, according to

his rank, and Pondiac, as great chief of the league, thus addressed

them:--

"It is important, my brothers, that we should exterminate from our land

this nation, whose only object is our death. You must be all sensible, as

well as myself, that we can no longer supply our wants in the way we were

accustomed to do with our Fathers the French. They sell us their goods at

double the price that the French made us pay, and yet their merchandise is

good for nothing; for no sooner have we bought a blanket or other thing to

cover us than it is necessary to procure others against the time of

departing for our wintering ground. Neither will they let us have them on

credit, as our brothers the French used to do. When I visit the English

chief, and inform him of the death of any of our comrades, instead of

lamenting, as our brothers the French used to do, they make game of us. If

I ask him for any thing for our sick, he refuses, and tells us he does not

want us, from which it is apparent he seeks our death. We must therefore,

in return, destroy them without delay; there is nothing to prevent us:

there are but few of them, and we shall easily overcome them,--why should

we not attack them? Are we not men? Have I not shown you the belts I

received from our Great Father the King of France? He tells us to

strike,--why should we not listen to his words? What do you fear? The time

has arrived. Do you fear that our brothers the French, who are now among

us, will hinder us? They are not acquainted with our designs, and if they

did know them, could they prevent them? You know, as well as myself, that

when the English came upon our lands, to drive from them our father

Bellestre, they took from the French all the guns that they have, so that

they have now no guns to defend themselves with. Therefore now is the

time: let us strike. Should there be any French to take their part, let us

strike them as we do the English. Remember what the Giver of Life desired

our brother the Delaware to do: this regards us as much as it does them. I

have sent belts and speeches to our friends the Chippeways of Saginaw, and

our brothers the Ottawas of Michillimakinac, and to those of the Riviere a

la Tranche, (Thames River,) inviting them to join us, and they will not

delay. In the mean time, let us strike. There is no longer any time to

lose, and when the English shall be defeated, we will stop the way, so

that no more shall return upon our lands.

"This discourse, which Pondiac delivered in a tone of much energy, had

upon the whole council all the effect which he could have expected, and

they all, with common accord, swore the entire destruction of the English

nation.

"At the breaking up of the council, it was decided that Pondiac, with

sixty chosen men, should go to the Fort to ask for a grand council from

the English commander, and that they should have arms concealed under

their blankets. That the remainder of the village should follow them armed

with tomahawks, daggers, and knives, concealed under their blankets, and

should enter the Fort, and walk about in such a manner as not to excite

suspicion, whilst the others held council with the Commander. The Ottawa

women were also to be furnished with short guns and other offensive

weapons concealed under their blankets. They were to go into the back

streets in the Fort. They were then to wait for the signal agreed upon,

which was the cry of death, which the Grand Chief was to give, on which

they should altogether strike upon the English, taking care not to hurt

any of the French inhabiting the Fort."

The author of the diary, unlike other contemporary writers, states that

the plot was disclosed to Gladwyn by a man of the Ottawa tribe, and not by

an Ojibwa girl. He says, however, that on the day after the failure of the

design Pontiac sent to the Pottawattamie village in order to seize an

Ojibwa girl whom he suspected of having betrayed him.

"Pondiac ordered four Indians to take her and bring her before him; these

men, naturally inclined to disorder, were not long in obeying their chief;

they crossed the river immediately in front of their village, and passed

into the Fort naked, having nothing but their breech-clouts on and their

knives in their hands, and crying all the way that their plan had been

defeated, which induced the French people of the Fort, who knew nothing of

the designs of the Indians, to suspect that some bad design was going

forward, either against themselves or the English. They arrived at the

Pottawattamie village, and in fact found the woman, who was far from

thinking of them; nevertheless they seized her, and obliged her to march

before them, uttering cries of joy in the manner they do when they hold a

victim in their clutches on whom they are going to exercise their cruelty:

they made her enter the Fort, and took her before the Commandant, as if to

confront her with him, and asked him if it was not from her he had learnt

their design; but they were no better satisfied than if they had kept

themselves quiet. They obtained from that Officer bread and beer for

themselves, and for her. They then led her to their chief in the village."

The diary leaves us in the dark as to the treatment which the girl

received; but there is a tradition among the Canadians that Pontiac, with

his own hand, gave her a severe beating with a species of racket, such as

the Indians use in their ball-play. An old Indian told Henry Conner,

formerly United States interpreter at Detroit, that she survived her

punishment, and lived for many years; but at length, contracting

intemperate habits, she fell, when intoxicated, into a kettle of boiling

maple-sap, and was so severely scalded that she died in consequence.

The outbreak of hostilities, the attack on the fort, and the detention of

Campbell and McDougal are related at great length, and with all the

minuteness of an eye-witness. The substance of the narrative is

incorporated in the body of the work. The diary is very long, detailing

the incidents of every passing day, from the 7th of May to the 31st of

July. Here it breaks off abruptly in the middle of a sentence, the

remaining part having been lost or torn away. The following extracts,

taken at random, will serve to indicate the general style and character of

the journal:--

"Saturday, June 4th. About 4 P. M. cries of death were heard from the

Indians. The cause was not known, but it was supposed they had obtained

some prize on the Lake.

"Sunday, June 5th. The Indians fired a few shots upon the Fort to-day.

About 2 P. M. cries of death were again heard on the opposite side of the

River. A number of Indians were descried, part on foot and part mounted.

Others were taking up two trading boats, which they had taken on the lake.

The vessel fired several shots at them, hoping they would abandon their

prey, but they reached Pondiac's camp uninjured....

"About 7 P. M. news came that a number of Indians had gone down as far as

Turkey Island, opposite the small vessel which was anchored there, but

that, on seeing them, she had dropped down into the open Lake, to wait for

a fair wind to come up the river.

"Monday, June 20th. The Indians fired some shots upon the fort. About 4 P.

M. news was brought that Presquisle and Beef River Forts, which had been

established by the French, and were now occupied by the English, had been

destroyed by the Indians....

"Wednesday, June 22d. The Indians, whose whole attention was directed to

the vessel, did not trouble the Fort. In the course of the day, the news

of the taking of Presquisle was confirmed, as a great number of the

Indians were seen coming along the shore with prisoners. The Commandant

was among the number, and with him one woman: both were presented to the

Hurons. In the afternoon, the Commandant received news of the lading of

the vessel, and the number of men on board. The Indians again visited the

French for provisions.

"Thursday, June 23d. Very early in the morning, a great number of Indians

were seen passing behind the Fort: they joined those below, and all

repaired to Turkey Island. The river at this place is very narrow. The

Indians commenced making intrenchments of trees, &c., on the beach, where

the vessel was to pass, whose arrival they awaited. About ten of the

preceding night, the wind coming aft, the vessel weighed anchor, and came

up the river. When opposite the Island the wind fell, and they were

obliged to throw the anchor; as they knew they could not reach the Fort

without being attacked by the Indians, they kept a strict watch. In order

to deceive the Indians, the captain had hid in the hold sixty of his men,

suspecting that the Indians, seeing only about a dozen men on deck, would

try to take the vessel, which occurred as he expected. About 9 at night

they got in their canoes, and made for the vessel, intending to board her.

They were seen far off by one of the sentinels. The captain immediately

ordered up all his men in the greatest silence, and placed them along the

sides of the vessel, with their guns in their hands, loaded, with orders

to wait the signal for firing, which was the rap of a hammer on the mast.

The Indians were allowed to approach within less than gunshot, when the

signal was given, and a discharge of cannon and small arms made upon them.

They retreated to their intrenchment with the loss of fourteen killed and

fourteen wounded; from which they fired during the night, and wounded two

men. In the morning the vessel dropped down to the Lake for a more

favorable wind.

"Friday, June 24th. The Indians were occupied with the vessel. Two Indians

back of the Fort were pursued by twenty men, and escaped.

"Saturday, June 25th. Nothing occurred this day.

"Sunday, June 26th. Nothing of consequence.

