THE LAST.
"Garrison," said George Thompson on the steamer which was conveying the
Government party out of Charleston Harbor on their return trip;
"Garrison you began your warfare at the North in the face of rotten eggs
and brickbats. Behold you end it at Charleston on a bed of roses!" The
period of persecution had indeed ended, the reign of missiles had
ceased, but with the roses there came to the pioneer not a few thorns.
Bitter was the sorrow which visited him in the winter of 1863. Without
warning his wife was on the night of December 29th, stricken with
paralysis, which crippled her for the rest of her life. No words can
adequately express all that she had been to the reformer in his struggle
with slavery. She was a providential woman raised up to be the wife and
helpmate of her husband, the strenuous man of God. "As a wife for a
period of more than twenty-six years," he wrote her on the completion of
her fiftieth year, "you have left nothing undone to smooth the rugged
pathway of my public career--to render home the all-powerful magnet of
attraction, and the focal point of domestic enjoyment--to make my
welfare and happiness at all times a matter of tender solicitude--and to
demonstrate the depth and fixedness of that love which you so long ago
plighted to me.... Whatever of human infirmity we may have seen in each
other, I believe few have enjoyed more unalloyed bliss in wedded life
than ourselves." For twelve years after that sad December night the
lovely invalid was the object of her husband's most tender and assiduous
care. And when at last she left him in January, 1876, the loneliness
which fell upon his heart seemed more than he could bear.
Differences with old associates was a grievous thorn which came to the
pioneer during the progress of the war. The first marked disagreement
between him and them occurred at the annual meeting of the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery Society not a month after his wife's prostration. The clash
came between the leader and his great coadjutor Wendell Phillips over a
resolution introduced by the latter, condemning the Government and
declaring its readiness "to sacrifice the interest and honor of the
North to secure a sham peace." Garrison objected to the severity of this
charge. He believed that there was but one party at the North of which
it was true, and that was the party of Copperheads. He endeavored,
therefore, to modify the harshness of the resolution by giving it a more
moderate tone. But the anti-Lincoln feeling of the Convention proved too
strong for his resistance, and Mr. Phillips's resolution was finally
adopted as the sentiment of the society.
The discordant note thus struck grew sharper and louder during the year.
The divergence of views in the ranks of the Abolitionists touching the
Southern policy of the Administration grew wider, until the subject of
Mr. Lincoln's renomination sundered the little band into two wings--one
for renomination, headed by Garrison, the other against renomination,
and led by Phillips. These differences presently developed into, if not
positive antagonism, then something closely akin to it between the two
wings and the two leaders. No little heat was generated from the strong,
sharp things said on both sides. Garrison was wiser than Phillips in his
unwillingness to have the country, in the homely speech of the
President, "swap horses while crossing a stream."
Serious differences of opinion sprang up also between the two leaders
and the two wings in relation to the proper time for dissolving the
anti-slavery organizations. Garrison held on one side that this time had
come with the adoption of the thirteenth amendment abolishing slavery,
while Phillips held on the other that the societies should continue
their operations until the negro was invested with the right to vote.
And here it seems that Phillips was wiser than Garrison in his purpose
not to abandon in 1865 the old machinery for influencing public
sentiment in the negro's interest.
At the anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, in May, 1865,
Garrison contended for its dissolution, declaring that "Nothing is more
clear in my own mind, nothing has ever been more clear, than that this
is the fitting time to dissolve our organization, and to mingle with the
millions of our fellow-countrymen in one common effort to establish
justice and liberty throughout the land." For two days the debate upon
this question raged in the convention, but when the vote was taken it
was found that a large majority of the delegates agreed with Mr.
Phillips. Mr. Garrison was, nevertheless, reëlected President, but
declined and withdrew from the society. The controversy was renewed at
the annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in January,
1866. But here again a large majority voted against dissolution. Warm
words fell from both Garrison and Phillips and their respective
supporters, which tried sorely the friendship of the two leaders.
