Britain will be divided, and the sinews of her power cut.
Americans, situated in another hemisphere, intent only on the
cultivation of a country more than sufficient to satisfy
their desires, will remain unconnected with European
politics, and not being interested in their objects, will
not partake in their dissensions. Happy in having for their
neighbors a people distinguished for love of justice and of
peace, they will have nothing to fear, but may flatter
themselves that they and their posterity will long enjoy all
the blessings of that peace, liberty, and safety, for which
alone they patiently endure the calamities incident to the
cruel contest they sustain.
"While the war continues, the commerce of America will be
inconsiderable; but on the restoration of peace it will soon
become very valuable and extensive. So great is the extent of
country in North America yet to be cultivated, and so
inviting to settlers, that labor will very long remain too
dear to admit of considerable manufactures. Reason and
experience tell us, that when the poor have it in their power
to gain affluence by tilling the earth, they will refuse the
scanty earnings which manufacturers may offer them. From this
circumstance it is evident, that the exports from America
will consist of raw materials, which other nations will be
able to manufacture for them at a cheaper rate than they can
themselves. To those who consider the future and progressive
population of that country, the demands it will have for the
manufactures and productions of Europe, as well to satisfy
their wants, as to gratify their luxury, will appear immense,
and far more than any one kingdom in it can supply. Instead
of paying money for fish and many other articles as
heretofore, Spain will then have an opportunity of obtaining
them in exchange for her cloths, silks, wines, and fruits;
notwithstanding which, it is proper to observe, that the
commerce of the American States will forever procure them
such _actual wealth_, as to enable them punctually to repay
whatever sums they may borrow.
_How far it may be convenient for these States to furnish
Ships of War, Timber, and other Articles for the King's
Arsenals, without Delay, and, if in their Power, on what
Terms?_
"I am much at a loss to determine at present, and therefore
will by no means give your Excellency my conjectures for
intelligence.
"It is certain, that in ordinary times, America can build
ships as good, and cheaper than any other people, because the
materials cost them less. The ships of war now in her
service, as to strength and construction, are not exceeded by
any on the ocean. On this subject I will write to America for
information, and give your Excellency the earliest notice of
it. Naval stores, and particularly masts and spars, may
certainly be had there, and of the best quality, and I doubt
not but that the Americans would carry them to the Havana or
New Orleans, though I suspect, their being in a manner
destitute of proper convoys for the European trade, would
render them backward in bringing them to Spain, on terms
equal to the risk of capture, on the one hand, and the
expectations of purchasers on the other.
II. THE MILITARY STATE OF NORTH AMERICA.
_The Number and Strength of the American Troops, their
present Situation, and Ability to oppose the Enemy,
especially in Georgia and Carolina._
"Six months have elapsed since I left America, and I had not
seen a return of the army for some time before that period.
It did not, I am certain, amount to its full complement, and,
in my opinion, did not in the whole exceed thirty or
thirtyfive thousand men; I mean regular troops.
"The Commander-in-Chief, whose abilities, as well as
integrity, merit the highest confidence, was authorised to
conduct all the military operations in the United States at
his discretion, subject, nevertheless, to such orders as the
Congress might think proper from time to time to give. It is
impossible, therefore, for me (not having received a single
letter from America on these subjects since my arrival) to
decide in what manner or proportions these troops are
employed or stationed, though I am confident it has been done
in the best manner.
"All the men of proper age in America are liable to do
military duty in certain cases, and with a few exceptions, in
all cases. The militia is for the most part divided into a
certain number of classes, and whenever reinforcements to the
main army, or any detachment of it are wanting, they are
supplied by these classes in rotation. These reinforcements
while in the field are subject to the like regulations with
the regular troops, and with them submit to the severest
discipline and duty. Hence it is, that the people of America
have become soldiers, and that the enemy have never been able
to make a deep impression in the country, or long hold any
considerable lodgments at a distance from their fleets.
Georgia and South Carolina, indeed, enjoy these advantages in
a less degree than the other States, their own militia not
being very numerous, and speedy reinforcements from their
neighbors of North Carolina and Virginia rendered difficult
by the length of the way. They have, nevertheless, given
proofs of their spirit by various and great exertions, and I
have reason to believe, that all possible care has been taken
to provide for their safety, by furnishing them with a
proper body of troops under Major General Lincoln, a very
good officer, as well as a very good man.
"Arms are still wanting in America, many of those imported
proving unfit for use, and the number of inhabitants who were
without proper arms at the beginning of the war, calling for
great supplies. The army, and a considerable part of the
militia, especially in the Northern States, have in general
good arms.
