therefore made no difficulty. But I am, upon recollection, fully of
opinion that we should have done wisely to have sent our letter to the
Imperial Ministers, accepting the mediation on our part. The signature
of these Ministers would have given reputation in Europe and among our
own citizens. I mention these, because I humbly conceive that Congress
ought, in all their proceedings, to consider the opinion that the
United States or the people of America will entertain of themselves.
We may call this national vanity or national pride, but it is the main
principle of the national sense of its own dignity, and a passion in
human nature, without which nations cannot preserve the character of
man. Let the people lose this sentiment, as in Poland, and a partition
of their country will soon take place. Our country has but lately been
a dependent one, and our people although enlightened and virtuous,
have had their minds and hearts habitually filled with all the
passions of a dependent and subordinate people; that is to say, with
fear, with diffidence, and distrust of themselves, with admiration of
foreigners, &c. Now I say, that it is one of the most necessary and
one of the most difficult branches of the policy of Congress to
eradicate from the American mind, every remaining fibre of this fear
and self-diffidence on one hand, and of this excessive admiration of
foreigners on the other.
It cannot be doubted one moment, that a solemn acknowledgment of us by
the signature of the two Imperial Courts would have had such a
tendency in the minds of our countrymen. But we should also consider,
upon every occasion, how our reputation will be affected in Europe. We
shall not find it easy to keep up the respect for us, that has been
excited by the continual publication of the exploits of this war. In
the calm of peace, little will be said about us in Europe unless we
prepare for it, but by those who have designs upon us. We may depend
upon it, everything will be said in Europe and in the gazettes, which
anybody in Europe wants to have repeated in America, to make such
impressions upon the minds of our citizens, as he desires. It will
become us, therefore, to do everything in our power to make reasonable
and just impressions upon the public opinion in Europe. The signature
of the two Imperial Courts would have made a deep and important
impression in our favor, upon full one half of Europe, as friends to
those Courts, and upon all the other half as enemies.
I need not explain myself further. I may however add, that Americans
can scarcely conceive the decisive influence of the governments of
Europe upon their people. Every nation is a piece of clockwork, every
wheel is under the absolute direction of the sovereign as its weight
or spring. In consequence of this, all that moiety of mankind that are
subject to the two imperial Courts and their allies, would, in
consequence of their mediation have been openly and decidedly our
friends at this hour, and the other half of Europe would certainly
have respected us more for this. But at present, the two Imperial
Courts not having signed the treaty, all their friends are left in a
state of doubt and timidity concerning us. From all the conversations
I have had with the Count de Mercy and M. Markoff, it is certain that
the two Courts wished, as these Ministers certainly were ambitious to,
sign our treaty. They and their sovereigns wished that their names
might be read in America, and there respected as our friends. But this
is now past. England and France will be most perfectly united in all
artifices and endeavors to keep down our reputation at home and
abroad, to mortify our self-conceit, and to lessen us in the opinion
of the world. If we will not see, we must be the dupes; we need not,
for we have in our own power, with the common blessing, the means of
everything we want. There is but one course now left to retrieve the
error, and that is to send a Minister to Vienna with power to make a
treaty with both the Imperial Courts. Congress must send a Minister
first, or it will never be done. The Emperor never sends first, nor
will England ever send a Minister to America, until Congress shall
have sent one to London.
To form immediate commercial connexions with that half of Europe,
which ever has been, and with little variations ever will be, opposite
to the House of Bourbon, is a fundamental maxim of that system of
American politics, which I have pursued invariably from the beginning
of this war. It is the only means of preserving the respect of the
House of Bourbon itself; it is the only means in conjunction with our
connexions with the House of Bourbon, already formed, to secure us the
respect of England for any length of time, and to keep us out of
another war with that kingdom. It is, in short, the only possible
means of securing to our country that peace, neutrality, impartiality,
and indifference in European wars, which, in my opinion, we shall be
unwise in the last degree, if we do not maintain. It is, besides, the
only way in which we can improve and extend our commercial connexions
to the best advantage.