In accordance with his views touching the discontinuance of the
anti-slavery societies, Garrison discontinued the publication of the
_Liberator_ after the completion of its thirty-fifth volume in December,
1865. He did not mean by this act to cease his labors for the negro. Far
from it. For he, like Phillips, stood for his absolute equality before
the law. But he perceived that old things had passed away, and with them
the need of the old instruments, and that what remained to be done for
the black man required to be done with new means. "The object," said he
in his valedictory, "for which the _Liberator_ was commenced, the
extermination of chattel slavery, having been gloriously consummated, it
seems to me specially appropriate to let its existence cover the
historic period of the great struggle; leaving what remains to be done
to complete the work of emancipation to other instrumentalites (of which
I hope to avail myself), under new auspices, with more abundant means,
and with millions instead of hundreds for allies."
With the discontinuance of the _Liberator_ Garrison's occupation, from
which he had derived a regular though somewhat uncertain income for the
support of his family, was gone. He was not in destitute circumstances,
however, thanks to the generosity of friends, who had already secured
him the home in Roxbury, where he spent the remaining years of his life.
He had also been one of the legatees under the will of Charles F. Hovey,
who left about forty thousand dollars to the anti-slavery cause. But the
age of the reformer, he was then sixty, and the state of his health,
which was much impaired, together with the helplessness of his wife,
made some provision for his and her support, other than the little which
he possessed, a matter of anxious thought on the part of himself and his
friends. He had given thirty-five years of his life to the public good.
His services to his country and to the world were above all price, all
money considerations. It was felt that to him who had given so much to
the world, the world should in his need make some substantial
acknowledgement in return.
Some of his countrymen, accordingly, conceived the plan of a national
testimonial to the philanthropist, which should ensure to him during the
rest of his life a competence.
A committee having this end in view was organized March 28, 1866, at the
house of Dr. Henry I. Bowditch. John A. Andrew, who was its chairman,
wrote the address to the public, to which were appended the chief names
in the politics and literature of the land. Nearly two years afterward,
on March 10, 1868, the committee were able to place in Mr. Garrison's
hands the handsome sum of thirty-one thousand dollars with a promise of
possibly one or two thousand more a little later. To the energy and
devotedness of one man, the Rev. Samuel May, Jr., more than to any
other, and perhaps than all others put together, this noble achievement
was due. The pioneer was deeply moved at the high and generous character
of the recognition accorded his labors. "Little, indeed, did I know or
anticipate how prolonged or how virulent would be the struggle," said he
in his reply to the committee, "when I lifted up the standard of
immediate emancipation, and essayed to rouse the nation to a sense of
its guilt and danger. But having put my hands to the plow, how could I
look back? For, in a cause so righteous, I could not doubt that, having
turned the furrows, if I sowed in tears I should one day reap in joy.
But, whether permitted to live to witness the abolition of slavery or
not, I felt assured that, as I demanded nothing that was not clearly in
accordance with justice and humanity, sometime or other, if remembered
at all, I should stand vindicated in the eyes of my countrymen." The
names of John Bright, John Stuart Mill, William E. Foster, and Samuel
Morley, among the contributors to the fund, lent to the testimonial an
international character.
In May, 1867, Garrison went abroad the fourth time, and traveled in
Great Britain and on the Continent. Everywhere that he went he was
received as an illustrious visitor and as a benefactor of mankind. At a
breakfast in London which "was intended to commemorate one of the
greatest of the great triumphs of freedom, and to do honor to a most
eminent instrument in the achievement of that freedom," and at which
were gathered the genius, the wealth, and aristocracy of England and
Scotland, John Bright, who presided, welcomed the illustrious guest
"with a cordiality which knows no stint and no limit for him and for his
noble associates, both men and women," and ventured to speak a verdict
which he believed would be sanctioned by all mankind, viz., that
"William Lloyd Garrison and his fellow-laborers in that world's
work--are they not
"On Fame's eternal bead-roll worthy to be filed?"