"The article of clothing has been, and still is a very
interesting one to the American army. It is impossible to
describe, and, indeed, almost impossible to believe, the
hardships they have endured for want of it. There have been
instances, and I speak from the most undoubted authority, of
considerable detachments marching barefooted over rugged
tracts of ice and snow, and marking the route they took by
the blood that issued from their feet; but neither these
terrible extremities, nor the alluring offers of the enemy,
could prevail on them to quit their standard, or relax their
ardor. Their condition, however, has of late been much
bettered by supplies from France and Spain, and American
privateers; but adequate provision has not yet been made for
the ensuing winter, and I cannot conceal from your Excellency
my anxiety on that head. A supply of clothing for twenty
thousand men, added to what is engaged for them in France,
would make that army and all America happy.
"I foresee no other difficulties in providing subsistence for
the American armies in every station in which they may be
placed, than those which may attend the transportation of it.
But when I reflect on the obstacles of this kind, which they
have already met with and surmounted, I have little
uneasiness about future ones. The last crops in America
promised to be plentiful when I left it, but whether there
would be any and what considerable overplus for exportation
was then undetermined, the damages done the wheat in
Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina by a fly, which
infested those countries, not being to my knowledge at that
time ascertained.
"How many ships of war belong to Congress, is a question I
cannot answer with certainty. I think there are not more than
ten or twelve in the whole. Of privateers there are a great
number, but how many exactly has not been computed. In my
opinion, they exceed one hundred, several of them very fine
ships. The Governor of Martinique told me, that in that
Island alone, the American privateers had brought and sold
above five thousand African slaves, which they had taken from
the enemy. Nine tenths at least of all the rum and sugar used
in North America, these three years past, have been obtained
in the same way, and to their successes have the public been
indebted for the most seasonable and valuable supplies of
military stores which they have received. I left several
vessels on the stocks at Philadelphia, and heard of more in
other parts.
"Upon the whole, his Majesty may rest perfectly assured, that
the Americans are determined, though forsaken by all mankind,
to maintain their independence, and to part with it only with
their lives; the desolations and distresses of war being too
familiar to them to excite any other passions than
indignation and resentment.
"That the country will supply its inhabitants with
provisions, some clothing, and some articles of commerce.
"That there is no party in America in favor of returning
under the dominion of Britain, on any terms whatever.
"That the King of France is very popular in America, being in
all parts of it styled the protector of the rights of
mankind, and that they will hold the treaty made with him
inviolate.
"That the people in America have very high ideas of the honor
and integrity of the Spanish nation, and of his Catholic
Majesty especially, and that this respect and esteem unite
with their interest in rendering them so desirous of his
friendship and alliance.
"That the greatest difficulty under which America labors
arises from the great depreciation of her bills of credit,
owing principally to a greater sum having been emitted than
was necessary for a medium of commerce, and to the
impossibility of remedying it by taxes before regular
governments are established.
"That great attempts, seconded by the general voice of the
people, have been made to retrieve the credit of those bills
by taxation, the issue of which was as yet uncertain, but if
unsuccessful, a recurrence to taxes in kind was still left,
and would be practised, though it is an expedient which
nothing but necessity can render eligible.
"That if France and Spain were to unite their endeavors to
conquer Britain in America, by furnishing the latter with the
necessary aids of ammunition, clothing, and some money, there
is reason to believe, that the House of Bourbon would find it
the most certain and least expensive method of reducing the
power of their irreconcilable enemy, and not only command the
gratitude and perpetual attachment of America, but the
general approbation of all who wish well to the tranquillity
of Europe, and the rights of mankind. Thus would that
illustrious House erect glorious and lasting monuments to
their virtues in the hearts of a whole people.
"I fear your Excellency will consider the intelligence here
given, less full and precise than you expected. I regret that
it is not in my power to render it more so but it is not. I
hope however it will be thought sufficient to open a way to
those further discussions, which must precede the measures
necessary to bind America to Spain, as well as to France, and
thereby complete the division and consequently the
humiliation of the British Empire; a work too glorious and
laudable not to merit the notice of so magnanimous a Prince
as his Majesty, and engage the attention of a Minister of
such acknowledged abilities as your Excellency.
"I flatter myself that the importance of the subject will
apologise for my trespassing so long on your Excellency's
patience so soon after your return to Aranjues.
