conversed with you on the subject of a loan, and I am
persuaded that business will be much advanced by it. The
impropriety of two loans at a time is evident. My chief
motive in proposing one at the time I did was, that no time
might be lost by the absence of Mr Laurens, in prosecuting a
measure, which appeared to me highly useful to my country. I
have no views or objects separate from her, and, provided she
is effectually served, I am well content that the honor of
doing it should devolve on others. As the management of our
affairs in your country is committed to Mr Adams, I request
the favor of you to give him all the aid in your power. When
that gentleman went to Holland, I was ignorant of the
business which called him thither; and the first knowledge I
had of it was from America, long after Mr Laurens's capture.
It cannot now be necessary, that my name should appear in the
affair of the proposed loan, but should it be in my power to
be useful, Mr Adams may rely upon my zealous endeavors to
promote that, and every other measure for the public good.
Indeed, as matters now stand, delicacy forbids me to
interfere further than as a mere auxiliary to Mr Adams, to
whom, and to whose affairs I beg you to extend the influence
of that generous regard for America, which has placed you so
high in the esteem of
"Gentlemen, &c.
JOHN JAY."
My last particular despatches contained a copy of my letter to Count
de Vergennes, requesting his aid. I received from Count de Montmorin
an extract of a letter he had received from the Minister on that
subject, in which he mentions the advances made to Dr Franklin, and
the improbability of his being able to assist me, but concluded with
saying, he would do his best. Shortly after, I received a letter from
Count de Vergennes, which left me without hopes of succor from that
quarter, except that Dr Franklin promised to accept my drafts to the
amount of twentyfive thousand dollars.
In December following, I had a long and interesting conference with
Count de Florida Blanca, the particulars of which it is not necessary
minutely to enumerate by this opportunity. He expressly promised me
one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. As the bills afterwards became
due, I applied for money to pay them, and received it to the amount of
thirtyfour thousand eight hundred and eighty dollars.
On the 15th of March I sent him a list of the bills payable in April,
which amounted to eightynine thousand and eightythree dollars.
On the 25th, I was informed that the payment of this sum could not
then be possibly made, but that the balance due on the one hundred and
fifty thousand dollars promised, should be paid in the course of six
months.
I communicated this matter to the Ambassador of France, and I must do
him the justice to say, that his conduct on this occasion merits our
thanks. All he could obtain from this Court was, that the amount of
the April bills should be paid me in six equal monthly payments. This
arrangement still leaving me unprovided with the means of satisfying
the approaching demands, the Ambassador made personal application to a
rich banker here, and on his personal credit and my consenting that
the aforesaid six monthly payments should be applied to the repayment,
obtained a loan for me of the whole sum wanted for April. I have
passed my note for it, payable as soon as possible, with interest at
the rate of six per cent. But this provision not extending beyond
April, the fate of the bills payable in the succeeding months still
remained dubious. That nothing in my power might be left undone, I
sent on the 1st of April an express to Dr Franklin representing to him
my true situation, and the injuries our credit would sustain from the
protest of a single bill drawn by order of Congress. I desired him to
communicate my letter to Colonel Laurens, to whom I also wrote on the
subject. The express returned on the 19th instant, with a letter from
Dr Franklin, by which I am authorised to draw upon him as occasion may
require, to the amount of one hundred and fortytwo thousand two
hundred and twenty dollars, towards paying the bills that become due
between May and September.
My endeavors, however, to obtain further aids from Spain, shall not be
relaxed. They seem very desirous of having the ships of the line,
still unfinished on the stocks at Boston and Portsmouth. I have
written to your Excellency on this subject, and have as yet received
no answer. When I consider that the state of our finances has so long
prevented the completing those ships, and the difficulties heretofore
experienced in providing for those in service; when I recollect that
the finishing and fitting out those ships will bring money into our
country, and probably prepare the way for Spain's building more
vessels in it, and lastly, when I consider how much these ships seem
to be an object, I am almost prevailed upon to engage positively that
Spain shall have at least one of them at prime cost. To exercise a
power not clearly within the limits of those confided to me, is a
delicate and disagreeable business. This is the first time I ever
found myself disposed to hazard it, and yet so many circumstances lead
me to think, that the public good would be promoted by the sale of
these ships, that in case I should be again pressed on this subject, I
believe I shall run the risk, from a persuasion that though such
conduct ought not to be approved or encouraged by Congress, yet that
when directed by the purest motives, and for the best purpose, it may
obtain forgiveness.