"Monday, June 27th. Mr. Gamelin, who was in the practice of visiting

Messrs. Campbell and McDougall, brought a letter to the Commandant from

Mr. Campbell, dictated by Pondiac, in which he requested the Commandant to

surrender the Fort, as in a few days he expected Kee-no-chameck, great

chief of the Chippewas, with eight hundred men of his nation; that he

(Pondiac) would not then be able to command them, and as soon as they

arrived, they would scalp all the English in the Fort. The Commandant only

answered that he cared as little for him as he did for them....

"This evening, the Commandant was informed that the Ottawas and Chippewas

had undertaken another raft, which might be more worthy of attention than

the former ones: it was reported to be of pine boards, and intended to be

long enough to go across the river. By setting fire to every part of it,

it could not help, by its length, coming in contact with the vessel, which

by this means they expected would certainly take fire. Some firing took

place between the vessel and Indians, but without effect.

"Tuesday, July 19th. The Indians attempted to fire on the Fort, but being

discovered, they were soon made to retreat by a few shot.

"Wednesday, July 20th. Confirmation came to the Fort of the report of the

18th, and that the Indians had been four days at work at their raft, and

that it would take eight more to finish it. The Commandant ordered that

two boats should be lined or clapboarded with oak plank, two inches thick,

and the same defence to be raised above the gunnels of the boats of two

feet high. A swivel was put on each of them, and placed in such a way that

they could be pointed in three different directions.

"Thursday, July 21st. The Indians were too busily occupied to pay any

attention to the Fort; so earnest were they in the work of the raft that

they hardly allowed themselves time to eat. The Commandant farther availed

himself of the time allowed him before the premeditated attack to put

every thing in proper order to repulse it. He ordered that two strong

graplins should be provided for each of the barges, a strong iron chain of

fifteen feet was to be attached to the boat, and conducting a strong cable

under water, fastened to the graplins, and the boats were intended to be

so disposed as to cover the vessel, by mooring them, by the help of the

above preparations, above her. The inhabitants of the S. W. ridge, or

hill, again got a false alarm. It was said the Indians intended attacking

them during the night: they kept on their guard till morning.

"Friday, July 22d. An Abenakee Indian arrived this day, saying that he

came direct from Montreal, and gave out that a large fleet of French was

on its way to Canada, full of troops, to dispossess the English of the

country. However fallacious such a story might appear, it had the effect

of rousing Pondiac from his inaction, and the Indians set about their raft

with more energy than ever. They had left off working at it since

yesterday"....

It is needless to continue these extracts farther. Those already given

will convey a sufficient idea of the character of the diary.

REMINISCENSES OF AGED CANADIANS.

About the year 1824, General Cass, with the design of writing a narrative

of the siege of Detroit by Pontiac, caused inquiry to be made among the

aged Canadian inhabitants, many of whom could distinctly remember the

events of 1763. The accounts received from them were committed to paper,

and were placed by General Cass, with great liberality, in the writer's

hands. They afford an interesting mass of evidence, as worthy of

confidence as evidence of the kind can be. With but one exception,--the

account of Maxwell,--they do not clash with the testimony of contemporary

documents. Much caution has, however, been observed in their use; and no

essential statement has been made on their unsupported authority. The most

prominent of these accounts are those of Peltier, St. Aubin, Gouin,

Meloche, Parent, and Maxwell.

PELTIER'S ACCOUNT.

M. Peltier was seventeen years old at the time of Pontiac's war. His

narrative, though one of the longest of the collection, is imperfect,

since, during a great part of the siege, he was absent from Detroit in

search of runaway horses, belonging to his father. His recollection of the

earlier part of the affair is, however, clear and minute. He relates, with

apparent credulity, the story of the hand of the murdered Fisher

protruding from the earth, as if in supplication for the neglected rites

of burial. He remembers that, soon after the failure of Pontiac's attempt

to surprise the garrison, he punished, by a severe flogging, a woman named

Catharine, accused of having betrayed the plot. He was at Detroit during

the several attacks on the armed vessels, and the attempts to set them on

fire by means of blazing rafts.

ST. AUBIN'S ACCOUNT.

St. Aubin was fifteen years old at the time of the siege. It was his

mother who crossed over to Pontiac's village shortly before the attempt on

the garrison, and discovered the Indians in the act of sawing off the

muzzles of their guns, as related in the narrative. He remembers Pontiac

at his headquarters, at the house of Meloche; where his commissaries

served out provision to the Indians. He himself was among those who

conveyed cattle across the river to the English, at a time when they were

threatened with starvation. One of his most vivid recollections is that of

seeing the head of Captain Dalzell stuck on the picket of a garden fence,

on the day after the battle of Bloody Bridge. His narrative is one of the

most copious and authentic of the series.

GOUIN'S ACCOUNT.

M. Gouin was but eleven years old at the time of the war. His father was a

prominent trader, and had great influence over the Indians. On several

occasions, he acted as mediator between them and the English; and when

Major Campbell was bent on visiting the camp of Pontiac, the elder Gouin

strenuously endeavored to prevent the attempt. Pontiac often came to him

for advice. His son bears emphatic testimony to the extraordinary control

which the chief exercised over his followers, and to the address which he

displayed in the management of his commissary department. This account

contains many particulars not elsewhere mentioned, though bearing all the

appearance of truth. It appears to have been composed partly from the

recollections of the younger Gouin, and partly from information derived

from his father.

MELOCHE'S ACCOUNT.

Mad. Meloche lived, when a child, on the borders of the Detroit, between

the river and the camp of Pontiac. On one occasion, when the English were

cannonading the camp from their armed schooner in the river, a shot struck

her father's house, throwing down a part of the walls. After the death of

Major Campbell, she picked up a pocket-book belonging to him, which the

Indians had left on the ground. It was full of papers, and she carried it

to the English in the fort.

PARENT'S ACCOUNT.

M. Parent was twenty-two years old when the war broke out. His

recollections of the siege are, however, less exact than those of some of

the former witnesses, though his narrative preserves several interesting

incidents.

MAXWELL'S ACCOUNT.

Maxwell was an English provincial, and pretended to have been a soldier

under Gladwyn. His story belies the statement. It has all the air of a

narrative made up from hearsay, and largely embellished from imagination.

It has been made use of only in a few instances, where it is amply

supported by less questionable evidence. This account seems to have been

committed to paper by Maxwell himself, as the style is very rude and

illiterate.

The remaining manuscripts consulted with reference to the siege of Detroit

have been obtained from the State Paper Office of London, and from a few

private autograph collections. Some additional information has been

derived from the columns of the New York Mercury, and the Pennsylvania

Gazette for 1763, where various letters written by officers at Detroit are

published.

2. THE MASSACRE OF MICHILLIMACKINAC.

(Chap. XVII.)

The following letter may be regarded with interest, as having been written

by the commander of the unfortunate garrison a few days after the

massacre. A copy of the original was procured from the State Paper Office

of London.

Michillimackinac, 12 June, 1763.

Sir:

Notwithstanding that I wrote you in my last, that all the

savages were arrived, and that every thing seemed in perfect

tranquillity, yet, on the 2d instant, the Chippewas, who live in

a plain near this fort, assembled to play ball, as they had done

almost every day since their arrival. They played from morning

till noon; then throwing their ball close to the gate, and

observing Lieut. Lesley and me a few paces out of it, they came

behind us, seized and carried us into the woods.

In the mean time the rest rushed into the Fort, where they found

their squaws, whom they had previously planted there, with their

hatchets hid under their blankets, which they took, and in an

instant killed Lieut. Jamet and fifteen rank and file, and a

trader named Tracy. They wounded two, and took the rest of the

garrison prisoners, five [seven, Henry] of whom they have since

killed.

They made prisoners all the English Traders, and robbed them of

every thing they had; but they offered no violence to the

persons or property of any of the Frenchmen.