"I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
This letter gives occasion for many observations, which I am persuaded
will not escape Congress, and therefore I forbear repeating them. Your
Excellency will be pleased to observe, that on some of the subjects of
it I ought to be without delay apprised of the intentions of Congress,
and furnished with such information and instructions as may be
necessary to enable me to fulfil them.
On the 27th of April last, I received at Madrid a letter from the
Committee of Foreign Affairs, enclosing copies of the resolutions of
Congress of the 23d and 29th of November, 1779, for drawing on Mr
Laurens and myself for L100,000 sterling each. I went the next day to
Aranjues, and the day after wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca, in
the words following, viz.
"Aranjues, April 29th, 1780.
"Sir,
"By the address of Congress to their constituents on the
subject of their finances, which I had the honor of
transmitting to your Excellency, you have doubtless observed,
that in September last Congress came to a resolution of
emitting no more bills, than, with those already emitted and
in circulation, would amount to 200,000,000 of dollars; that
about the same time they called upon their constituents to
raise money by taxes, and assigned the first day of January
last for the first payment, at which day it was supposed,
that the bills to be emitted would be nearly expended.
"Congress perceiving that at once to stop the great channel
of supplies, that had been open ever since the war, and to
substitute another equally productive, was not one of those
measures which operate almost insensibly without hazard or
difficulty; and well knowing that if the first payment of
these taxes should be delayed beyond the limited time, the
treasury would be without money, and the public operations
obstructed by all the evils consequent to it; they were of
opinion, that collateral and auxiliary measures were
necessary to ensure success to the great system for
retrieving and supporting the public credit. So early,
therefore, as the 23d day of November last, they took this
subject into their most serious consideration, and although
they had the highest reason to confide in the exertions of
their constituents, yet having received repeated assurances
of his Majesty's friendly disposition towards them, and being
well persuaded, that they could avail themselves of his
Majesty's friendship on an occasion more agreeable to him and
advantageous to them, than on one so interesting to the
United States, and important to the common cause, they
adopted a measure, which, but for these considerations, might
appear extraordinary, viz. to draw bills upon me for L100,000
sterling, payable at six months' sight.
"The drawing bills previous to notice of obtaining money to
satisfy them may at first view appear indelicate, but when it
is considered that the whole success of this measure depended
on its taking place between the 23d of November, and the
first of January last, in which period it was impossible to
make the application, his Majesty's magnanimity will I am
persuaded readily excuse it.
"As I shall always consider it my duty to give your
Excellency all the information in my power, that may enable
his Majesty from time to time to form a true judgment of the
state of American affairs, it is proper, that I should inform
your Excellency, that Congress, having reasons to believe
that a loan might be obtained in Holland, did shortly after
my leaving America take measures for that purpose, and on the
23d of November last resolved to draw bills on Mr Henry
Laurens, to whom that business had been committed, for the
sum of L100,000 sterling.
"I greatly regret that it was not in my power to advise your
Excellency of these matters sooner; but it was not until the
27th instant, at Madrid, that I received the letter which
informed me of them.
"As further remarks would draw this letter into greater
length, than the opinion I have of your Excellency's
discernment will permit me to think necessary, I forbear
longer to engage your time and attention, than to request the
favor of your Excellency to lay it before his Majesty.
"The eyes of America are now drawn towards him by their
opinion of his virtues, and the situation of their affairs;
and I flatter myself it will not be long before their hearts
and affections will also be engaged by such marks of his
Majesty's friendship, as his wisdom and liberality may
prompt, and their occasions render expedient.
"With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY."
On the subject of this and my former letter, I had a conference with
the Count, on the 11th of May 1780, of which the following are notes,
taken immediately after it ended.
Aranjues, May 11th, 1780.
Mr Jay having waited on the Count de Florida Blanca, in
consequence of a message received on the evening of the 10th,
the latter commenced the conversation by observing that he
was sorry that his ignorance of the English language
prevented him from speaking with that ease and frankness,
with which he wished to speak in his conferences with Mr Jay,
and which corresponded with his own disposition and
character.