Your Excellency will receive herewith enclosed a copy of the invoice
of prize clothing, taken by Admiral Cordova, and presented by the
Courts of France and Spain to Congress. The Count de Montmorin was
very much an American on this occasion also. Mr Harrison, at Cadiz,
has my orders to ship these goods in different vessels to America;
part of them is now on the ocean, and the rest will soon follow. Your
Excellency will receive a letter of advice with each parcel from Mr
Harrison, of whom I have a very good opinion. He charges no commission
for doing this business, being contented with the satisfaction of
serving his country.
I have often mentioned to Congress the necessity of more effectual
provision for our captive seamen; for want of money I cannot pay that
attention to them, which their misfortunes and usefulness demand. I am
already greatly in arrears on their account, and Mr Harrison, unless
reimbursed, must soon stop his hand.
Portugal, though overawed by France and Spain, fears and perhaps
loves England; her conduct will be determined by future events. The
Minister here has promised me to interpose the good offices of his
Court with that of Lisbon in our behalf. In time something good may
result from it. I have not received a line from Mr Dohrman; I fear he
is obliged to be very circumspect and cautious. The letters herewith
enclosed from Dr Franklin were left open for my perusal, the short
stay of my courier not allowing time for copies to be made of the
information conveyed in and with them. The intercepted letters will be
found interesting. One of them ascertains the price paid Arnold.
I perceive that Dr Franklin desires to retire. This circumstance calls
upon me to assure Congress, that I have reason to be perfectly
satisfied with his conduct towards me, and that I have received from
him all the aid and attention I could wish or expect. His character is
very high here, and I really believe that the respectability, which he
enjoys throughout Europe, has been of general use to our cause and
country.
Your Excellency may rely on my cordially adopting and pursuing any
measures, that can conduce to the enlargement of Mr Laurens, and I
regret that no occasion has yet offered in which I could do anything
towards the attainment of that desirable object.
Mr Cumberland is on the road home. I much suspect that he was sent and
received, from mutual views in the two Courts of deceiving each other.
Which of them has been most successful is hard to determine. I believe
in point of intelligence, England has had the advantage. As to the
assurances of the Minister on this subject, they are all of little
consequence, because on such occasions Courts only say what may be
convenient; and therefore may or may not merit confidence. Time and
circumstances will cast more light on this subject.
Whatever we may get from this Court is clear gain. We have no demands
upon it, and if we had, are not in a capacity to insist upon them. In
my opinion, therefore, it is of the utmost importance to avoid
appearances of discontent, and rather to impress other nations with
an opinion of the friendship of Spain for us, than otherwise. Indeed,
I really believe the King means well towards us, and that the Prime
Minister is also well disposed; but whether as much can be said of the
Minister's confidential and I believe influential secretary, M. Del
Campo, is by no means a clear point. It is proper that Congress should
know, that the gentleman intended to succeed M. Mirales was
recommended by M. Del Campo, with whom he has long been on terms of
intimacy and friendship.
I have nevertheless no room to doubt of this gentleman's attachment to
our cause, though I am inclined to think his conduct will be
conformable in a certain degree with the views of his patron. This
ought to remain a secret. He is still here, although he expects daily
to be despatched.
I represented the case of the Dover cutter to the Ministry here the
22d of June last. In December I obtained a promise that it should be
appraised, and the value paid to the captors, and two days ago I was
again assured, that measures were taking to bring this matter to a
conclusion. _Festina Lente_ seems to be the first maxim in Spanish
politics and operations. It is the fashion of the country and
strangers must conform to it.
