IV. FEELINGS OF THE SLAVEHOLDERS TOWARDS THE LABORING CLASSES.

Whenever the great mass of the laboring population of a country are

reduced to beasts of burden, and toil under the lash, "bodily labor," as

Chancellor Harper expresses it, must be disreputable, from the mere

influence of association. Hence you know _white_ laborers at the South

are styled "mean whites." At the North, on the contrary, labor is

regarded as the proper and commendable means of acquiring wealth; and

our most influential men would in no degree suffer in public estimation,

for holding the plough, or even repairing the highways. Hence no poor

man is deterred from seeking a livelihood by honest labor from a dread

of personal degradation. The different light in which labor is viewed at

the North and the South is one cause of the depression of industry in

the latter.

Another cause is the ever-wakeful jealousy of your aristocracy. They

fear the PEOPLE; they are alarmed at the very idea of power and

influence being possessed by any portion of the community not directly

interested in slave property. Visions of emancipation, of agrarianism,

and of popular resistance to their authority, are ever floating in their

distempered and excited imaginations. They know their own weakness, and

are afraid you should know it also. Hence it is their policy to keep

down the "mean whites." Hence their philippics against the lower

classes. Hence their constant comparison of the laborers of the North,

with their own slaves; and hence, in no small degree, the absence among

you of those institutions which confer upon the poor that knowledge

which is _power_. Do you deem these assertions uncharitable? Listen to

their own declarations:

"We believe the servitude which prevails in the South far

preferable to that of the _North_, or in Europe. Slavery will

exist in all communities. There is a class which may be

nominally free, but they will be virtually

_Slaves_."--_Mississippian, July 6th, 1838._

"Those who depend on their daily labor for their daily

subsistence can never enter into political affairs: they never

do, never will, never can."--_B. W. Leigh in Virginia

Convention, 1829._

"All society settles down into a classification of capitalists

and laborers. The former will _own_ the latter, either

collectively through the government, or individually in a state

of domestic servitude, as exists in the Southern States of this

confederacy. If LABORERS ever obtain the political power of a

country, it is in fact in a state of REVOLUTION. The capitalists

north of Mason and Dixon's line, have precisely the same

interest in the labor of the country, that the capitalists of

England have in their labor. Hence it is that they must have a

strong federal government (!) _to control_ the labor of the

nation. But it is precisely the reverse with us. We have already

not only a right to the proceeds of our laborers, but we OWN a

_class of laborers_ themselves. But let me say to gentlemen who

represent the great class of capitalists in the North--beware

that you do not drive us into a separate system; for if you do,

as certain as the decrees of heaven, you will be compelled to

_appeal to the sword to maintain yourselves at home_. It may not

come in your day; but your children's children will be covered

with the blood of domestic factions, and will see _a plundering

mob contending for power and conquest_."--_Mr. Pickens, of South

Carolina, in Congress, 21st Jan., 1836._

So the way to prevent _plundering_ mobs, is to enslave the poor! We

shall see presently, how far this expedient has been successful in

preventing _murdering_ mobs.

"In the very nature of things there must be classes of persons

to discharge all the different offices of society, from the

highest to the lowest. Some of these offices are regarded as

_degrading_, although they must and will be performed. Hence

those manifest forms of dependent servitude which produce a

sense of superiority in the masters or employers, and of

inferiority on the part of the servants. Where these offices are

performed by _members of the political community_, a DANGEROUS

ELEMENT is obviously introduced into the body politic. Hence the

alarming tendency to violate the rights of property by agrarian

legislation, which is beginning to be manifest in the older

States, where UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE _prevails without_ DOMESTIC

SLAVERY.

"In a word, the institution of domestic slavery supersedes the

_necessity_ of AN ORDER OF NOBILITY, AND ALL THE OTHER

APPENDAGES OF A HEREDITARY SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT."--_Governor

M'Duffie's Message to the South Carolina Legislature, 1836._

"We regard SLAVERY _as the most safe and stable basis for free

institutions in the world_. It is impossible with us, that the

conflict can take place between labor and capital, which makes

it so difficult to establish and maintain free institutions in

all wealthy and highly civilized nations where such institutions

do not exist. Every plantation is a little community with the

master at its head, who concentrates in himself the united

interests of capital and labor, _of which he is the common

representative_."--(Mr. Calhoun, of South Carolina, in the U. S.