When that massacre was over, Messrs. Langlade and Farli, the

Interpreter, came down to the place where Lieut. Lesley and me

were prisoners; and on their giving themselves as security to

return us when demanded, they obtained leave for us to go to the

Fort, under a guard of savages, which gave time, by the

assistance of the gentlemen above-mentioned, to send for the

Outaways, who came down on the first notice, and were very much

displeased at what the Chippeways had done.

Since the arrival of the Outaways they have done every thing in

their power to serve us, and with what prisoners the Chippeways

had given them, and what they have bought, I have now with me

Lieut. Lesley and eleven privates; and the other four of the

Garrison, who are yet living, remain in the hands of the

Chippeways.

The Chippeways, who are superior in number to the Ottaways, have

declared in Council to them that if they do not remove us out of

the Fort, they will cut off all communication to this Post, by

which means all the Convoys of Merchants from Montreal, La Baye,

St. Joseph, and the upper posts, would perish. But if the news

of your posts being attacked (which they say was the reason why

they took up the hatchet) be false, and you can send up a strong

reinforcement, with provisions, &c., accompanied by some of your

savages, I believe the post might be re-established again.

Since this affair happened, two canoes arrived from Montreal,

which put in my power to make a present to the Ottaway nation,

who very well deserve any thing that can be done for them.

I have been very much obliged to Messrs. Langlade and Farli, the

Interpreter, as likewise to the Jesuit, for the many good

offices they have done us on this occasion. The Priest seems

inclinable to go down to your post for a day or two, which I am

very glad of, as he is a very good man, and had a great deal to

say with the savages, hereabout, who will believe every thing he

tells them on his return, which I hope will be soon. The

Outaways say they will take Lieut. Lesley, me, and the Eleven

men which I mentioned before were in their hands, up to their

village, and there keep us, till they hear what is doing at your

Post. They have sent this canot for that purpose.

I refer you to the Priest for the particulars of this melancholy

affair, and am, Dear Sir,

Yours very sincerely,

[Signed] GEO. ETHERINGTON.

TO MAJOR GLADWYN.

P. S. The Indians that are to carry the Priest to Detroit will

not undertake to land him at the Fort, but at some of the Indian

villages near it; so you must not take it amiss that he does not

pay you the first visit. And once more I beg that nothing may

stop your sending of him back, the next day after his arrival,

if possible, as we shall be at a great loss for the want of him,

and I make no doubt that you will do all in your power to make

peace, as you see the situation we are in, and send up provision

as soon as possible, and Ammunition, as what we had was pillaged

by the savages.

Adieu.

GEO. ETHERINGTON.

_Appendix D._

THE WAR ON THE BORDERS.

THE BATTLE OF BUSHY RUN. (Chap. XX.)

The despatches written by Colonel Bouquet, immediately after the two

battles near Bushy Run, contain so full and clear an account of those

engagements, that the collateral authorities consulted have served rather

to decorate and enliven the narrative than to add to it any important

facts. The first of these letters was written by Bouquet under the

apprehension that he should not survive the expected conflict of the next

day. Both were forwarded to the commander-in-chief by the same express,

within a few days after the victory. The letters as here given were copied

from the originals in the London offices.

Camp at Edge Hill, 26 Miles from

Fort Pitt, 5th August, 1763.

Sir:

The Second Instant the Troops and Convoy Arrived at Ligonier,

whence I could obtain no Intelligence of the Enemy; The

Expresses Sent since the beginning of July, having been Either

killed, or Obliged to Return, all the Passes being Occupied by

the Enemy: In this uncertainty I Determined to Leave all the

Waggons with the Powder, and a Quantity of Stores and

Provisions, at Ligonier; And on the 4th proceeded with the

Troops, and about 350 Horses Loaded with Flour.

I Intended to have Halted to Day at Bushy Run, (a Mile beyond

this Camp,) and after having Refreshed the Men and Horses, to

have Marched in the Night over Turtle Creek, a very Dangerous

Defile of Several Miles, Commanded by High and Craggy Hills: But

at one o'clock this Afternoon, after a march of 17 Miles, the

Savages suddenly Attacked our Advanced Guard, which was

immediately Supported by the two Light Infantry Companies of the

42d Regiment, Who Drove the Enemy from their Ambuscade, and

pursued them a good Way. The Savages Returned to the Attack, and

the Fire being Obstinate on our Front, and Extending along our

Flanks, We made a General Charge, with the whole Line, to

Dislodge the Savages from the Heights, in which attempt We

succeeded without Obtaining by it any Decisive Advantage; for as

soon as they were driven from One Post, they Appeared on

Another,'till, by continual Reinforcements, they were at last

able to Surround Us, and attacked the Convoy left in our Rear;

This Obliged us to March Back to protect it; The Action then

became General, and though we were attacked on Every Side, and

the Savages Exerted themselves with Uncommon Resolution, they

were constantly Repulsed with Loss.--We also Suffered

Considerably: Capt. Lieut. Graham, and Lieut. James McIntosh of

the 42d, are Killed, and Capt. Graham Wounded.

Of the Royal Amer'n Regt., Lieut. Dow, who acted as A. D. Q. M.

G. is shot through the Body.

Of the 77th, Lieut. Donald Campbell, and Mr. Peebles, a

Volunteer, are Wounded.

Our Loss in Men, Including Rangers, and Drivers, Exceeds Sixty,

Killed or Wounded.

The Action has Lasted from One O'Clock 'till Night, And We

Expect to Begin again at Day Break. Whatever Our Fate may be, I

thought it necessary to Give Your Excellency this Early

Information, that You may, at all Events, take such Measures as

You will think proper with the Provinces, for their own Safety,

and the Effectual Relief of Fort Pitt, as in Case of Another

Engagement I Fear Insurmountable Difficulties in protecting and

Transporting our Provisions, being already so much Weakened by

the Losses of this Day, in Men and Horses; besides the

Additional Necessity of Carrying the Wounded, Whose Situation is

truly Deplorable.

I Cannot Sufficiently Acknowledge the Constant Assistance I have

Received from Major Campbell, during this long Action; Nor

Express my Admiration of the Cool and Steady Behavior of the

Troops, Who Did not Fire a Shot, without Orders, and Drove the

Enemy from their Posts with Fixed Bayonets.--The Conduct of the

Officers is much above my Praises.

I Have the

Honor to be, with great Respect,

Sir,

&ca.

HENRY BOUQUET.

His Excellency SIR JEFFREY AMHERST.

Camp at Bushy Run, 6th August, 1763.

Sir:

I Had the Honor to Inform Your Excellency in my letter of

Yesterday of our first Engagement with the Savages.

We Took Post last Night on the Hill, where Our Convoy Halted,

when the Front was Attacked, (a commodious piece of Ground, and

Just Spacious Enough for our Purpose.) There We Encircled the

Whole, and Covered our Wounded with the Flour Bags.

In the Morning the Savages Surrounded our Camp, at the Distance

of about 500 Yards, and by Shouting and Yelping, quite Round

that Extensive Circumference, thought to have Terrified Us, with

their Numbers. They Attacked Us Early, and, under Favour of an

Incessant Fire, made Several Bold Efforts to Penetrate our Camp;

And tho' they Failed in the Attempt, our Situation was not the

Less Perplexing, having Experienced that Brisk Attacks had

Little Effect upon an Enemy, who always gave Way when Pressed, &

Appeared again Immediately; Our Troops were besides Extremely

Fatigued with the Long March, and as long Action of the

Preceding Day, and Distressed to the Last Degree, by a Total

Want of Water, much more Intolerable than the Enemy's Fire.

Tied to our Convoy We could not Lose Sight of it, without

Exposing it, and our Wounded, to Fall a prey to the Savages, who

Pressed upon Us on Every Side; and to Move it was Impracticable,

having lost many horses, and most of the Drivers, Stupified by

Fear, hid themselves in the Bushes, or were Incapable of Hearing

or Obeying Orders.