I congratulate Congress on the victory obtained by General Morgan, and
the success of the French in the Chesapeake. The enclosed gazette
contains much good news from the East Indies. These events will
probably give Lord George Germain other ideas than those which appear
in his intercepted letters.
M. Toscan, who goes to reside as Vice Consul of France at Boston, will
carry this letter to America, and perhaps to Philadelphia. He was
ready to set out when my courier returned from France. I was obliged
to delay my letters till his arrival, and M. Toscan has been so
obliging as to wait till I could complete them.
I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN JAY.
In Congress, May 28th, 1781.
Sir,
Your letter of the 6th of November last, detailing your proceedings
from the 26th of May down to that period, has been received by the
United States in Congress assembled. At the same time was received
your letter of the 30th of November, with the several papers therein
referred to.
It is with pleasure, Sir, I obey the direction of Congress to inform
you, that throughout the whole course of your negotiations and
transactions, in which the utmost address and discernment were often
necessary to reconcile the respect due to the dignity of the United
States with the urgency of their wants, and the complaisance expected
by the Spanish Court, your conduct is entirely approved by them. It is
their instruction that you continue to acknowledge, on all suitable
occasions, the grateful impression made on these States by the
friendly disposition manifested toward them by his Catholic Majesty,
and particularly by the proofs given of it in the measures which he
has taken, and which it is hoped he will further take, for preserving
their credit, and for aiding them with a supply of clothing for their
army. You are also authorised and instructed to disavow, in the most
positive and explicit terms, any secret understanding or negotiation
between the United States and Great Britain; to assure his Catholic
Majesty, that such insinuations have no other source than the
invidious designs of the common enemy, and that as the United States
have the highest confidence in the honor and good faith both of his
Most Christian and of his Catholic Majesty, so it is their inviolable
determination to take no step, which shall depart in the smallest
degree from their engagements with either.
Should the Court of Spain persist in the refusal intimated by its
Minister to accede to the treaty between the United States and his
Most Christian Majesty, or to make it the basis of its negotiation
with you, the difficulty, it is conceived, may easily be avoided by
omitting all express reference to that treaty, and at the same time
conforming to the principles and tenor of it; and you are accordingly
authorised so far to vary the plan of your original instructions. As
his Most Christian Majesty however may justly expect, in a matter
which so nearly concerns him, and which was brought into contemplation
in the treaty he so magnanimously entered into with these States, the
strongest marks of attention and confidence, you will not fail to
maintain, in the several steps of your negotiation, a due
communication with his Minister at the Court of Spain, and to include
his interests as far as circumstances will warrant.
You are authorised to acquaint his Catholic Majesty that not only
entire liberty will be granted, during the war at least, to export
naval stores for the royal marine, but that every facility will be
afforded for that purpose.
As Congress have no control over the captains of private vessels,
however proper your hints may be of obliging them to give a passage to
American seamen returning home from foreign ports, and to send an
officer with despatches intrusted to them for foreign Ministers, it is
impracticable to carry them into execution, you will therefore
continue to provide for these objects for the present, in the best
manner you can. As soon as the United States are in condition to
establish consuls in the principal ports of the States with which they
have intercourse, the difficulty will be removed; or if any other
practicable remedy be suggested in the meantime, it will be applied.
The letter, of which you enclose a copy, from Stephen d'Audibert
Caille, styling himself consul for unrepresented nations at the Court
of Morocco, had before been received through the hands of Dr Franklin.
If you shall have no objection to the contrary, you will correspond
with him, and assure him in terms the most respectful to the Emperor,
that the United States in Congress assembled entertain a sincere
disposition to cultivate the most perfect friendship with him, and
that they will embrace a favorable occasion to announce their wishes
in form.
The generous and critical services rendered these United States by
Messrs Neufville and Son, have recommended them to the esteem and
confidence of Congress. You will signify as much to them, and that
their services will not be forgotten, whenever a proper occasion
offers of promoting their interests.