With great respect, I am,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO ELIAS BOUDINOT, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 8th, 1783.
Sir,
Yesterday morning Mr Jay informed me, that Dr Franklin had received,
and soon after the Doctor put into my hands, the resolution of
Congress of the 1st of May,[13] ordering a commission and instructions
to be prepared to those gentlemen and myself for making a Treaty of
Commerce with Great Britain. This resolution, with your Excellency's
letter, arrived very seasonably, as Mr Hartley was setting off for
London with information from us, that our powers were executed.
I am very sensible of the honor, that is done me by this resolution of
Congress, and of the great importance of the business committed to our
care; and shall not, therefore, hesitate to take a part in it. I can
attend to this business, and at the same time have some care of your
affairs in Holland; and in case the present loan should be full in the
course of the next winter, I can open a new one, either by going to
Amsterdam, or by having the obligation sent to me in Paris to be
signed. In this way there will be no additional expense to the public,
as I have informed M. Dumas, that there must be no expense made at the
Hague on my account, or on account of Congress, but that all his
expenses must be borne by himself, or he must at least settle them
with Congress. I have so much regard for this gentleman, and such an
opinion of his worth and merit, that I cannot but recommend him upon
this occasion to Congress, for the commission of Secretary of that
Legation, but as economy is and ought to be carefully attended to, I
presume not to point out the salary, which will be proper. There are
so many ways of pillaging public men in Europe, that it will be
difficult for Congress to conceive the expenses, which are unavoidable
in these countries.
If the principle of economy should restrain Congress from sending
Ministers to Vienna, Petersburg, Copenhagen and Lisbon, they will
probably send a commission to Paris to negotiate treaties there,
because I think it will appear to be of great importance, both in a
political and commercial light, to have treaties with these powers. If
this should be the case, as three of us will be now obliged to attend
at Paris the tedious negotiation with every Court, we can all at the
same time and with the same expense attend to the negotiations with
the other powers; which will afford to all an opportunity of throwing
in any hints, which may occur for the public good, and will have a
much better appearance in the eyes of Europe and America. I do not
hesitate, therefore, to request, that if such a commission or
commissions should be sent, that all your Ministers in Europe may be
inserted in it. If the arrangement should make any difficulty in
America, it will make none with me; for although I think there was
good reason for the order in which the names stand in the new
commission for peace, and in the resolution for a new commission for a
treaty of commerce, that reason will not exist in any future
commission.
Mr Hartley's powers are sufficient to go through the negotiation with
us, and I suppose it will be chiefly conducted at Paris, yet we may
all think it proper to make a tour to London, for a few weeks
especially, in case any material obstacle should arise. We are told,
that such a visit would have a good effect at Court and with the
nation; at least, it seems clear it would do no harm.
With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
FOOTNOTE:
[13] "Ordered, That a commission be prepared to John Adams, Benjamin
Franklin, and John Jay, authorising them, or either of them in the
absence of the others, to enter into a treaty of commerce between the
United States of America and Great Britain, subject to the revisal of
the contracting parties previous to its final conclusion; and, in the
meantime, to enter into a commercial convention, to continue in force
one year."
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 8th, 1783.
Sir,
As the resolution of Congress of the 1st of May has determined it to
be my duty to remain in Europe, at least another winter, I shall be
obliged to say many things to your Excellency by letter, which I
hoped to have had the honor of saying upon the floor of your house.
Some of these things may be thought at first of little consequence,
but time, and inquiry, and consideration, will show them to have
weight. Of this sort, is the subject of this letter.
The views and designs, the intrigues and projects of Courts, are let
out by insensible degrees, and with infinite art and delicacy in the
gazettes.
These channels of communication are very numerous; and they are
artificially complicated in such a manner, that very few persons are
able to trace the sources from whence insinuations and projects flow.