The Savages growing Every Moment more Audacious, it was thought

proper still to increase their Confidence; by that means, if

possible, to Entice them to Come Close upon Us, or to Stand

their Ground when Attacked. With this View two Companies of

Light Infantry were Ordered within the Circle, and the Troops on

their Right and Left opened their Files, and Filled up the Space

that it might seem they were intended to Cover the Retreat; The

Third Light Infantry Company, and the Grenadiers of the 42d,

were Ordered to Support the two First Companys. This Man[oe]uvre

Succeeded to Our Wish, for the Few Troops who Took possession of

the Ground lately Occupied by the two Light Infantry Companys

being Brought in Nearer to the Centre of the Circle, the

Barbarians, mistaking these Motions for a Retreat, Hurried

Headlong on, and Advancing upon Us, with the most Daring

Intrepidity, Galled us Excessively with their Heavy Fire; But at

the very moment that, Certain of Success, they thought

themselves Masters of the Camp, Major Campbell, at the Head of

the two First Companys, Sallied out from a part of the Hill they

Could not Observe, and Fell upon their Right Flank; They

Resolutely Returned the Fire, but could not Stand the

Irresistible Shock of our Men, Who, Rushing in among them,

Killed many of them, and Put the Rest to Flight. The Orders sent

to the Other Two Companys were Delivered so timely by Captain

Basset, and Executed with such Celerity and Spirit, that the

Routed Savages, who happened to Run that Moment before their

Front, Received their Full Fire, when Uncovered by the Trees:

The Four Companys Did not give them time to Load a Second time,

nor Even to Look behind them, but Pursued them 'till they were

Totally Dispersed. The Left of the Savages, which had not been

Attacked, were kept in Awe by the Remains of our Troops, Posted

on the Brow of the Hill, for that Purpose; Nor Durst they

Attempt to Support, or Assist their Right, but being Witness to

their Defeat, followed their Example and Fled. Our Brave Men

Disdained so much to Touch the Dead Body of a Vanquished Enemy,

that Scarce a Scalp was taken, Except by the Rangers, and Pack

Horse Drivers.

The Woods being now Cleared and the Pursuit over, the Four

Companys took possession of a Hill in our Front; and as soon as

Litters could be made for the Wounded, and the Flour and Every

thing Destroyed, which, for want of Horses, could not be

Carried, We Marched without Molestation to this Camp. After the

Severe Correction We had given the Savages a few hours before,

it was Natural to Suppose We should Enjoy some Rest; but We had

hardly Fixed our Camp, when they fired upon Us again: This was

very Provoking! However, the Light Infantry Dispersed them,

before they could Receive Orders for that purpose.--I Hope We

shall be no more Disturbed, for, if We have another Action, We

shall hardly be able to Carry our Wounded.

The Behavior of the Troops, on this Occasion, Speaks for itself

so Strongly, that for me to Attempt their Eulogium, would but

Detract from their merit.

I Have the Honor to be, most Respectfully,

Sir,

&ca.

HENRY BOUQUET.

P. S. I Have the Honor to Enclose the Return of the Killed,

Wounded, and Missing in the two Engagements.

H. B.

His Excellency SIR JEFFREY AMHERST.

_Appendix E._

THE PAXTON RIOTS.

1. EVIDENCE AGAINST THE INDIANS OF CONESTOGA.

(Chap. XXIV.)

Abraham Newcomer, a Mennonist, by trade a Gunsmith, upon his affirmation,

declared that several times, within these few years, Bill Soc and Indian

John, two of the Conestogue Indians, threatened to scalp him for refusing

to mend their tomahawks, and swore they would as soon scalp him as they

would a dog. A few days before Bill Soc was killed, he brought a tomahawk

to be steeled. Bill said, "If you will not, I'll have it mended to your

sorrow," from which expression I apprehended danger.

Mrs. Thompson, of the borough of Lancaster, personally appeared before the

Chief Burgess, and upon her solemn oath, on the Holy Evangelists, said

that in the summer of 1761, Bill Soc came to her apartment, and threatened

her life, saying, "I kill you, all Lancaster can't catch me," which filled

me with terror; and this lady further said, Bill Soc added, "Lancaster is

mine, and I will have it yet."

Colonel John Hambright, gentleman, an eminent Brewer of the Borough of

Lancaster, personally appeared before Robert Thompson, Esq., a justice for

the county of Lancaster, and made oath on the Holy Evangelists, that, in

August, 1757, he, an officer, was sent for provision from Fort Augusta to

Fort Hunter, that on his way he rested at M'Kee's old place; a Sentinel

was stationed behind a tree, to prevent surprise. The Sentry gave notice

Indians were near; the deponent crawled up the bank and discovered two

Indians; one was Bill Soc, lately killed at Lancaster. He called Bill Soc

to come to him, but the Indians ran off. When the deponent came to Fort

Hunter, he learnt that an old man had been killed the day before; Bill Soc

and his companion were believed to be the perpetrators of the murder. He,

the deponent, had frequently seen Bill Soc and some of the Conestogue

Indians at Fort Augusta, trading with the Indians, but, after the murder

of the old man, Bill Soc did not appear at that Garrison.

JOHN HAMBRIGHT.

Sworn and Subscribed the 28th of Feb., 1764, before me,

ROBERT THOMPSON, Justice.

Charles Cunningham, of the county of Lancaster, personally appeared before

me, Thomas Foster, Esq., one of the Magistrates for said county, and being

qualified according to law, doth depose and say, that he, the deponent,

heard Joshua James, an Indian, say, that he never killed a white man in

his life, but six dutchmen that he killed in the Minisinks.

CHARLES CUNNINGHAM.

Sworn To, and Subscribed before THOMAS FOSTER, Justice.

Alexander Stephen, of the county of Lancaster, personally appeared before

Thomas Foster, Esq., one of the Magistrates, and being duly qualified

according to law, doth say, that Connayak Sally, an Indian woman, told him

that the Conestogue Indians had killed Jegrea, an Indian, because he would

not join the Conestogue Indians in destroying the English. James Cotter

told the deponent that he was one of the three that killed old William

Hamilton, on Sherman's Creek, and also another man, with seven of his

family. James Cotter demanded of the deponent a canoe, which the murderers

had left, as Cotter told him when the murder was committed.

ALEXANDER STEPHEN.

THOMAS FOSTER, Justice.

_Note._--Jegrea was a Warrior Chief, friendly to the Whites, and he

threatened the Conestogue Indians with his vengeance, if they harmed the

English. Cotter was one of the Indians, killed in Lancaster county, in

1763.

Anne Mary Le Roy, of Lancaster, appeared before the Chief Burgess, and

being sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, did depose and say,

that in the year 1755, when her Father, John Jacob Le Roy, and many

others, were murdered by the Indians, at Mahoney, she, her brother, and

some others were made prisoners, and taken to Kittanning; that stranger

Indians visited them; the French told them they were Conestogue Indians,

and that Isaac was the only Indian true to their interest; and that the

Conestogue Indians, with the exception of Isaac, were ready to lift the

hatchet when ordered by the French. She asked Bill Soc's mother whether

she had ever been at Kittanning? she said "no, but her son, Bill Soc, had

been there often; that he was good for nothing."

MARY LE ROY.

2. PROCEEDINGS OF THE RIOTERS. (Chap. XXIV., XXV.)

Deposition of Felix Donolly, keeper of Lancaster Jail.

This deposition is imperfect, a part of the manuscript having been defaced

or torn away. The original, in the handwriting of Edward Shippen, the

chief magistrate of Lancaster, was a few years since in the possession of

Redmond Conyngham, Esq.

The breaking open the door alarmed me; armed men broke in; they demanded

the strange Indian to be given up; they ran by me; the Indians guessed

their intention; they seized billets of wood from the pile; but the three

most active were shot; others came to their assistance; I was stupefied;

before I could shake off my surprise, the Indians were killed and their

murderers away.

Q. You say, "Indians armed themselves with wood;" did those Indians attack

the rioters?

A. They did. If they had not been shot, they would have killed the men who

entered, for they were the strongest.

