The Count here interrupted Mr Jay by saying, that the

interest of France and Spain with respect to America were so

distinct, as necessarily to render different treaties

necessary. Mr Jay answered, that admitting this to be the

case, the treaty with France might be made the basis, and

then go on _mutatis mutandis_. The Count proceeded to say,

that it would not conduce to the general pacification to

hurry on the treaty; that finding Congress were not disposed

to cessions, without which the King would not make a treaty,

he thought it best by mutual services and acts of friendship,

to continue making way for more condescensions on both sides,

and not excite animosities and warmth by discussing points

which the King would never yield. That, therefore, Mr Jay

might take time to write to Congress on the subject, and

obtain their instructions.

He said, that previous to Mr Jay's or M. Gerard's arrival at

Madrid, M. Mirales had informed him that Congress would yield

the navigation of the Mississippi, but that M. Gerard

informed him that Congress had changed their resolution on

that subject; that he had mentioned these obstacles to Mr Jay

and Mr Carmichael, and it was probable that having done this,

he had neglected or forgotten to give Mr Jay the notes in

question. Mr Jay here reminded his Excellency, that the

conference between them of the 2d day of June last turned

among other points on these obstacles, and that they had then

mutually expressed hopes that regulations calculated to

remove them in a manner satisfactory to both parties might be

adopted, and that the conferences respecting them were

concluded by his Excellency's promising to give Mr Jay notes

of his sentiments on the proposed treaty. The Count admitted

this, and made several observations tending to show the

importance of this object to Spain, and its determination to

adhere to it, saying, with some degree of warmth, that unless

Spain could exclude all nations from the Gulf of Mexico, they

might as well admit all; that the King would never relinquish

it; that the Minister regarded it as the principal object to

be obtained by the war, and _that obtained_, he should be

perfectly easy whether or no Spain procured any other

cession; that he considered it far more important than the

acquisition of Gibraltar, and that if they did not get it, it

was a matter of indifference to him whether the English

possessed Mobile or not; that he chose always to speak his

sentiments plainly and candidly on those occasions, for which

reason he generally acted differently from other politicians,

in always choosing to commit himself to paper, and appealing

to the knowledge of the French Ambassador and others, who had

done business with him, for the proofs of this being the

principle of his conduct. He concluded by saying he would

give his sentiments in writing on this subject to Mr Jay.

Mr Jay made no reply to the Count's remarks on the

navigation, but observing, that being little acquainted with

the practice of politicians, he was happy in having to treat

with a Minister of his Excellency's principles. He added,

that there were many points necessary to be adjusted in order

to a treaty; that they might proceed to agree upon as many as

they could, and with respect to the others, he should state

them clearly to Congress, and attend their further

instructions.

Mr Jay then again turned the conference to the paper

beforementioned, by observing to the Count, that it appeared

from it, that the King also expected from Congress

equivalents to the supplies formerly afforded, and also the

expenses of the war, which it alleged had its origin from

them. That as to the first he could only repeat what he had

before said, that a general account of them was necessary.

That he neither knew the amount of them, nor the terms on

which they were granted; that it was a transaction previous

to his appointment; that on being furnished with the

necessary information, he would transmit it to Congress, and

wait their instructions; that an expectation of an equivalent

to the expenses sustained by Spain in the war, was

inadmissible on every principle. He read the passage in

question and remarked, that America could no more be justly

chargeable with the expenses of the war sustained by Spain,

than Spain could be justly chargeable with the expenses of

the war sustained by America. The Count replied, that Mr Jay

had mistaken his meaning, and that he urged it merely to show

that as the States were deriving considerable advantages from

very expensive operations on the part of Spain, that

consideration should incline them to more condescension

towards the latter.