He observed that he intended to speak on two points. The
first related to the letter Mr Jay had written to him, on the
subject of bills of exchange drawn on him by Congress, that
being an affair the most pressing and more immediately
necessary to enter upon. He said that the last year he should
have found no difficulty on that head, but that at present,
although Spain had money, she was in the situation of
Tantalus, who, with water in view, could not make use of it;
alluding to the revenue arising from their possessions in
America, which they were not able to draw from thence. That
their expenses had been so great in the year 1779,
particularly for the marine, as to oblige them to make large
loans, which they were negotiating at present. He entered
into a summary of those expenses, and particularized the
enormous expense of supporting thirtyfive ships of the line
and frigates in French ports. He observed, that to do this
they had prepared a very expensive and numerous convoy at
Ferrol and other ports of Spain, loaded with provisions,
naval stores, and every other article necessary for the
squadron before mentioned, which convoy did not arrive at
Brest until the day on which the Spanish fleet sailed from
thence. That the supplies so sent had emptied their magazines
at Cadiz, Ferrol, and other ports, and had frequently obliged
them to buy at enormous prices the necessary stores to supply
the fleet under the admirals Cardova and Gaston, on their
arrival in the ports of Spain. That they had been forced to
sell these stores thus sent to France, and others purchased
for the same purpose at Bourdeaux, Nantes, and elsewhere, at
half price; and added, that their loss on this occasion could
scarce be calculated. This, joined to the other expenses, and
the great losses they had sustained in their marine and
commerce, but chiefly in the former, and the great expenses
they were at in consequence thereof, rendered it difficult
for the King to do for America what he could have done easily
the last year, and which he declared repeatedly, and in the
strongest manner, it was his intention to do, as might be
judged from his conduct heretofore; touching slightly on the
succors sent us from Spain, the Havana, and Louisiana, but
dwelling on his conduct in the negotiation last year with
Great Britain, in which he would on no account be brought to
sacrifice the interests of America.
Such being his Majesty's disposition and intentions previous
to the war, Mr Jay might easily judge, that he was not less
determined at present to support their interests, whether
formally connected with America by treaty or not. That,
notwithstanding the losses and misfortunes sustained, the
King's resolution, courage, and fortitude induced him to
continue the war, and therefore they were obliged to incur
much expense in order to fill their magazines and make the
necessary preparations for this campaign and the next, yet
that it was his Majesty's intention to give America all the
assistance in his power. That it was as much his inclination
as duty to second these dispositions, and that he had
received the King's orders to confer with his colleagues
thereon. He observed, however, that, although he was First
Secretary of State, he must first confer with them on this
subject; and from his own personal inclinations to second the
King's intentions and to serve America, he was desirous of
concerting with Mr Jay measures in such a manner as would
prevent him from meeting with opposition from his colleagues,
and therefore he spoke to him not as a minister, but as an
individual.
In order to facilitate this, he said it was necessary to make
some overtures for a contract, in case Mr Jay was not
absolutely empowered to make one; and then he pointed out the
object most essential to the interests of Spain at the
present conjuncture. He said that for their marine they
wanted light frigates, cutters, or swift sailing vessels of
that size. That for ships of the line, they could procure
them themselves; that if America could furnish them with the
former, they might be sent to their ports in Biscay, loaded
with tobacco or other produce, and, discharging their
cargoes, be left at the disposition of Spain. He also
mentioned timber for vessels, but said that was an article
not so immediately necessary, though it might be an object of
consequence in future. He observed that he mentioned this at
present in order that Mr Jay might turn his thoughts on that
subject as soon as possible, and that he would, in order to
explain himself with more precision, send him, either on
Saturday or Sunday next, notes containing his ideas on this
subject, and adding that he hoped that the one, viz. Jay,
would assist the other, meaning himself, to manage matters in
such a way as to procure the means of obtaining for America
present aid.
With respect to the bills of exchange which might be
presented, he said that at the end of the present year, or in
the beginning of the next, he would have it in his power to
advance twentyfive, thirty, or forty thousand pounds
sterling, and in the mean time, should these bills be
presented for payment, he would take such measures as would
satisfy the owners of them, viz. by engaging, in the name of
his Majesty, to pay them, observing that the King's good
faith and credit were so well known, that he did not imagine
this would be a difficult matter. He also said, that in
consequence of what Mr Jay had written with respect to
clothing for the American army, it might be in his power to
send supplies of cloth, &c. which he would endeavor to do.
Mr Jay, in answer, assured him of his high sense of the
frankness and candor with which he had been so obliging as to
communicate the King's intentions and his own sentiments, and
gave him the strongest assurances that he should, for his
part, with the same frankness and candor, give him all the
assistance and information in his power to forward his
generous intentions in favor of his country, and that be
might depend that in doing this, he would neither deceive him
in his information, nor mislead him by ill grounded
expectations.
The Count then expressed his confidence in these assurances,
said he had been well informed of the characters, both of Mr
Jay and Mr Carmichael, (who was present at the conference,)
and said, that he considered them as _les hommes honnetes_,
and that no consideration could have prevailed upon him to
have treated with men who did not sustain that reputation.