Q. Could the murder have been prevented by you?

A. No: I nor no person here could have prevented it.

Q. What number were the rioters?

A. I should say fifty.

Q. Did you know any of them?

A. No; they were strangers.

Q. Do you now know who was in command?

A. I have been told, Lazarus Stewart of Donegal.

Q. If the Indians had not attempted resistance, would the men have fled?

(fired?)

A. I couldn't tell; I do not know.

Q. Do you think or believe that the rioters came with the intent to

murder?

A. I heard them say, when they broke in, they wanted a strange Indian.

Q. Was their object to murder him?

A. From what I have heard since, I think they meant to carry him off; that

is my belief.

Q. What was their purpose?

A. I do not know.

Q. Were the Indians killed all friends of this province?

A. I have been told they were not. I cannot tell of myself; I do not know.

Donolly was suspected of a secret inclination in favor of the rioters. In

private conversation he endeavored to place their conduct in as favorable

a light as possible, and indeed such an intention is apparent in the above

deposition.

Letter from Edward Shippen to Governor Hamilton.

Lancaster, ----, 1764.

Honoured Sir:

I furnish you with a full detail of all the particulars that

could be gathered of the unhappy transactions of the fourteenth

and twenty-seventh of December last, as painful for you to read

as me to write. The Depositions can only state the fact that the

Indians were killed. Be assured the Borough Authorities, when

they placed the Indians in the Workhouse, thought it a place of

security. I am sorry the Indians were not removed to

Philadelphia, as recommended by us. It is too late to remedy. It

is much to be regretted that there are evil-minded persons among

us, who are trying to corrupt the minds of the people by idle

tales and horrible butcheries--are injuring the character of

many of our most respectable people. That printers should have

lent their aid astonishes me when they are employed by the

Assembly to print their laws. I can see no good in meeting their

falsehoods by counter statements.

The Rev. Mr. Elder and Mr. Harris are determined to rely upon

the reputation they have so well established.

For myself, I can only say that, possessing your confidence, and

that of the Proprietaries, with a quiet conscience, I regard not

the malignant pens of secret assailants--men who had not the

courage to affix their names. Is it not strange that a too ready

belief was at first given to the slanderous epistles? Resting on

the favor I have enjoyed of the Government; on the confidence

reposed in me, by you and the Proprietaries; by the esteem of my

fellow-men in Lancaster, I silently remain passive.

Yours affectionately,

EDWARD SHIPPEN.

Extract from a letter of the Rev. Mr. Elder to Governor Penn, December 27,

1763.

The storm which had been so long gathering, has at length

exploded. Had Government removed the Indians from Conestoga,

which had frequently been urged, without success, this painful

catastrophe might have been avoided. What could I do with men

heated to madness? All that I could do, was done; I

expostulated; but _life_ and _reason_ were set at defiance. And

yet the men, in private life, are virtuous and respectable; not

cruel, but mild and merciful.

The time will arrive when each palliating circumstance will be

calmly weighed. This deed, magnified into the blackest of

crimes, shall be considered one of those youthful ebullitions of

wrath caused by momentary excitement, to which human infirmity

is subjected.

Extract from "The Paxtoniade," a poem in imitation of Hudibras, published

at Philadelphia, 1764, by a partisan of the Quaker faction:--

O'Hara mounted on his Steed,

(Descendant of that self-same Ass,

That bore his Grandsire Hudibras,)

And from that same exalted Station,

Pronounced an hortory Oration:

For he was cunning as a fox,

Had read o'er Calvin and Dan Nox;

A man of most profound Discerning,

Well versed in P----n Learning.

So after hemming thrice to clear

His Throat, and banish thoughts of fear,

And of the mob obtaining Silence,

He thus went on--"Dear Sirs, a while since

Ye know as how the Indian Rabble,

With practices unwarrantable,

Did come upon our quiet Borders,

And there commit most desperate murders;

Did tomahawk, butcher, wound and cripple,

With cruel Rage, the Lord's own People;

Did war most implacable wage

With God's own chosen heritage;

Did from our Brethren take their lives,

And kill our Children, kine and wives.

Now, Sirs, I ween it is but right,

That we upon these Canaanites,

Without delay, should Vengeance take,

Both for our own, and the K--k's sake;

Should totally destroy the heathen,

And never till we've killed 'em leave 'em;--

Destroy them quite frae out the Land;

And for it we have God's Command.

We should do him a muckle Pleasure,

As ye in your Books may read at leisure."

He paused, as Orators are used,

And from his pocket quick produced

A friendly Vase well stor'd and fill'd

With good old whiskey twice distill'd,

And having refresh'd his inward man,

Went on with his harangue again.

"Is't not, my Brethren, a pretty Story

That we who are the Land's chief Glory,

Who are i' the number of God's elected,

Should slighted thus be and neglected?

That we, who're the only Gospel Church,

Should thus be left here in the lurch;

Whilst our most antichristian foes,

Whose trade is war and hardy blows,

(At least while some of the same Colour,

With those who've caused us all this Dolor,)

In matchcoats warm and blankets drest,

Are by the Q----rs much caress'd,

And live in peace by good warm fires,

And have the extent of their desires?

Shall we put by such treatment base?

By Nox, we wont!"--And broke his Vase.

"Seeing then we've such good cause to hate 'em,

What I intend's to extirpate 'em;

To suffer them no more to thrive,

And leave nor Root nor Branch alive;

But would we madly leave our wives

And Children, and expose our lives

In search of these wh' infest our borders,

And perpetrate such cruel murders;

It is most likely, by King Harry,

That we should in the end miscarry.

I deem therefore the wisest course is,

That those who've beasts should mount their horses,

And those who've none should march on foot,

With as much quickness as will suit,

To where those heathen, nothing fearful,

That we will on their front and rear fall,

Enjoy Sweet Otium in their Cotts,

And dwell securely in their Hutts.

And as they've nothing to defend them,

We'll quickly to their own place send them!"

The following letter from Rev. John Elder to Colonel Shippen will serve to

exhibit the state of feeling among the frontier inhabitants.

Paxton, Feb. 1, 1764.

Dear Sir:

Since I sealed the Governor's Letter, which you'll please to

deliver to him, I suspect, from the frequent meetings I hear the

people have had in divers parts of the Frontier Counties, that

an Expedition is immediately designed against the Indians at

Philadelphia. It's well known that I have always used my utmost

endeavors to discourage these proceedings; but to little

purpose: the minds of the Inhabitants are so exasperated against

a particular set of men, deeply concerned in the government,

for the singular regards they have always shown to savages, and

the heavy burden by their means laid on the province in

maintaining an expensive Trade and holding Treaties from time to

time with the savages, without any prospect of advantage either

to his Majesty or to the province, how beneficial soever it may

have been to individuals, that it's in vain, nay even unsafe for

any one to oppose their measures; for were Col. Shippen here,

tho' a gentleman highly esteemed by the Frontier inhabitants, he

would soon find it useless, if not dangerous, to act in

opposition to an enraged multitude. At first there were but, as

I think, few concerned in these riots, & nothing intended by

some but to ease the province of part of its burden, and by

others, who had suffered greatly in the late war, the gratifying

a spirit of Revenge, yet the manner of the Quakers resenting

these things has been, I think, very injurious and impolitick.

The Presbyterians, who are the most numerous, I imagine, of any

denomination in the province, are enraged at their being charged

in bulk with these facts, under the name of Scotch-Irish, and

other ill-natured titles, and that the killing the Conestogoe

Indians is compared to the Irish Massacres, and reckoned the

most barbarous of either, so that things are grown to that pitch

now that the country seems determined that no Indian Treaties

shall be held, or savages maintained at the expense of the

province, unless his Majesty's pleasure on these heads is well

known; for I understood to my great satisfaction that amid our

great confusions, there are none, even of the most warm and

furious tempers, but what are warmly attached to his Majesty,

and would cheerfully risk their lives to promote his service.