With the discontinuance of the _Liberator_ Garrison's active career came
to a close. But his sympathetic interest in the freedmen, temperance,
the cause of women, and in other reformatory enterprises continued
unabated. He watched with stern and vigilant eye, and bleeding heart the
new rebellion at the South whose purpose was the nullification of the
civil and political rights of the blacks, and the overthrow of the
military rule of the National Government in the Southern States. He did
not see what time has since made clear that a genuine reconstruction of
the South, and the ultimate solution of the Southern problem had, in
accordance with social laws, to proceed from within, from the South
itself, not from without and from Washington. The old fire again burned
in his speech as tidings of the violence of the whites and the
sufferings of the blacks reached him from the former slave section.
Indeed, the last written words of his, addressed to the public, were
words in defence of the race to whose freedom he had devoted his
life--words which, trumpet-tongued raised anew the rallying-cry of
"Liberty and equal rights for each, for all, and for ever, wherever the
lot of man is cast within our broad domains!"
True to his grand motto "My country is the world! my countrymen are all
mankind," he espoused the cause of the Chinese, and denounced the
National policy of excluding them on the ground of race from the
republic but a few months before his death. The anti-Chinese movement
appeared to him "narrow, conceited, selfish, anti-human,
anti-Christian." "Against this hateful spirit of caste," wrote the dying
philanthropist, "I have earnestly protested for the last fifty years,
wherever it has developed itself, especially in the case of another
class, for many generations still more contemned, degraded, and
oppressed; and the time has fully come to deal with it as an offence to
God, and a curse to the world wherever it seeks to bear sway."
On the same grand principle of human fraternity Mr. Garrison dealt with
the questions of trade and tariffs also. He believed in liberty, civil,
religious, and commercial. He was in fact a radical free trader on moral
and humanitary grounds. "He is the most sagacious political economist,"
was a remark of his, "who contends for the highest justice, the most
far-reaching equality, a close adherence to natural laws, and the
removal of all those restrictions which foster national pride and
selfishness." And here is another like unto it: "Believing that the
interests of the American people in no wise materially differ from those
of the people of any other country, and denying the rectitude or
feasibility of building ourselves up at their expense by an exclusive
policy, obstructing the natural flow of material exchanges, I avow
myself to be a radical free trader, even to the extent of desiring the
abolition of all custom-houses, as now constituted, throughout the
world. That event is far distant, undoubtedly, but I believe it will
come with the freedom and enlightenment of mankind. My faith is absolute
that it will prove advantageous to every branch of industry, whether at
home or abroad."
The closing years of the reformer's life were years of great bodily
suffering. A disease of the kidneys and a chronic catarrh of the head
made steady inroads upon the resources of his constitution, made life at
times a wheel on which he was racked with physical tortures, all of
which he bore with the utmost fortitude and serenity of spirit. "The
longer I live, the longer I desire to live," he wrote Samuel J. May,
"and the more I see the desirableness of living; yet certainly not in
this frail body, but just as it shall please the dear Father of us all."
One by one he saw the little band of which he was leader dwindle as now
one and now another dropped by the way. And it was he or Mr. Phillips,
or both, who spoke the last loving words over their coffins. As the
little band passed on to the unseen country, a new joy awoke in the soul
of the leader left behind, the joy of anticipation, of glad reunion
beyond the grave. "How unspeakably pleasant it will be to greet them,
and to be greeted by them on the other side of the line," it seemed to
him as he, too, began to descend toward the shore of the swift, silent
river. The deep, sweet love for his mother returned with youthful
freshness and force to him, the man of seventy-three years, at the
thought of coming again into her presence. A strange yearning was
tugging at his heart for all the dear ones gone before. The fond mother,
who had watched over his childhood, and the fond wife, who had been the
stay of his manhood, were the first two whom he yearned to meet after
crossing the river. The joyous thought of his approaching meeting with
those white-souled women cheered and comforted the reformer amid
excruciating physical sufferings. Worn out by heroic and Herculean
labors for mankind and by a complication of diseases, he more and more
longed for rest, to go home to beloved ones as he expressed it. To the
question, "What do you want, Mr. Garrison?" asked by the attending
physician on the day before his death, he replied, weariedly, "To finish
it up!" And this he did at the home of his daughter, Mrs. Henry Villard,
in New York, in the midst of children and grandchildren, near midnight,
on May 24, 1879.