Senate, Jan. 10th, 1840.)

"We of the South have cause now, and shall soon have greater, to

congratulate ourselves on the existence of a population among

us, which excludes the POPULACE which in effect rules some of

our Northern neighbors, and is rapidly gaining strength wherever

slavery does not exist--a populace made up of the dregs of

Europe, and the most worthless portion of the native

population."--(_Richmond Whig_, 1837.)

"Would you do a benefit to the horse or the ox by giving him a

cultivated understanding, a fine feeling? So far as the MERE

LABORER has the pride, the knowledge, or the aspiration of a

freeman, he is unfitted for his situation. If there are sordid,

servile, _laborious_ offices to be performed, is it not better

that there should be sordid, servile, laborious beings to

perform them?

"Odium has been cast upon our legislation, on account of its

forbidding the elements of education being communicated to

slaves. But in truth what injury is done them by this? _He who

works during the day with his hands_, does not read in the

intervals of leisure for his amusement, or the improvement of

his mind, or the exception is so very rare as scarcely to need

the being provided for."--(Chancellor Harper of South

Carolina.--_Southern Literary Messenger_.)

This same gentleman delivered an oration on the 4th of July, 1840,

reviewing the principles of the two great political parties, and

although he supported Mr. Van Buren's administration, in consideration

of its devotion to the slave interest, he frankly inquires:--

"Is there anything in the principles and opinions of the great

DEMOCRATIC RABBLE, as it has been justly called, which should

induce _us_ to identify ourselves with that? Here you may find

every possible grade and hue of opinion which has ever existed

in the country. Here you may find loafer, and loco foco, and

agrarian, and all the rabble of the city of New York, the most

corrupt and depraved of rabbles, and which controls, in a great

degree, the city itself, and through that, as being the

commercial metropolis, exercises much influence over the State

at large.

"What are the essential principles of democracy as distinguished

from republicanism? The first consists in the dogma, so

portentous to us, of the natural equality and unalienable right

to liberty of every human being. Our allies (!) no doubt, are

willing at _present_ to modify the doctrine in _our favor_. But

the spirit of democracy at large makes no such exceptions, nor

will these (our allies, the Northern democrats) continue to make

it, longer than necessity or _interest_ may require. The second

consists in the doctrine of the divine right of majorities; a

doctrine not less false, and slavish, and absurd, than the

ancient doctrine of the divine right of kings."

Mr. Robert Wickliffe, of Kentucky, in a speech published in the

_Louisville Advertiser_, in opposition to those who were adverse to the

importation of slaves from the States, thus discourseth:

"Gentlemen wanted to drive out the black population, that they

may obtain WHITE NEGROES in their place. WHITE NEGROES have this

advantage over black negroes, they can be converted into voters;

and the men who live upon the sweat of their brow, and pay them

but a dependent and scanty subsistence, can, if able to keep ten

thousand of them in employment, come up to the polls and change

the destiny of the country.

"How improved will be our condition when we have such white

negroes as perform the servile labors of Europe, of Old England,

and he would add now of _New England_; when our body servants

and our cart drivers and our street sweepers are _white negroes_

instead of black. Where will be the independence, the proud

spirit, and the chivalry of Kentuckians then?"

Had the gentleman looked across the river, he might have found an answer

to his question, in the wealth, power, intelligence and happiness of

Ohio.

In reading the foregoing extracts, it is amusing to observe how adroitly

the slaveholders avoid all recognition of any other classes among them

than masters and slaves. Who would suspect from their language, that

they were themselves a small minority of the white inhabitants, and that

their own "white negroes" could, if united and so disposed, outvote them

at the polls? It is worthy of remark that in their denunciations of the

_populace_, the _rabble_, _those who work with their hands_, they refer

not to complexion, but to condition; not to slaves, but to the poor and

laborious of their own color. It is these haughty aristocrats who find

in Northern democrats "allies," who in Congress and out of it are

zealous in obeying their mandates, and who may justly be termed their

"white negroes."

Slavery, although considered by Mr. Calhoun "the most stable basis of

free institutions in the world," has, as we shall presently show you, in

fact, led to grosser outrages in the social compact, to more alarming

violations of constitutional liberty, to more bold and reckless assaults

upon "free institutions," than have ever been even attempted by the

much-dreaded agrarianism of the North.

Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery · 第 5 / 13 题