What the numbers are of those going on the above-mentioned

Expedition, I can't possibly learn, as I'm informed they are

collecting in all parts of the province; however, this much may

be depended on, that they have the good wishes of the country in

general, and that there are few but what are now either one way

or other embarked in the affair, tho' some particular persons,

I'm informed, are grossly misrepresented in Philadelphia; even

my neighbor, Mr. Harris, it's said, is looked on there as the

chief promoter of these riots, yet it's entirely false; he had

aided as much in opposition to these measures as he could with

any safety in his situation. Reports, however groundless, are

spread by designing men on purpose to inflame matters, and

enrage the parties against each other, and various methods used

to accomplish their pernicious ends. As I am deeply concerned

for the welfare of my country, I would do every thing in my

power to promote its interests. I thought proper to give you

these few hints; you'll please to make what use you think proper

of them. I would heartily wish that some effectual measures

might be taken to heal these growing evils, and this I judge

may be yet done, and Col. Armstrong, who is now in town, may be

usefully employed for this purpose.

Sir,

I am, etc.,

JOHN ELDER.

Extracts from a Quaker letter on the Paxton riots.

This letter is written with so much fidelity, and in so impartial a

spirit, that it must always remain one of the best authorities in

reference to these singular events. Although in general very accurate, its

testimony has in a few instances been set aside in favor of the more

direct evidence of eye-witnesses. It was published by Hazard in the

twelfth volume of his Pennsylvania Register. I have, however, examined the

original, which is still preserved by a family in Philadelphia. The

extracts here given form but a small part of the entire letter.

Before I proceed further it may not be amiss to inform thee that

a great number of the inhabitants here approved of killing the

Indians, and declared that they would not offer to oppose the

Paxtoneers, unless they attacked the citizens, that is to say,

themselves--for, if any judgment was to be formed from

countenances and behavior, those who depended upon them for

defence and protection, would have found their confidence

shockingly misplaced.

The number of persons in arms that morning was about six

hundred, and as it was expected the insurgents would attempt to

cross at the middle or upper ferry, orders were sent to bring

the boats to this side, and to take away the ropes. Couriers

were now seen continually coming in, their horses all of a foam,

and people running with the greatest eagerness to ask them where

the enemy were, and what were their numbers. The answers to

these questions were various: sometimes they were at a distance,

then near at hand--sometimes they were a thousand strong, then

five hundred, then fifteen hundred; in short, all was doubt and

uncertainty.

About eleven o'clock it was recollected the boat at the Sweed's

ford was not secured, which, in the present case, was of the

utmost consequence, for, as there was a considerable freshet in

the Schuylkill, the securing that boat would oblige them to

march some distance up the river, and thereby retard the

execution of their scheme at least a day or two longer. Several

persons therefore set off immediately to get it performed; but

they had not been gone long, before there was a general

uproar--They are coming! they are coming! Where? where? Down

Second street! down Second street! Such of the company as had

grounded their firelocks, flew to arms, and began to prime; the

artillery-men threw themselves into order, and the people ran to

get out of the way, for a troop of armed men, on horseback,

appeared in reality coming down the street, and one of the

artillery-men was just going to apply the fatal match, when a

person, perceiving the mistake, clapped his hat upon the

touch-hole of the piece he was going to fire. Dreadful would

have been the consequence, had the cannon discharged; for the

men that appeared proved to be a company of German butchers and

porters, under the command of Captain Hoffman. They had just

collected themselves, and being unsuspicious of danger, had

neglected to give notice of their coming;--a false alarm was now

called out, and all became quiet again in a few minutes....

The weather being now very wet, Capt. Francis, Capt. Wood, and

Capt. Mifflin, drew up their men under the market-house, which,

not affording shelter for any more, they occupied Friends'

meeting-house, and Capt. Joseph Wharton marched his company up

stairs, into the monthly meeting room, as I have been told--the

rest were stationed below. It happened to be the day appointed

for holding of Youths' meeting, but never did the Quaker youth

assemble in such a military manner--never was the sound of the

drum heard before within those walls, nor ever till now was the

Banner of War displayed in that rostrum, from whence the art has

been so zealously declaimed against. Strange reverse of times,

James--. Nothing of any consequence passed during the remainder

of the day, except that Captain Coultas came into town at the

head of a troop, which he had just raised in his own

neighborhood. The Captain was one of those who had been marked

out as victims by these devout conquerors, and word was sent to

him from Lancaster to make his peace with Heaven, for that he

had but about ten days to live.

In the evening our Negotiators came in from Germantown. They had

conferred with the Chiefs of this illustrious--, and have

prevailed with them to suspend all hostility till such time as

they should receive an answer to their petition or manifesto,

which had been sent down the day before....

The weather now clearing, the City forces drew up near the Court

House where a speech was made to them, informing them that

matters had been misrepresented,--that the Paxtoneers were a set

of very worthy men (or something to that purpose) who labored

under great distress,--that Messrs. Smith, &c., were come (by

their own authority) as representatives, from several counties,

to lay their complaints before the Legislature, and that the

reason for their arming themselves was for fear of being

molested or abused. By whom? Why, by the peaceable citizens of

Philadelphia! Ha! ha! ha! Who can help laughing? The harangue

concluded with thanks for the trouble and expense they had been

at (about nothing), and each retired to their several homes. The

next day, when all was quiet, and nobody dreamed of any further

disturbance, we were alarmed again. The report now was, that the

Paxtoneers had broke the Treaty, and were just entering the

city. It is incredible to think with what alacrity the people

flew to arms; in one quarter of an hour near a thousand of them

were assembled, with a determination to bring the affair to a

conclusion immediately, and not to suffer themselves to be

harassed as they had been several days past. If the whole body

of the enemy had come in, as was expected, the engagement would

have been a bloody one, for the citizens were exasperated almost

to madness; but happily those that appeared did not exceed

thirty, (the rest having gone homewards), and as they behaved

with decency, they were suffered to pass without opposition.

Thus the storm blew over, and the Inhabitants dispersed

themselves....

The Pennsylvania Gazette, usually a faithful chronicler of the events of

the day, preserves a discreet silence on the subject of the Paxton riots,

and contains no other notice of them than the following condensed

statement:--

On Saturday last, the City was alarmed with the News of Great

Numbers of armed Men, from the Frontiers, being on the several

Roads, and moving towards Philadelphia. As their designs were

unknown, and there were various Reports concerning them, it was

thought prudent to put the City in some Posture of Defence

against any Outrages that might possibly be intended. The

Inhabitants being accordingly called upon by the Governor, great

numbers of them entered into an Association, and took Arms for

the Support of Government, and Maintenance of good Order.

Six Companies of Foot, one of Artillery, and two Troops of

Horse, were formed, and paraded, to which, it is said, some

Thousands, who did not appear, were prepared to join themselves,

in case any attempt should be made against the Town. The

Barracks also, where the Indians are lodged, under Protection of

the regular Troops, were put into a good Posture of Defence;

several Works being thrown up about them, and eight Pieces of

Cannon planted there.

The Insurgents, it seems, intended to rendezvous at Germantown;

but the Precautions taken at the several Ferries over Schuylkill

impeded their Junction; and those who assembled there, being

made acquainted with the Force raised to oppose them, listened

to the reasonable Discourses and Advice of some prudent Persons,

who voluntarily went out to meet and admonish them; and of some

Gentlemen sent by the Governor, to know the Reasons of their

Insurrection; and promised to return peaceably to their

Habitations, leaving only two of their Number to present a

Petition to the Governor and Assembly; on which the Companies

raised in Town were thanked by the Governor on Tuesday Evening,

and dismissed, and the City restored to its former Quiet.

But on Wednesday Morning there was a fresh Alarm, occasioned by

a false Report, that Four Hundred of the same People were on

their March to Attack the Town. Immediately, on Beat of Drum, a

much greater number of the Inhabitants, with the utmost

Alacrity, put themselves under Arms; but as the Truth was soon

known, they were again thanked by the Governor, and dismissed;

the Country People being really dispersed, and gone home

according to their Promise.--_Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1833.

The following extract from a letter of Rev. John Ewing to Joseph Reed

affords a striking example of the excitement among the Presbyterians. (See

Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, I. 34.)