The English papers are an engine, by which everything is scattered all
over the world. They are open and free. The eyes of mankind are fixed
upon them. They are taken by all Courts and all politicians, and by
almost all gazetteers. Of these papers, the French emissaries in
London, even in time of war, but especially in time of peace, make a
very great use; they insert in them things which they wish to have
circulated far and wide. Some of the paragraphs inserted in them will
do to circulate through all Europe, and some will not do in the
_Courier de l'Europe_. This is the most artful paper in the world; it
is continually accommodating between the French and English Ministry.
If it should offend the English essentially, the Ministry would
prevent its publication; if it should sin against the French
unpardonably, the Ministry would instantly stop its circulation; it
is, therefore, continually under the influence of the French
Ministers, whose under-workers have many things translated into it
from the English papers, and many others inserted in it originally,
both to the end, that they may be circulated over the world, and
particularly that they may be seen by the King of France, who reads
this paper constantly. From the English papers and the _Courier de
l'Europe_, many things are transferred into various other gazettes,
the _Courier du Bas Rhin_, the _Gazette de Deux Ponts_, the _Courier
d'Avignon_, and the _Gazette des Pays Bas_. The Gazettes of Leyden and
Amsterdam, are sometimes used for the more grave and solid objects,
those of Deux Ponts and d'Avignon for popular topics, the small talk
of coffee-houses, and still smaller and lower circles.
All these papers and many others discover a perpetual complaisance for
the French Ministry, because they are always in their power so
entirely, that if an offensive paragraph appears, the entrance and
distribution of the gazette may be stopped by an order from Court, by
which the gazetteer loses the sale of his paper in France, which is a
great pecuniary object. Whoever shall hereafter come to Europe in any
public employment, and take in the papers above enumerated, will
acknowledge his obligations to me for mentioning them. He will find
them a constant source of amusement, and sometimes of useful
discoveries. I may hereafter possibly entertain Congress with some
curious speculations from these gazettes, which have all their
attention fixed upon us, and very often honor us with their
animadversions, sometimes with their grave counsels, but oftener still
with very subtle and sly insinuations.
With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, September 10th, 1783.
Sir,
As I am to remain in Europe for some time longer, I beg leave to take
a cursory view of what appears necessary or expedient to be further
done in Europe; for I conceive it to be not only the right but the
duty of a Foreign Minister, to advise his Sovereign, according to his
lights and judgments, although the more extensive information and
superior wisdom of the Sovereign, may frequently see cause to pursue a
different conduct.
With Spain no doubt Congress will negotiate by a particular Minister,
either the present one or another, and perhaps it would be proper that
the same should treat with Naples. With the two Empires, Prussia,
Denmark, Portugal, Sardinia and Tuscany, I humbly conceive, it might
be proper to negotiate, and perhaps with Hamburg; but there are other
powers with whom it is more necessary to have treaties than it ought
to be, I mean Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli.
I presume that Congress will not think it expedient to be at the
expense of sending Ministers to all these powers, if to any. Perhaps
in the present state of our finances it may not be worth while to send
any. Yet the present time is the best to negotiate with all. I submit
it to consideration then, whether it is not advisable to send a
commission to such Minister as you judge proper, with full powers to
treat with all, to the Ministers now in Paris, or to any others. But I
humbly conceive, that if powers to treat with all or any of these
States are sent to any of your Ministers now here, it would be for the
public good, that they should be sent to all. If Congress can find
funds to treat with the Barbary Powers, the Ministers here are the
best situated, for they should apply to the Court of Versailles and
their High Mightinesses in the first place, that orders should be sent
to their Consuls according to treaties to assist us. Ministers here
may carry on this negotiation by letters, or may be empowered to send
an agent if necessary. I have no private interest in this business. My
salary will be the same, my expenses more, and labor much increased by
such a measure. But as it is of public importance, I think, that no
unnecessary delicacies should restrain me from suggesting these hints
to Congress. Whatever their determination may be, will be satisfactory
to me.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, your Excellency's,
&c.
JOHN ADAMS.
THE
CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN JAY;
MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO THE COURT OF SPAIN, AND ONE OF THE
COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING PEACE.