"While that ear could listen," said Wendell Phillips over the
illustrious champion of liberty as he lay dead in the old church in
Roxbury; "While that ear could listen, God gave what he has rarely given
to man, the plaudits and prayers of four millions of victims." But as he
lay there he had, besides, the plaudits and praise of an emancipated
nation. The plaudits and praise of an emancipated race, mingling
melodiously with those of an emancipated nation made noble music about
his bier. In the city, where forty-three years before he was mobbed, the
flags floated at half-mast in his honor; and on Beacon Hill, where the
Government once desired his destruction, the voice of appreciation was
heard and tokens of the State's sorrow met the eye. Great in life great
also in death was William Lloyd Garrison.
"Men of a thousand shifts and wiles, look here!
See one straightforward conscience put in pawn
To win a world; see the obedient sphere
By bravery's simple gravitation drawn!
Shall we not heed the lesson taught of old,
And by the present's lips repeated still,
In our own single manhood to be bold,
Fortressed in conscience and impregnable will?"
INDEX.
Adams, Charles Francis, 372.
Adams, John Quincy, 54, 250-251.
Adams, Nehemiah, 278.
Adams, William, 292.
Alcott, A. Bronson, 90, 91, 134.
American Anti-Slavery Society, 174, 311, 340,
373, 387.
Andover Seminary, 190.
Andrew, John A., 381, 389.
Annexation of Texas, 335.
_Anti-Slavery Standard_, 299.
Atchison, David, 338, 374.
Attucks, Crispus, 227.
Bacon, Leonard W., 162.
Bartlett, Ezekiel, 18, 20.
Beecher, Lyman, 110, 111, 161,
189, 190, 269.
Benson, George, 194, 263.
Benson, George W., 168, 178, 234,
260, 281.
Benson, Henry E., 212, 263.
Benton, Thomas H., 105-106, 252,
253.
Bird, Frank W., 361.
Birney, James G., 203, 298, 320.
Bond, Judge, 382.
Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, 217, 233, 240.
Bourne, Rev. George, 108, 203.
Bowditch, Henry I., 233, 349, 389.
Bright, John, 390, 391.
Brooks, Preston S., 359.
Brown, John, 365-368.
Buffum, Arnold, 139, 177.
Burleigh, Charles C., 221, 223, 235.
Buxton, Thomas Fowell, 152, 154, 204.
Calhoun, John C., 246, 252, 315,
335, 336, 337,
352, 353, 384.
Campbell, John Reid, 225.
Channing, Dr. W.E., 110, 111, 256,
316.
Chapman, Maria Weston, 223, 258, 259,
277, 292.
Chase, Salmon P., 338.
Child, David Lee, 134, 136, 138,
203.
Child, Lydia Maria, 186, 203, 210,
277, 292, 309.
Clay, Henry, 339, 348.
Clerical Appeal, 282.
Clarkson, Thomas, 155, 303.
Coffin, Joshua, 139, 198.
Cobb, Howell, 338.
Collier, Rev. William, 40.
Collins, John A., 298, 299, 300,
303.
Colonization Society, 60, 72,
144-156, 162.
Colored Seaman, 313-314.
Colorphobia, 157-169.
Colver, Nathaniel, 303.
_Commercial Advertiser_, New York, 170.