Feb. --, 1764.

As to public affairs, our Province is greatly involved in

intestine feuds, at a time, when we should rather unite, one and

all, to manage the affairs of our several Governments, with

prudence and discretion. A few designing men, having engrossed

too much power into their hands, are pushing matters beyond all

bounds. There are twenty-two Quakers in our Assembly, at

present, who, although they won't absolutely refuse to grant

money for the King's use, yet never fail to contrive matters in

such a manner as to afford little or no assistance to the poor,

distressed Frontiers; while our public money is lavishly

squandered away in supporting a number of savages, who have been

murdering and scalping us for many years past. This has so

enraged some desperate young men, who had lost their nearest

relations, by these very Indians, to cut off about twenty

Indians that lived near Lancaster, who had, during the war,

carried on a constant intercourse with our other enemies; and

they came down to Germantown to inquire why Indians, known to be

enemies, were supported, even in luxury, with the best that our

markets afforded, at the public expense, while they were left in

the utmost distress on the Frontiers, in want of the necessaries

of life. Ample promises were made to them that their grievances

should be redressed, upon which they immediately dispersed and

went home. These persons have been unjustly represented as

endeavoring to overturn Government, when nothing was more

distant from their minds. However this matter may be looked upon

in Britain, where you know very little of the matter, you may be

assured that ninety-nine in an hundred of the Province are

firmly persuaded, that they are maintaining our enemies, while

our friends back are suffering the greatest extremities,

neglected; and that few, but Quakers, think that the Lancaster

Indians have suffered any thing but their just deserts. 'Tis not

a little surprising to us here, that orders should be sent from

the Crown, to apprehend and bring to justice those persons who

have cut off that nest of enemies that lived near Lancaster.

They never were subjects to his Majesty; were a free,

independent state, retaining all the powers of a free state; sat

in all our Treaties with the Indians, as one of the tribes

belonging to the Six Nations, in alliance with us; they

entertained the French and Indian spies--gave intelligence to

them of the defenceless state of our Province--furnished them

with Gazette every week, or fortnight--gave them intelligence of

all the dispositions of the Province army against them--were

frequently with the French and Indians at their forts and

towns--supplied them with warlike stores--joined with the

strange Indians in their war-dances, and in the parties that

made incursions on our Frontiers--were ready to take up the

hatchet against the English openly, when the French requested

it--actually murdered and scalped some of the Frontier

inhabitants--insolently boasted of the murders they had

committed, when they saw our blood was cooled, after the last

Treaty at Lancaster--confessed that they had been at war with

us, and would soon be at war with us again (which accordingly

happened), and even went so far as to put one of their own

warriors, Jegarie, to death, because he refused to go to war

with them against the English. All these things were known

through the Frontier inhabitants, and are since proved upon

oath. This occasioned them to be cut off by about forty or fifty

persons, collected from all the Frontier counties, though they

are called by the name of the little Township of Paxton, where,

possibly, the smallest part of them resided. And what surprises

us more than all the accounts we have from England, is, that our

Assembly, in a petition they have drawn up, to the King, for a

change of Government, should represent this Province in a state

of uproar and riot, and when not a man in it has once resisted a

single officer of the Government, nor a single act of violence

committed, unless you call the Lancaster affair such, although

it was no more than going to war with that tribe, as they had

done before with others, without a formal proclamation of war by

the Government. I have not time, as you may guess by this

scrawl, to write more at this time, but only that I am yours,

&c.

JOHN EWING.

3. MEMORIALS OF THE PAXTON MEN. (Chap. XXV)

5. To the Honorable John Penn, Esq., Governor of the Province of

Pennsylvania, and of the Counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, upon

Delaware; and to the Representatives of the Freemen of the said Province,

in General Assembly met.

We, Matthew Smith and James Gibson, in Behalf of ourselves and his

Majesty's faithful and loyal Subjects, the Inhabitants of the Frontier

Counties of Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks, and Northampton, humbly

beg Leave to remonstrate and lay before you the following Grievances,

which we submit to your Wisdom for Redress.

_First._ We apprehend that, as Freemen and English Subjects, we have an

indisputable Title to the same Privileges and immunities with his

Majesty's other Subjects, who reside in the interior Counties of

Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks, and therefore ought not to be excluded

from an equal Share with them in the very important Privilege of

Legislation;--nevertheless, contrary to the Proprietor's Charter, and the

acknowledged Principles of common Justice and Equity, our five Counties

are restrained from electing more than ten Representatives, _viz._, four

for Lancaster, two for York, two for Cumberland, one for Berks, and one

for Northampton, while the three Counties and City of Philadelphia,

Chester, and Bucks elect Twenty-six. This we humbly conceive is

oppressive, unequal and unjust, the Cause of many of our Grievances, and

an Infringement of our natural Privileges of Freedom and Equality;

wherefore we humbly pray that we may be no longer deprived of an equal

Number with the three aforesaid Counties to represent us in Assembly.

_Secondly._ We understand that a Bill is now before the House of Assembly,

wherein it is provided, that such Persons as shall be charged with killing

any Indians in Lancaster County, shall not be tried in the County where

the Fact was committed, but in the Counties of Philadelphia, Chester, or

Bucks. This is manifestly to deprive British Subjects of their known

Privileges, to cast an eternal Reproach upon whole Counties, as if they

were unfit to serve their Country in the Quality of Jury-men, and to

contradict the well known Laws of the British Nation, in a Point whereon

Life, Liberty, and Security essentially depend; namely, that of being

tried by their Equals, in the Neighbourhood where their own, their

Accusers, and the Witnesses Character and Credit, with the Circumstances

of the Fact, are best known, and instead thereof putting their Lives in

the Hands of Strangers, who may as justly be suspected of Partiality to,

as the Frontier Counties can be of Prejudices against, Indians; and this

too, in favour of Indians only, against his Majesty's faithful and loyal

Subjects: Besides, it is well known, that the Design of it is to

comprehend a Fact committed before such a Law was thought of. And if such

Practices were tolerated, no Man could be secure in his most invaluable

Interest.--We are also informed, to our great Surprise, that this Bill has

actually received the Assent of a Majority of the House; which we are

persuaded could not have been the Case, had our Frontier Counties been

equally represented in Assembly.--However, we hope that the Legislature of

this Province will never enact a Law of so dangerous a Tendency, or take

away from his Majesty's good Subjects a Privilege so long esteemed sacred

by Englishmen.

_Thirdly._ During the late and present Indian War, the Frontiers of this

Province have been repeatedly attacked and ravaged by skulking Parties of

the Indians, who have, with the most Savage Cruelty, murdered Men, Women,

and Children, without Distinction, and have reduced near a Thousand

Families to the most extreme Distress.--It grieves us to the very Heart to

see such of our Frontier Inhabitants as have escaped Savage Fury, with the

Loss of their Parents, their Children, their Wives or Relatives, left

Destitute by the Public, and exposed to the most cruel Poverty and

Wretchedness, while upwards of an Hundred and Twenty of these Savages, who

are, with great Reason, suspected of being guilty of these horrid

Barbarities, under the Mask of Friendship, have procured themselves to be

taken under the Protection of the Government, with a View to elude the

Fury of the brave Relatives of the Murdered, and are now maintained at the

public Expense.--Some of these Indians, now in the Barracks of

Philadelphia, are confessedly a Part of the Wyalusing Indians, which Tribe

is now at War with us; and the others are the Moravian Indians, who,

living with us, under the Cloak of Friendship, carried on a Correspondence

with our known Enemies on the Great Island.--We cannot but observe, with

Sorrow and Indignation, that some Persons in this Province are at Pains to

extenuate the barbarous Cruelties practised by these Savages on our

murdered Brethren and Relatives, which are shocking to human Nature, and

must pierce every Heart, but that of the hardened Perpetrators or their

Abettors. Nor is it less distressing to hear Others pleading, that

although the Wyalusing Tribe is at War with us, yet that Part of it which

is under the Protection of the Government, may be friendly to the

English, and innocent:--In what Nation under the Sun was it ever the

Custom, that when a neighbouring Nation took up Arms, not an Individual

should be touched, but only the Persons that offered Hostilities?--Who

ever proclaimed War with a Part of a Nation and not with the whole?--Had

these Indians disapproved of the Perfidy of their Tribe, and been willing

to cultivate and preserve Friendship with us, why did they not give Notice

of the War before it happened, as it is known to be the Result of long

Deliberations, and a preconcerted Combination among them?--Why did they

not leave their Tribe immediately, and come among us, before there was

Ground to suspect them, or War was actually waged with their Tribe?--No,

they stayed amongst them, were privy to their Murders and Ravages, until

we had destroyed their provisions, and when they could no longer subsist

at Home, they come not as Deserters, but as Friends, to be maintained

through the Winter, that they may be able to scalp and butcher us in the

Spring.