John Jay was a member of the first Congress, which assembled at
Philadelphia in September, 1774, having been, with four other persons,
chosen a delegate from the city and county of New York. He was also in
the Congress of the following year, but after the organization of the
government of New York he was made Chief Justice of the State, and
retired from Congress. On the 21st of October, 1778, even while he
held the office of Chief Justice, he was elected by the Assembly a
delegate to Congress for a specific object, till the first of March
following. The Assembly at the same time declared, that by the
constitution of New York both these stations were consistent with each
other.
Mr Jay joined the Congress on the 7th of December, and was elected
President of that body three days afterwards, as the successor of
Henry Laurens. He discharged this office with great dignity and credit
to himself till September 27th, 1779, when he was appointed Minister
Plenipotentiary to negotiate a treaty of amity and alliance with
Spain. He sailed for France about the first of November in the same
ship with M. Gerard, who had been the late French Minister in the
United States. Accidents at sea compelled the Captain of the vessel to
put into Martinique, whence Mr Jay sailed in another vessel for
Europe, and arrived at Cadiz on the 22d of January, 1780. Here he
remained between two and three months, and then proceeded to Madrid,
and entered on the duties of his mission.
The two principal objects, which Mr Jay was instructed to obtain, were
a grant of aids in money and military supplies from Spain, to assist
in prosecuting the war against the common enemy, and a treaty between
Spain and the United States. After encountering for more than two
years innumerable embarrassments, vexatious delays, cold treatment,
and a provoking indifference, that would have exhausted the patience,
if not ruffled the temper of most men, he met with very little success
in the former object, and none at all in the latter. The Spanish Court
seemed nowise inclined to recognize the independence of the United
States, or to show them any substantial marks of friendship, and yet
there was evidently a willingness to keep on terms, and be prepared to
act according to the issue of events. Tardy promises of money were
made by the Minister, which he was reluctant to fulfil, and it was
with extreme difficulty at last, that Mr Jay succeeded in procuring
from his Catholic Majesty the pitiful loan of one hundred and fifty
thousand dollars. In the treaty he made no progress, but was put off
from time to time, with pretences as frivolous as they were insincere.
He was never received in his public capacity, nor in any other
character than that of a private gentleman empowered to act as Agent
for the United States. In short, it must be confessed, that the
conduct of Spain, in regard to this country during the revolutionary
war, was not such as to inspire the gratitude or respect of succeeding
generations.
Meantime, on the 13th of June, 1781, Mr Jay was chosen one of the
Commissioners for negotiating a peace, when the parties at war should
be prepared for such an event. Having already made considerable
progress with Mr Oswald in the treaty; and being persuaded that the
British government were in earnest as to their professed desire for
peace, Dr Franklin wrote to Mr Jay requesting him to repair to Paris,
and join in the negotiation. He arrived in that city on the 23d of
June, 1782, and shortly afterwards engaged in the duties of his
commission with his colleague. Mr Adams did not arrive till the 26th
of October. The preliminary articles were signed on the 30th of
November.
Mr Jay continued in Europe the year following, and signed, with the
other Commissioners, the Definitive Treaty, September 3d, 1783.
Several months previously he had asked permission to return home, but
he did not embark till June 1st, 1794. He arrived in New York on the
24th of July following.
It having been understood that he would soon return, Congress had
elected him Secretary of Foreign Affairs on the 7th of May, as
successor to Mr Livingston, who had resigned some time before. He
accepted this appointment, and took charge of the office, which he
filled with the same dignity and ability, that had marked his conduct
in every public station.
THE CORRESPONDENCE
OF
JOHN JAY.
INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN JAY, MINISTER FOR NEGOTIATING
A TREATY WITH SPAIN.
In Congress, September 29th, 1779.