Mr Jay assured his Excellency that he knew it to be the

disposition of Congress to contribute all in their power to

the success of the common cause, and that they would on

every occasion give proofs of it, and among others, that he

was confident they would permit his Majesty to export from

thence, _during the war_, ship timber and masts for the royal

navy, and would readily consent to such measures as might be

proper and necessary for facilitating it. He further observed

that having been informed by M. Gardoqui that his Majesty

would like to take and finish a seventyfour gun ship now on

the stocks in one of the eastern ports, on which it was said

no work was doing, he would with pleasure write to Congress,

and propose their transferring her to his Majesty at prime

cost. That this previous step was necessary, as Congress

might perhaps intend that vessel for particular services, but

he was confident they would otherwise be happy in indulging

his Majesty's inclinations. The Count appeared pleased with

this. He said, that with respect to timber they stood most in

need at present of yards, and should be glad to obtain a

supply of them from Congress. That as to the ship, he wished

to be informed exactly of her present state, and the

materials wanted to complete and equip her, which he observed

might be sent from the Havana, and whether a crew of

Americans could be had to navigate her there. Mr Jay replied,

that though he was sure that Congress would readily give

their aid in these and other matters interesting to Spain,

yet he could not forbear reminding his Excellency as a

friend, that public business done under the direction of

public bodies was always more expensive than when done by

individuals. That, therefore, he would submit it to his

consideration whether it would not be more advisable to

commit the management of those affairs to the agent, intended

to succeed M. Mirales, who, by being on the spot, would have

opportunities of acting on exact information, and in a

manner more consistent with the views of his Excellency. The

Count agreed in this opinion, and promised to communicate to

Mr Jay his further intentions on this subject.

Mr Jay informed the Minister, that as his further stay here

would now be unnecessary, and business called him to Madrid,

he purposed to return there on Monday next. The Count

concurred and the conference ended.

Congress will permit me to observe that many things in this conference

are important, and demand instructions. I forbear to point them out,

because they are obvious; and I take the liberty of giving this hint

from a knowledge of the delays attending the proceedings of large

bodies.

I returned to Madrid on the day appointed; and whether to accept or

not to accept the bills became a very serious question. After

reviewing all the reasons for and against it, which are numerous, and

which Congress will readily perceive without a particular enumeration,

I determined to put a good face on the business, and accept all that

should be presented, which I have accordingly done, and am daily

doing. What the event will be I cannot pretend to decide. All that I

can say is, that my endeavors shall not be wanting to render it

successful. The responsibility of the King will not produce much, and

the difficulty of borrowing money has been increased, by the number of

agents sent to Europe for that purpose by several of the different

States, who I am told have imprudently bidden on each other.

M. Gardoqui returned to Madrid a few days after I did, and brought me

word from the Minister, that instructions should be sent to their

Ambassadors in Holland and France, to assure in due form the

responsibility of the King to such persons as might there incline to

lend us money on the credit of it, and that the Minister would do the

same here. He told me further, that the Minister hoped I would not be

discouraged, nor consider this only on the dark side, for that it was

still his intention to afford America every aid in his power. All this

I ascribe to the exertions of America, and I am confident, that it will

always be necessary for the United States to be formidable at home, if

they expect to be respectable anywhere.

For my own part, I shall be disappointed, if I find Courts moving on

any other principle than political ones, and, indeed, not always on

those. Caprice, whim, the interests and passions of individuals, must

and will always have greater or less degrees of influence. America

stands very high here, at present. I rejoice at it, though I must

confess I much fear that such violent exertions may be followed by

languor and relaxation. What the plan of this Court is with respect to

us, or whether they have any, is with me very doubtful. If they have

rejected all the overtures of Britain, why is Mr Cumberland still

here? And why are expresses passing between Madrid and London through

Portugal? If Spain is determined that we shall be independent, why not

openly declare us so, and thereby diminish the hopes and endeavors of

Britain to prevent it? She seems to be desirous of holding the

balance, of being in some sort a mediatrix, and of courting the offers

of each by her supposed importance to both. The drawing of bills on me

was considered as a desperate measure, prompted by our imbecility, and

was a bad card to play at a time we were endeavoring to form a treaty,

and when prudence demanded that the importance of Spain to us should

not have been brought forward, or placed in such a glaring point of

view.