And as to the Moravian Indians, there are strong Grounds at least to

suspect their Friendship, as it is known that they carried on a

Correspondence with our Enemies on the Great Island.--We killed three

Indians going from Bethlehem to the Great Island with Blankets,

Ammunition, and Provisions, which is an undeniable Proof that the Moravian

Indians were in Confederacy with our open Enemies. And we cannot but be

filled with Indignation to hear this Action of ours painted in the most

odious and detestable Colours, as if we had inhumanly murdered our Guides,

who preserved us from perishing in the Woods; when we only killed three of

our known Enemies, who attempted to shoot us when we surprised them.--And,

besides all this, we understand that one of these very Indians is proved,

by the Oath of Stinton's Widow, to be the very Person that murdered her

Husband.--How then comes it to pass, that he alone, of all the Moravian

Indians, should join the Enemy to murder that family?--Or can it be

supposed that any Enemy Indians, contrary to their known Custom of making

War, should penetrate into the Heart of a settled Country, to burn,

plunder, and murder the Inhabitants, and not molest any Houses in their

Return, or ever be seen or heard of?--Or how can we account for it, that

no Ravages have been committed in Northampton County since the Removal of

the Moravian Indians, when the Great Cove has been struck since?--These

Things put it beyond Doubt with us that the Indians now at Philadelphia

are his Majesty's perfidious Enemies, and therefore, to protect and

maintain them at the public Expence, while our suffering Brethren on the

Frontiers are almost destitute of the Necessaries of Life, and are

neglected by the Public, is sufficient to make us mad with Rage, and tempt

us to do what nothing but the most violent Necessity can vindicate.--We

humbly and earnestly pray therefore, that those Enemies of his Majesty may

be removed as soon as possible out of the Province.

_Fourthly._ We humbly conceive that it is contrary to the Maxims of good

Policy and extremely dangerous to our Frontiers, to suffer any Indians, of

what Tribe soever, to live within the inhabited Parts of this Province,

while we are engaged in an Indian War, as Experience has taught us that

they are all perfidious, and their Claim to Freedom and Independency, puts

it in their Power to act as Spies, to entertain and give Intelligence to

our Enemies, and to furnish them with Provisions and warlike Stores.--To

this fatal Intercourse between our pretended Friends and open Enemies, we

must ascribe the greatest Part of the Ravages and Murders that have been

committed in the Course of this and the last Indian War.--We therefore

pray that this Grievance be taken under Consideration, and remedied.

_Fifthly._ We cannot help lamenting that no Provision has been hitherto

made, that such of our Frontier Inhabitants as have been wounded in

Defence of the Province, their Lives and Liberties may be taken Care of,

and cured of their Wounds, at the public Expence.--We therefore pray that

this Grievance may be redressed.

_Sixthly._ In the late Indian War this Province, with others of his

Majesty's Colonies, gave Rewards for Indian Scalps, to encourage the

seeking them in their own Country, as the most likely Means of destroying

or reducing them to Reason; but no such Encouragement has been given in

this War, which has damped the Spirits of many brave Men, who are willing

to venture their Lives in Parties against the Enemy.--We therefore pray

that public Rewards may be proposed for Indian Scalps, which may be

adequate to the Dangers attending Enterprises of this Nature.

_Seventhly._ We daily lament that Numbers of our nearest and dearest

Relatives are still in Captivity among the savage Heathen, to be trained

up in all their Ignorance and Barbarity, or to be tortured to Death with

all the Contrivances of Indian Cruelty, for attempting to make their

Escape from Bondage. We see they pay no Regard to the many solemn Promises

which they have made to restore our Friends who are in Bondage amongst

them.--We therefore earnestly pray that no Trade may hereafter be

permitted to be carried on with them until our Brethren and Relatives are

brought Home to us.

_Eighthly._ We complain that a certain Society of People in this Province

in the late Indian War, and at several Treaties held by the King's

Representatives, openly loaded the Indians with Presents; and that F. P.,

a Leader of the said Society, in Defiance of all Government, not only

abetted our Indian Enemies, but kept up a private Intelligence with them,

and publickly received from them a Belt of Wampum, as if he had been our

Governor, or authorized by the King to treat with his Enemies.--By this

means the Indians have been taught to despise us as a weak and disunited

People, and from this fatal Source have arose many of our Calamities under

which we groan.--We humbly pray, therefore, that this Grievance may be

redressed, and that no private Subject be hereafter permitted to treat

with, or carry on a Correspondence with our Enemies.

_Ninthly._ We cannot but observe with Sorrow, that Fort Augusta, which has

been very expensive to this Province, has afforded us but little

Assistance during this or the last War. The Men that were stationed at

that Place neither helped our distressed Inhabitants to save their Crops,

nor did they attack our Enemies in their Towns, or patrol on our

Frontiers.--We humbly request that proper Measures may be taken to make

that Garrison more serviceable to us in our Distress, if it can be done.

N. B. We are far from intending any Reflection against the Commanding

Officer stationed at Augusta, as we presume his Conduct was always

directed by those from whom he received his Orders.

Signed on Behalf of ourselves, and by Appointment of a great Number of the

Frontier Inhabitants,

MATTHEW SMITH.

JAMES GIBSON.

The Declaration of the injured Frontier Inhabitants, together with a brief

Sketch of Grievances the good Inhabitants of the Province labor under.

Inasmuch as the Killing those Indians at Conestogoe Manor and Lancaster

has been, and may be, the Subject of much Conversation, and by invidious

Representations of it, which some, we doubt not, will industriously

spread, many, unacquainted with the true State of Affairs, may be led to

pass a severe Censure on the Authors of those Facts, and any others of the

like Nature which may hereafter happen, than we are persuaded they would,

if Matters were duly understood and deliberated; we think it therefore

proper thus openly to declare ourselves, and render some brief Hints of

the Reasons of our Conduct, which we must, and frankly do, confess nothing

but Necessity itself could induce us to, or justify us in, as it bears an

Appearance of flying in the Face of Authority, and is attended with much

Labour, Fatigue and Expence.

Ourselves then, to a Man, we profess to be loyal Subjects to the best of

Kings, our rightful Sovereign George the Third, firmly attached to his

Royal Person, Interest and Government, and of Consequence equally opposite

to the Enemies of his Throne and Dignity, whether openly avowed, or more

dangerously concealed under a Mask of falsely pretended Friendship, and

chearfully willing to offer our Substance and Lives in his Cause.

These Indians, known to be firmly connected in Friendship with our openly

avowed embittered Enemies, and some of whom have, by several Oaths, been

proved to be Murderers, and who, by their better Acquaintance with the

Situation and State of our Frontier, were more capable of doing us

Mischief, we saw, with Indignation, cherished and caressed as dearest

Friends;--But this, alas! is but a Part, a small Part, of that excessive

Regard manifested to Indians, beyond his Majesty's loyal Subjects, whereof

we complain, and which, together with various other Grievances, have not

only inflamed with Resentment the Breasts of a Number, and urged them to

the disagreeable Evidence of it, they have been constrained to give, but

have heavily displeased, by far, the greatest Part of the good Inhabitants

of this Province.