Sir,
By the treaties subsisting between his Most Christian Majesty and the
United States of America, a power is reserved to his Catholic Majesty
to accede to the said treaties, and to participate in their
stipulations, at such time as he shall judge proper, it being well
understood, nevertheless, that if any of the stipulations of the said
treaties are not agreeable to the Court of Spain, his Catholic Majesty
may propose other conditions analogous to the principal aim of the
alliance, and conformable to the rules of equality, reciprocity, and
friendship. Congress is sensible of the friendly regard to these
States manifested by his Most Christian Majesty, in reserving a power
to his Catholic Majesty of acceding to the alliance entered into
between his Most Christian Majesty and these United States; and,
therefore, that nothing may be wanting on their part to facilitate
the views of his Most Christian Majesty, and to obtain a treaty of
alliance, and of amity and commerce with his Catholic Majesty, have
thought proper to anticipate any propositions, which his Catholic
Majesty might make on that subject, by yielding up to him those
objects, which they conclude he may have principally in view; and for
that purpose have come to the following resolution;
That if his Catholic Majesty shall accede to the said treaties, and,
in concurrence with France and the United States of America, continue
the present war with Great Britain for the purpose expressed in the
treaties aforesaid, he shall not thereby be precluded from securing to
himself the Floridas; on the contrary, if he shall obtain the Floridas
from Great Britain, these United States will guaranty the same to his
Catholic Majesty; provided always, that the United States shall enjoy
the free navigation of the river Mississippi into and from the sea.
You are, therefore, to communicate to his Most Christian Majesty the
desire of Congress to enter into a treaty of alliance, and of amity
and commerce with his Catholic Majesty, and to request his favorable
interposition for that purpose. At the same time, you are to make such
proposal to his Catholic Majesty, as in your judgment, from
circumstances, will be proper for obtaining for the United States of
America equal advantages with those, which are secured to them by the
treaties with his Most Christian Majesty; observing always the
resolution aforesaid as the ultimatum of the United States.
You are particularly to endeavor to obtain some convenient port or
ports below the thirtyfirst degree of north latitude, on the river
Mississippi, for all merchant vessels, goods, wares, and merchandises,
belonging to the inhabitants of these States.
The distressed state of our finances, and the great depreciation of
our paper money, inclined Congress to hope that his Catholic Majesty,
if he shall conclude a treaty with these States, will be induced to
lend them money; you are, therefore, to represent to him the great
distress of these States on that account, and to solicit a loan of
five millions of dollars upon the best terms in your power, not
exceeding six per cent per annum, effectually to enable them to
co-operate with the allies against the common enemy. But before you
make any propositions to his Catholic Majesty for a loan, you are to
endeavor to obtain a subsidy in consideration of the guarantee
aforesaid.[14]
FOOTNOTE:
[14] The above is the form in which the instructions were reported by
a committee.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
St Pierre's, Martinique, December 20th, 1779.
Sir,
This is the only opportunity of transmitting a letter to Philadelphia
since our arrival; and as the route, which this is to take, will be
very circuitous and doubtful, it will be short and general.
Having lost our bowsprit, all our masts, and many of our sails, as
well as split our rudder, off the Banks of Newfoundland, we steered
for this Island, and arrived yesterday afternoon. The Governor and
Admiral are at Port Royal. They are informed of our being here, and I
shall see them either at this or that place, according as we shall
find it to be their intention to come to the one, or remain at the
other. Till then, it must continue doubtful, whether we shall be able
to obtain a passage in a French frigate, or speedily refit our own;
neither of which can be done without the interposition of government.
Two days hence, a vessel will sail for St Eustatia. I shall write more
particularly by her, and it is more than probable, that those letters
will come to hand before this.
Yesterday, a fleet of twentyfive merchant-men under the convoy of a
frigate, bound from France to this place, were attacked on the
southern coast of Martinique, near Port Royal, by a number of the
enemy's ships of war from St Lucia. Fourteen merchant-men were
captured, and two driven on shore. The rest escaped during a very
severe action between three line of battle ships under Monsieur le
Motte Piquet, (who went from Port Royal to their relief) and double
the number of the enemy. This intelligence was communicated to me this
morning by the commanding officer here.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN JAY.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.