_Courier_, Boston, 128, 129, 217.
_Courier and Enquirer_, New York, 171.
Corwin, Thomas, 372.
Cox, Abraham L., 185, 203, 209.
Crandall, Prudence, 165-168, 199.
Cresson, Elliott, 150, 151, 153.
Cropper, James, 154, 205.
Curtin, Andrew G., 372.
Curtis, Benjamin R., 354.
Cuyler, Rev. Theodore L., 384.
Davis, Jefferson, 338, 376.
Disunion Convention at Worcester, 361-363.
Dole, Ebenezer, 86.
Douglas, Stephen A., 353, 365.
Douglass, Frederick, 300, 344.
Dred Scott Case, 364.
Duncan, Rev, James, 108-109.
_Emancipator, The_, 283, 285, 286,
328.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 281.
_Evening Post_, New York, 208.
Everett, Edward, 30, 31, 243,
244.
Farnham, Martha, 16.
Fessenden, Samuel, 141, 148.
Follen, Prof. Charles, 201, 203, 247.
Forten, James, 144.
Foster, Stephen S., 310, 375.
Foster, William E., 390.
Frémont, John C., 361.
_Free Press_, 27, 34.
Fugitive Slave Law, effect of, 345-347.
Fugitive Slaves, The Crafts, Shadrach, Sims, Burns, 349.
Fuller, John E., 219.
Furness, Rev. W.H., 344.
Garrison, Abijah, 12-15, 18.
Garrison, Charles Follen, 331-332.
Garrison, Francis Jackson, 330.
Garrison, George Thompson, 381.
Garrison, Helen Eliza, 194-196, 219,
297, 331,
385-386.
Garrison, James, 19, 20,
302-303.
Garrison, Joseph, 11, 12.
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, 297.
Garrison, William Lloyd,
Early years, 11-26;
Publishes _Free Press,_ 27-34;
seeks work in Boston, 35;
nominates Harrison Gray Otis for Congress, 35-36;
temperance and the _Philanthropist_, 39-44;
meets Lundy, 44;
early attitude on the slavery question, 46-50;
on war, 51;
first experience with ministers on the subject of slavery, 52;
Anti-slavery Committee of twenty, 53;
goes to Bennington, Vt., to edit the
_Journal of the Times_, 54-55;
monster anti-slavery petition to Congress, 55;
anticipates trouble with the South, 56;
begins to preach freedom, 56-57;
agrees to help Lundy edit the _Genius of Universal
Emancipation_, 58;
Congregational Societies of Boston invite him to
deliver Fourth-of-July oration, 60;
the address, 61-67;
goes to Baltimore, 69;
raises the standard of immediate emancipation, 70;
Lundy and he agree to differ, 71;
defends Free People of Color, 73-74;
makes acquaintance with barbarism of slavery, 74;
ship _Francis_ and Francis Todd, 75-77;
prosecuted and imprisoned, 77-83;
released, 83;
visits the North, 84;
returns to Baltimore but leaves it again for good, 87;
lectures on slavery, 88-91;
character, 92-94;
incarnation of immediate emancipation, 109;
Dr. Lyman Beecher, 110-111;
difficulties in the way of publishing the _Liberator_, 112-115;
his method of attacking slavery, 118;
he is heard, 120;
Walker's appeal, 121-122;
Nat Turner, 125-126;
southern excitement, 127-128;
New England Anti-Slavery Society, 137-138;
appointed agent, 141;
thoughts on African colonization, 143-150;
first visit to England, 152-156;
Mr. Buxton's mistake, 152;
prejudice against color, 157;
Prudence Crandall, 166, 168;
organization of New York City Anti-Slavery Society and
beginning of the mob period, 170-172;
formation of American Anti-Slavery Society, 174-185;