Your intimation with respect to complimenting his Catholic Majesty
with a handsome, fast sailing packet-boat, claims attention; but the
variety of public embarrassments will render the execution of it very
uncertain.
Congress agree to an extension of Colonel Livingston's furlough, till
the further order of Congress, which you will make known to him.
Your letter of the 16th of September last was received on the 4th day
of December. No bills have been drawn on you since. That of the 28th
of January was received on the 27th day of April; and in consequence
of it the sale of the bills already drawn, but then remaining on hand,
was countermanded.
By a letter from Mr Carmichael, dated the 22d of February, and
received on the 27th of April last, Congress are informed that you had
received despatches from them dated in October. These must have
contained their instructions to you to adhere to the claim of the
United States to the navigation of the Mississippi. A reconsideration
of that subject determined Congress, on the 15th day of February last,
to recede from that instruction so far as it insisted on their claim
to the navigation of that river below the thirtyfirst degree of north
latitude, and to a free port or ports below the same. On the receipt
of this latter instruction, Congress have little doubt that the great
obstacle to your negotiations will be removed, and that you will not
only be able without further delay to conclude the proposed alliance
with his Catholic Majesty, but that the liberality and friendly
disposition manifested on the part of the United States by such a
cession, will induce him to afford them some substantial and effectual
aid in the article of money. The loss attending the negotiation of
bills of exchange has been severely felt. A supply of specie through
the Havana would be much more convenient and acceptable.
SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Aranjues, May 29th, 1781.
Sir,
My last to your Excellency was of the 25th ult. and was the more
particular, as Mr Toscan, who is appointed Vice Consul of France at
Boston, and was the bearer of it; he sailed from Bilboa.
On the 18th instant I received from Mr Lovell three letters written on
one sheet, viz. 20th of February, 9th and 31st of March last. No other
copies of these letters ever reached me. They arrived at Cadiz in the
Virginia; but the papers and journals said to accompany them never
came to my hands, nor have I received any letters from your Excellency
since January last.
On the 23d instant I waited upon his Excellency, the Count de Florida
Blanca, and informed him of the facts stated in the above memorial. He
said, he had not as yet heard anything upon the subject; that there
was such an ordinance, and that prudence demanded that the admission
of letters from abroad, especially in time of war, should be under the
direction of government. That the situation of North America rendered
new regulations necessary, that he would turn his thoughts to it, and
do what should appear equitable. The next day I sent him Mr Harrison's
memorial in a letter on the subject of it.
As this letter will go by the post, I must omit being minute about
many matters, which I wish to communicate to Congress. Cyphers would
probably impede the progress of this letter, if not stop it.
The captors of the Dover cutter still remain unsatisfied. My first
memorial on that subject was dated and presented the 22d of June last.
In the winter I was promised, that the prize should be appraised, and
the value paid. At present I am assured that informations about it are
taking.
M. Gardoqui, it is said, will set out in June. If a safe conveyance,
which I am encouraged to expect in about a fortnight's time, should
offer, I shall write your Excellency a long letter, and mention the
dates of my former ones. If not, I shall take another method, not
proper to explain in this letter, which, notwithstanding its different
covers, will, I doubt not, be inspected before it reaches Cadiz.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, June 4th, 1781.
Sir,
I enclose a resolve of Congress, of May 24th, respecting an interest
of Messrs Dumain and Lyon, with their petition annexed. I also add the
copy of a resolve of September the 27th, 1780, and of a short letter
of mine to a gentleman in Teneriffe, to serve as a memorandum in case
you have not already procured justice for Mr Magnall and his
associates, who took the Dover cutter. Mr McCarrick of Santa Cruz is
knowing to all the circumstances of that affair. Magnall has been
unfortunate from the time he left this place last October; he is now
here. I do not know whether this is the matter referred to in the
letter of Mr Carmichael of December 24th, where he says, "The Minister
also engaged to do justice to certain Americans, who carried a British
privateer to the Canaries." I send you an extract from instructions
given to Dr Franklin concerning M. d'Audibert Caille, which may serve
to govern your conduct towards that gentleman.