One good consequence, however, has resulted from it. The cordiality of

Spain has been tried by it. For I know of a certainty, that it was in

her power easily to have made the loan we asked. Indeed, we shall

always be deceived, if we believe that any nation in the world has, or

will have, a disinterested regard for us, especially absolute

monarchies, where the temporary views or passions of the Prince, his

Ministers, his women, or his favorites, not the voice of the people,

direct the helm of State. Besides, from the manner in which the war is

carrying on, it would seem as if it was the design of France and Spain

that the longest _purse_, not the longest _sword_, should decide it.

Whether such be really their intention, or how far it may be politic,

I cannot pretend to determine. This, however, is certain, that it

would be putting the affair on a hard issue for us. It is also

certain, that some respect is due to appearances and probable events,

and we should be cautious how we spend our money, our men, or our

public spirit, uselessly.

In my opinion, we should endeavor to be as independent on the charity

of our friends, as on the mercy of our enemies. Jacob took advantage

even of his brother's hunger, and extorted from him a higher price

than the value of the Mississippi even for a single dinner. The way

not to be in _Esau's_ condition, is to be prepared to meet with

_Jacob's_.

From what I can learn of the King's character, I am persuaded, that a

present from Congress of a handsome fast sailing packet boat would be

very acceptable, and consequently very useful.

I am informed, and believe, that a loan from individuals in France is

impracticable. Here nothing can be done in that way. What may be

expected from the like attempts in Holland, I am unable to say.

I have received no answer to my letter to Count de Vergennes; the

Ambassador informs me, that the Count has written him on the subject,

and the following is an extract from his letter.

Translation.

"I doubt whether I shall be able to render Mr Jay the service

he requests of me, independently of what the Ministry has

furnished the Americans in the course of the year. Dr

Franklin is urgent for a million extra, to meet the drafts of

Congress to the 31st of December. I am sensible how important

it is to prevent them from being returned protested, but the

difficulty is to find the means. I shall do my best in this

exigency, but am not sure of success; beyond this, it would

be impossible for me to go."

Dr Franklin has obtained some more money from his Court, and I am to

have twentyfive thousand dollars of it; perhaps he may be able to

advance more, but how much, I cannot say.

_November 1st, 1780._ No orders have as yet been given respecting the

clothing. I have applied and reapplied, and have been promised and

repromised. I employed Mr Harrison, at Cadiz, (with the Minister's

concurrence) to make the purchase, and he has several weeks been

waiting for these orders.

General Gates is defeated, and Mr Laurens in the Tower. Our sky in

this quarter is again darkened with clouds not in my power to dispel.

I had flattered myself with receiving before this time some

regulations respecting American seamen.

The house of Le Couteulx have refused to continue their care of them,

or to advance more money on that account. They complain that the

American Captains under various pretexts refuse to give them passages,

without being paid for them. This is cruel.

The following are copies of their letter to me on the subject, and my

answer.

LE COUTEULX & CO. TO JOHN JAY.

"Cadiz, October 3d, 1780.

"Sir,

"Our supplies for the American sailors amount at this day to

---- We will continue to render them every service in our

power, but will confess to you ingenuously, that if you do

not furnish us with an order from Congress, by which you

empower us to oblige all American Captains, who come here, to

take a certain number of people, in proportion to their bulk,

free of passage, and afterwards so many more on paying them a

certain sum for their provisions, we can advance nothing; as

all the Captains who come here never fail of showing good

motives for not taking any of their fellow countrymen,

without paying them a passage, which forces us to let the

people go on board neutral vessels; and instead of fulfilling

your views of sending them back as soon as possible, this is

a means by which they get still further from it, and a great

many engage in the English service."

TO LE COUTEULX & CO.

"Madrid, October 15th, 1780.

"Gentlemen,

"I have been honored with your favor of the 3d instant, and

am much obliged by your attention to the letter it enclosed.

You were not mistaken in supposing that the handwriting was

mine. That letter was enclosed in one for Mr Harrison, and

sent under cover to you.