declaration of sentiments, 182-184;
increased agitation, 185-186;
marriage, 193;
the wife, 194-196;
poverty of the _Liberator_, 197-200;
the paper displeases friends, 201-204;
George Thompson, 204-206;
Faneuil Hall meeting to put the Abolitionists down, 211-215;
gallows for two, 215-216;
the Broad-Cloth Mob, 218-232;
Thompson leaves the country, 238;
appears before a committee of Massachusetts legislature, 245-246;
Pennsylvania Hall, 257-260;
Marlboro Chapel, 260-261;
ill health, 263;
Educational Convention of anti-slavery agents, 264-265;
the Sabbath question, 265-272;
The woman's question, 273-280;
clerical appeal, 282-285;
anti-slavery political action, 286-288;
conflict between the New York and the Boston boards, 289-291;
the World's Convention, 292-295;
visit to Scotland, 295-296;
in the lecture field, 300-301;
his brother James, 302-303;
meets charges of infidelity, 303-304;
Irish Address, 304-305;
no union with slaveholders, 306-312;
Texas agitation, 316-318;
dislikes Liberty party, 319-323;
some characteristics, 326-334;
the Rynders Mob, 340-344;
publicly burns the United States Constitution, 354;
answers objections to his disunionism, 362-363;
Harper's Ferry, 365-367;
secession: first attitude to it, 370-373;
second attitude, 373;
adapts himself to circumstances, 373-381;
Lincoln and emancipation, 379;
visits Baltimore, Washington, Charleston, 381-384;
illness and death of his wife, 385-386;
differences with anti-slavery associates, 386-388;
discontinues the _Liberator_, 388;
national testimonial, 389-390;
fourth visit to England, 390-391;
champions cause of Southern negroes, 391;
champions cause of Chinese, 392;
believes in Free Trade, 392-393;
illness and death, 393-395.
Garrison, William Lloyd, Jr., 297.
_Gazette_, Boston, 217.
_Genius of Universal Emancipation_, 58, 69, 71-75.
Gibbons, James S., 309.
Giddings, Joshua R., 338.
Goodell, William, 149, 203, 247,
248.
Green, William, Jr., 184.
Grimké, Angelina E., 235, 258-259.
Grimké, Sisters, 275-280.
Hale, John P., 338, 350.
Hamilton, Alexander, 104.
Hamlin, Hannibal, 338.
Haydon, Benjamin Robert, 294, 295.
Hayne, Robert Y., 209.
_Herald_, Newburyport, 21, 26.
_Herald_, New York, 340, 341.
Higginson, T.W., 358-359, 361.
Hoar, Samuel, 314.
Horton, Jacob, 61.
Hovey, Charles F., 389.
Jackson, Francis, 233, 240-241,
311-312, 317,
341, 344.
Jewett, Daniel E., 175.
Jocelyn, Rev. Simeon Smith, 203.
Johnson, Andrew, 380.
Johnson, Oliver, 114, 134, 137,
139, 160-161,
374.
_Journal_, Camden (S.C.), 128.
_Journal_, Louisville (Ky.), 120.
Kansas, Struggle over, 357-358.
Kelley, Abby, 259, 291, 310.
Kimball, David T., 175.
Knapp, Isaac, 113, 127, 139,
197, 200, 265,
301-302.
Kneeland, Abner, 90, 268.
Lane Seminary, 189.
Latimer, George, 312.
Leavitt, Joshua, 149, 320, 329.
Leggett, Samuel, 86.
_Liberator, The_, 111-120,
126-129, 131,
141, 163, 165,
169, 176,
197-204, 236,
237, 265, 284,
297, 327-329,
388.
Lincoln, Abraham, 365, 370, 375,
376, 377, 378,
379, 380, 382,
384.
Lloyd, Fanny, 13-20, 24-26,
44-45.
Longfellow, Stephen, 148.
Loring, Edward Greeley, 354.
Loring, Ellis Grey, 134, 135, 136,
138, 245, 264.