Your humble servant,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, June 15th, 1781.
Sir,
On the 4th I transmitted to you a resolve of May 24th, respecting an
interest of Messrs Dumain and Lyon, with their petition annexed. You
will herewith receive other copies of those papers by opportunities,
which the party concerned will industriously find. I recommend the
business afresh to your attention, those worthy men having already met
with vexatious delays on this side of the water.
With much esteem I am, Sir, your friend,
JAMES LOVELL.
* * * * *
ROBERT MORRIS TO JOHN JAY.
Philadelphia, July 4th, 1781.
Dear Sir,
The derangement of our money affairs, the enormity of our public
expenditures, the confusion in all our departments, the languor of our
general system, the complexity and consequent inefficacy of our
operations; these are some among the many reasons which have induced
Congress to the appointment of a Superintendent of Finance. I enclose
you copies of their resolutions on that subject, with such other
papers as will fully explain to you my appointment and powers.
The use of this office must be found in a progress towards the
accomplishment of these two capital objects, the raising a revenue
with the greatest convenience to the people, and the expenditure of it
with the greatest economy to the public.
The various requisitions of Congress to the several States, none of
them entirely complied with, create a considerable balance in favor of
the United States, and the claiming this balance is delivered over to
me as revenue; while on the other hand, the dangerous practice of
taking articles for the public service and giving certificates to the
people, has created a very general and a very heavy debt. The amount
of this debt is swelled beyond all reasonable bounds, nor can the
extent of it be at present estimated. These things need no
explanation, but it may be proper to observe, that if the certificates
were not in my way, there is still an infinite difference between the
demand of a balance from the States, and an effectual revenue. The
latter can be obtained only in consequence of wise laws generally
adopted, and as generally executed with vigor and decision. Were all
that is necessary on these heads accomplished, something further would
still remain to be done, in order that the produce of taxes should he
subject to the sole and absolute disposition of the United States, or
of their officers. To you who are acquainted with republican
governments, it is unnecessary to observe on the delays which will
arise, the obstacles which will be raised, and the time which will be
consumed, in placing the revenue of America on a proper footing. Yet
this is absolutely necessary before credit can be established, and the
indispensable supplies obtained on terms of economy.
To reform our expenditure is an object of equal importance with the
other, and it is in some degree within my power, as you will perceive
it to have been subjected to my authority. But even here I find myself
trammeled by the want of necessary funds. To contract, for instance,
with any one, in order to obtain bread for our troops, requires the
previous certainty of being able to make the stipulated payments. And
so in every other case, I shall be unable to act with decision, unless
I have the command of money. On the other hand, the people will bear
with great reluctance the necessary imposition of heavy burthens,
while they can perceive any want of arrangement, method, or economy,
in the administration of their affairs.
If for a moment we suppose, that this country, amid the confusions of a
revolution, and the rage of war, could be governed with all the
regularity, wisdom, and prudence, of ancient and peaceable nations;
yet we must be convinced, that no annual revenue she is able to raise
could equal the annual expense in an offensive war against so powerful
a nation, as that which we now contend with. A great balance,
therefore, must remain, and it must be provided for by loans or
subsidies.
To expect loans within the United States, presupposes an ability to
lend, which does not exist in any considerable number of the
inhabitants. The personal property, not immediately engaged, either in
commerce or the improvement of lands, was never very considerable.
Little as it was, it has been greatly diminished by the pernicious
effects of a depreciating medium. This expedient, which was adopted in
the beginning from necessity, and too pertinaciously adhered to in the
sequel, has not only exhausted the funds of those who might have been
willing to trust the United States, but it has so wounded our public
credit, that even the will would be wanting if the ability existed,
which as I said before, it really does not.
While we have neither credit nor means at home, it is idle to expect
much from individuals abroad. Our foreign credit must be nurtured with
tenderness and attention before it can possess any great degree of
force, and it must be fed by substantial revenue, before we can call
it into active exertion or derive beneficial effects from its
application.