"It gives me concern to find that you have so much trouble

with American seamen, and I much lament that it is not in my

power to comply with the terms on which alone you incline to

continue it. I have written more than once to Congress on the

subject, and submitted to their consideration the propriety

of establishing proper regulations for the conduct of that

business, but as yet I have received none. I presume that

their attention has been so engaged by other matters of

higher and more pressing importance, as not to have had

leisure for making these arrangements. The refusal of

American Captains to give passages to their unfortunate

countrymen is certainly unkind. I shall communicate to

Congress, and I hope proper measures will be taken to remove

that obstacle. At any rate, however, I cannot leave these

unhappy captives friendless, in a strange country. The

unfeeling treatment of the Captains rather stimulates than

represses my commiseration, and, therefore, Gentlemen, as it

is not convenient to you to proceed in your care of them, but

on terms not in my power to comply with, I find myself

reduced to the necessity of requesting that favor from

others. For this purpose I have written to Mr Harrison of

your city, and proposed his undertaking it, and have desired

him in case he consented, to mention it to you. On that event

I must beg the favor of you to give him such information and

advice, as may be useful to him in the management of those

affairs. Be pleased also to liquidate your accounts with him;

they shall be paid without further delay.

"The attention and kind offices you have regularly paid to

Americans, and the personal civilities that myself and family

experienced from you, while at Cadiz, will always continue to

excite my warmest acknowledgments, and lead me to omit no

opportunity of convincing you of the esteem and regard, with

which I am, Gentlemen, &c.

JOHN JAY.

I have before mentioned to Congress my difficulties as to

correspondence. They continue, and I am obliged to give Colonel

Livingston the trouble of carrying this letter to Bilboa, and

delivering it with his own hands to the Captain of some American

vessel. Congress might have letters from me every month, if orders

were given to the Captains of the vessels bringing despatches for me,

to send a trusty officer with them to me. I know that all are opened,

and some suppressed, and I can think of no other way of avoiding these

inconveniences. It is important that our correspondence be

uninterrupted.

I have written very particularly, perhaps more so than may be prudent,

but as I think it my duty, I pay no regard to consequences. If

Congress will be equally well satisfied with less minute information,

I wish to be told so, that their direction on this head may govern me

in future. I cannot forbear again observing, that few of their

proceedings remain long secret. I have very good authority for saying

that copies of the letters, which passed between the Committee and the

late Commissioners in France, are now in the hands of a certain

foreigner. How he got them I do not know, but such is the fact, and in

my opinion it calls for more care in future.

If my letters meet with the same fate, my remaining here will become a

useless expense to my country.

I think I have written everything material to enable Congress to know

the exact state of their affairs here. If, however, there should be

any questions to which an answer would be agreeable to Congress, I

wish to be informed of them; for since I left America, I have made it

a rule to be always in a capacity to render a reason for every part of

my conduct, and state with accuracy every fact relative to it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

FOOTNOTE:

[25] A full account of Mr Cumberland's proceedings in Spain may be

found in his _Memoirs_ published many years afterwards.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, November 30th, 1780.

Sir,

Your Excellency will receive herewith enclosed certain papers from

Morocco, viz.

_No. 1._ Containing a letter of the 21st of April last, to me from

Audibert Caille, who styles himself the "Consul appointed by the

Emperor for such foreign nations as have none of their own in his

dominions, to protect the strangers who may come to traffic in his

ports pursuant to two proclamations published last year."

_No. 2._ My answer.

_No. 3._ Copy of M. Audibert's appointment.

_No. 4._ Copy of a declaration of the Emperor, 20th of February, 1778.

_No. 5._ A letter from M. Audibert Caille to Congress of 6th of

September, 1779. Also, six printed copies of M. Audibert Caille's

certificates.

These papers ought to have been sent with my letters of May last, but

recollecting as I was then about to put them up, that if the originals

should be lost on the passage, it might be difficult to obtain

others, I thought it most prudent to detain them to be copied, and

wait for some other opportunity of getting them to the sea; none has,

however, since occurred, and I did not think them of sufficient

importance to render it necessary that either Mr Carmichael or Colonel

Livingston should carry them to one of the sea ports.

