III. INDUSTRY AND ENTERPRISE.

In a community so unenlightened as yours, it is a matter of course, that

the arts and sciences must languish, and the industry and enterprise of

the country be oppressed by a general torpor. Hence multitudes will be

without regular and profitable employment, and be condemned to poverty

and numberless privations. The very advertisements in your newspapers

show that, for a vast proportion of the comforts and conveniences of

life, you are dependent on Northern manufacturers and mechanics. You

both know and feel that slavery has rendered labor disgraceful among

you; and where this is the case, industry is necessarily discouraged.

The great staple of the South is cotton; and we have no desire to

undervalue its importance. It, is however, worthy of remark, that its

cultivation affords a livelihood to only a small proportion of the free

inhabitants; and scarcely to any of those we are now addressing. Cotton

is the product of slave labor, and its profits at home are confined

almost exclusively to the slaveholders. Yet on account of this article,

we hear frequent vaunts of the agricultural riches of the South. With

the exception of cotton, it is difficult to distinguish your

agricultural products arising from slaves, and from free labor. But

admitting, what we know is not the fact, that _all_ the other

productions of the soil are raised _exclusively_ by free labor, we learn

from the census, that the agricultural products of the North exceed

those of the South, cotton excepted, $226,219,714. Here then we have an

appalling proof of the paralyzing influence of slavery on the industry

of the whites.

In every community a large portion of the inhabitants are debarred from

drawing their maintenance directly from the cultivation of the earth.

Other and lucrative employments are reserved for them. If the

slaveholders chiefly engross the soil, let us see how you are

compensated by the encouragement afforded to mechanical skill and

industry.

In 1839 the Secretary of the Treasury reported to Congress,

that the tonnage of vessels built in the United States was 120,988

Built in the slave States and Territories 23,600

Or less than one-fifth of the whole! But the difference is still more

striking, when we take into consideration the comparative _value_ of the

shipping built in the two regions:

In the free States the value is $6,311,805

In the slave do. 704,291[6]

[6] See American Almanac for 1843, page 153.

It would be tedious and unprofitable to compare the results of the

different branches of manufacture carried on at the North and the South.

It is sufficient to state that, according to the census, the value of

the manufactures

In the free States are $334,139,690

In the slave States 83,935,742

Having already compared Ohio and Kentucky in reference to population and

education, we will pursue the comparison as to agricultural and

mechanical industry. On account of contiguity, and similarity of extent,

soil and climate, no two States can perhaps be so aptly contrasted for

the purpose of illustrating the influence of slavery. It should also be

borne in mind that Kentucky can scarcely be called a cotton State,

having in 1840 raised only 607,456 lbs. of that article. Hence the

deficiency of agriculture and other products in Kentucky arises, not

from a peculiar species of cultivation, but solely from the withering

effects of slavery.

_Ohio._ _Kentucky._

Wool, 3,685,315 lbs. 1,786,842

Wheat, 16,571,661 bushels 4,803,152

Hay, 1,022,037 tons 88,306

Fulling mills, 205 5

Printing-offices, 159 34

Tanneries, 862 387

Commercial houses in foreign trade, 53 5

Value of machinery manufactured, $875,731 $46,074

In one species of manufacture the South apparently excels the North, but

unfortunately it is in appearance only. Of 9657 distilleries in the

United States, no less than 7665 were found in the slave States and

Territories; but for want of skill and capital these yield 1992 gallons

less than the other.

Where there is so much ignorance and idleness, we may well suppose that

the inventive faculties will be but little exercised; and accordingly we

find that of the 545 patents granted for new inventions in 1846, only 80

were received by the citizens of the slave States. We have thus,

fellow-citizens, offered you the testimony of figures, as to the

different state of society under freedom and slavery; suffer us now to

present you pictures of the two regions, drawn not by abolitionists, but

by Southern artists, in unguarded hours. Mr. Clowney, of South Carolina,

thus portrayed his native State, in the ardor of debate on the floor of

Congress:

"Look at South Carolina now, with her houses deserted and

falling to decay; her once fruitful fields worn out and

abandoned for want of timely improvement or skilful cultivation;

and her thousands of acres of inexhaustible lands, still

promising an abundant harvest to the _industrious_ husbandman,

lying idle and neglected. In the interior of the State where I

was born, and where I now live, although a country possessing

all the advantages of soil, climate and health, abounding in

arable land, unreclaimed from the first rude state of nature,

there can now be found many neighborhoods where the population

is too sparse to support a common elementary school for

children. Such is the deplorable condition of one of the oldest

members of this Union, that dates back its settlement more than

a century and a half, while other States, born as it were but

yesterday, already surpass what Carolina is or ever has been, in

the happiest and proudest day of her prosperity."

This gentleman chose to attribute the decline of South Carolina to the

tariff; rather than to the obvious cause, that one-half of the PEOPLE of

South Carolina are poor, ignorant, degraded SLAVES, and the other half

suffering in all their faculties and energies, from a moral pestilence

which they insanely regard as a blessing and not a curse. Surely it is

not owing to the tariff, that this ancient member of the Union has

20,615 white citizens over twenty years of age who do not know their

letters; while Maine, with double her population, has only 3,241.

Now look upon a very different picture. Mr. Preston, of South Carolina,

not long since delivered a speech at Columbia in reference to a proposed

rail-road. In this speech, in order to stimulate the efforts of the

friends of the road, he indulged in the following strain:

"No Southern man can journey (as he had lately done) through the

Northern States, and witness the prosperity, the industry, the

public spirit which they exhibit--the sedulous cultivation of

all those arts by which life is rendered comfortable and

respectable--without feelings of deep sadness and shame as he

remembers _his own neglected and desolate home_. There, no

dwelling is to be seen abandoned--not a farm uncultivated. Every

person and every thing performs a part towards the grand result;

and the whole land is covered with fertile fields, with

manufactories, and canals, and rail-roads, and edifices, and

towns, and cities. We of the South are mistaken in the character

of these people, when we think of them only as pedlars in horn

flints and bark nutmegs. Their energy and enterprise are

directed to all objects great and small within their reach. The

number of rail-roads and other modes of expeditious

intercommunication knit the whole country into a closely

compacted mass, through which the productions of commerce and of

the press, the comforts of life, and the means of knowledge, are

universally diffused; while the close intercourse of travel and

of business makes all neighbors, and promotes a common interest

and a common sympathy. How different the condition of these

things in the South! _Here_ the face of the country wears the

aspect of premature old age and decay. NO IMPROVEMENT IS SEEN

GOING ON, nothing is done for posterity. No man thinks of

anything beyond the present moment."

Yet this same Mr. Preston, thus sensitively alive to the superior

happiness and prosperity of the free States, declared in the United

States Senate, "Let an abolitionist come within the borders of South

Carolina, if we can catch him we will try him, and notwithstanding all

the interference of all the governments of the earth, including the

Federal Government, we will HANG him."[7] In other words, the

slaveholders, rather than part with their slaves, are ready to murder,

with all the formalities of law, the very men who are laboring to confer

on them the envied blessings of the North.

[7] We are well aware that Mr. Preston has denied, what no one

asserted, that he had said an abolitionist, if he came into

South Carolina, would be executed by Lynch law. He used the

words we have quoted. (See "New York Journal of Commerce,"

Jan. 6th, 1838).

Address to the Non-Slaveholders of the South on the Social and Political Evils of Slavery · 第 4 / 13 题