It is proper that your Excellency should be informed, that on the 8th

instant I had a conference with the Minister at the Escurial, in which

I received many good _words_ and friendly assurances, but time only

can decide how they will terminate. I received a letter yesterday from

Mr Harrison, of the 24th instant, and then no orders had arrived about

the clothing. These delays may seem singular, but they are not

uncommon. Mr Cumberland is still here. The French and English fleets

are at sea.

Although appearances are not very flattering at present, I hope they

will in time become more so. Patience, prudence, and perseverance,

sometimes effect much. It is in my opinion very important that no

dissatisfaction be expressed in America at the conduct of Spain.

Complaint and disgust can answer no good purpose, but may be

productive of many disagreeable consequences. A cautious silence is

the more necessary, as I am confident that there are persons in

America, who would make a merit of collecting and transmitting the

sentiments of Congress, or _members_ of Congress, on subjects

interesting to the views and objects of persons in power here.

Colonel Livingston would have returned this fall at the expiration of

the term expressed in his leave of absence, had I not taken the

liberty of advising him to remain, and taken upon myself to adjust

this matter with Congress. As he is employed, and industrious in

obtaining knowledge, which may enable him to be useful in future to

his country, I must join with him in requesting that Congress will be

so kind as to extend his leave of absence to such further period as

may be agreeable to them.

The enclosed paper marked No. 6, is a copy of a State of the Revenues

and Expenditures of Spain, in the year 1778. It was formed by a

Secretary to one of the embassies, and a copy of it was given to Mr

Carmichael. I received it the last day of July, and had no safe

opportunity of sending it before. What credit may be due to this

account I cannot determine, and I have reason to think that there are

few men in the kingdom who can. This government, disposed to

concealment and mystery in most matters, will not probably permit an

accurate knowledge of their revenues to be easily attained. This

account is perhaps as near the truth as any other. The gentleman, it

is said, took much pains in forming it, and it also met with the

approbation of some foreign Ministers; but how far those Ministers

were judges of the subject I am uninformed. The remarks subjoined to

this account are Mr Carmichael's, and were added to the copy I

received from him.

I send copies of several letters, which passed between Messrs de

Neufville and Son, of Amsterdam, and myself, relative to the bills

drawn on Mr Laurens.[26] The conduct of that House has been so

friendly and disinterested, that I think Congress should be

particularly informed of it, and by taking proper notice of it, induce

others to follow the example.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN JAY.

FOOTNOTE:

[26] These have been inserted in the order of their several dates.

* * * * *

No. 1.

FROM D'AUDIBERT CAILLE TO JOHN JAY.

Translation.

Aranjues, April 21st, 1780.

Sir,

By order of his Majesty the Emperor of Morocco, I wrote on the 6th of

September in the last year to the Congress of the United States of

North America, by way of his Excellency Dr Franklin, their

Plenipotentiary at the Court of France, to inform them of the pacific

intentions of that sovereign.

Not having yet received any answer on their part, I fear they have not

received my letter, and by way of precaution, send your Excellency

herewith joined an open copy, that after perusing it, you may make

such use of it as you may think proper. I also send you a copy of the

two manifests therein mentioned, as well as a translation of the

patent of the consuls for foreign nations, with which his Majesty the

Emperor has been pleased to honor me, and some copies of the

certificates which he ordered me to give to the captains of ships,

which sail under his flag.

I wish, Sir, that you may receive all these papers with pleasure, and

I request your Excellency to honor me with an answer, that I may be

able to convince his Majesty, the Emperor of Morocco, that I have

executed the commission he gave me to make known to Congress, that the

subjects of the said United States might come and traffic under their

own flags, in the ports of the empire of Morocco, in the like manner

as they formerly did under the English flag.

Before I had the commission to write to Congress I had already

written on this subject to his Excellency Dr Franklin, and I offered

to interest myself cheerfully in establishing a good understanding

between his Majesty, the Emperor of Morocco, and the Northern United

States.

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 07 · 第 27 / 36 段