Lovejoy, Elijah P., 254-257.
Lowell, James Russell, 136, 329.
Lumpkin, Wilson, 128.
Lundy, Benjamin, 44, 45, 46,
48-54, 57,
58, 69, 71,
72, 75, 108,
133.
Lunt, George, 244, 247, 248.
Lyman, Theodore, 223, 224, 227,
228.
Macaulay, Zachary, 154.
Malcolm, Rev. Howard, 52.
Martineau, Harriet, 94, 240.
Mason, James M., 338.
Mason, Jeremiah, 111.
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, 265, 280, 297,
310.
Mathew, Father, 304, 305.
May, Samuel, Jr., 325, 389.
May, Samuel J., 90, 93, 94,
134, 166, 167,
179, 180, 186,
199, 245, 272,
289, 393.
McDowell, James, 124, 125.
McKim, James Miller, 149.
McDuffie, Governor, 243, 246.
_Mercury_, Charleston, 126,
Mill, John Stuart, 390.
Missouri Compromise, Repeal of, 352-354.
Moore, Esther, 259.
Morley, Samuel, 390,
Mott, Lucretia, 178, 259, 292,
293.
_National Intelligencer_, 128.
New England Anti-Slavery Society, 137-141, 200,
280, 311.
_New England Spectator_, 282.
Newman, Prof. Francis W., 378.
O'Connell, Daniel, 154, 170, 171,
304.
Otis, Harrison Gray, 35, 129, 130,
131, 213, 214,
215.
Palmer, Daniel, 11.
Palmer, Mary, 11, 12.
Parker, Mary S., 222, 234.
Parker, Theodore, 121, 349, 350,
362.
Pastoral Letter, 277.
Paxton, Rev. J.D., 186.
Pease, Elizabeth, 303, 331, 346.
Pennsylvania Hall, 257-260.
Phelps, Amos A., 149, 186, 203,
278, 280, 288.
Phillips Academy (Andover), 190.
Phillips, Ann Green, 292, 293.
Phillips, Wendell, 190, 257, 310,
317, 323, 326,
344, 346-347,
349, 351, 386,
387, 388, 393,
394.
Pillsbury, Parker, 310,
Prentice, George D., 120.
Purvis, Robert, 144, 162, 178.
Quincy, Edmund, 299, 310, 316,
323, 324, 325,
326, 327-329.
Quincy, Josiah, 347.
Rankin, John, 177.
Remond, Charles Lenox, 293, 295, 304.
Rhett, Barnwell, 338.
Rogers, Nathaniel P., 149, 293, 295,
301.
Rynders, Isaiah, 341-344.
Scoble, Rev. John, 294.
Sewall, Samuel E., 90, 91, 134,
135, 136, 137,
138, 175, 236,
367.
Seward, William H., 338, 372.
Shaw, Chief-Justice, 312.
Slavery, Rise and Progress of, 95-107.
Smith, Gerritt, 147, 236, 297,
320.
Sprague, Peleg, 213, 214.
Stanton, Edwin M., 382.
Stanton, Henry B. 253, 288.
Stearns, Charles, 359.
Stevens, Thaddeus, 338.
Stuart, Charles, 201, 202, 264.
Sumner, Charles, 234, 317, 339,
346, 359.
Tappan, Arthur, 83, 84, 164,
171, 184, 209,
210.
Tappan, Lewis, 149, 177, 201,
209, 283, 285.
Texas Agitation, 314-318.
Thompson, George, 204-206, 210,
212, 213, 216,
217, 218, 238,
294, 295, 351,
383, 385.
Thurston, David, 180.
Tilton, Theodore, 382.
Todd, Francis, 75, 76, 77,
81, 82, 87.
Toombs, Robert, 338.
Travis, Joseph, 124.
Turner, Nat., 124-125.
Uncle Tom's Cabin, 351-352.
Villard, Mrs. Henry, 394.
Walker, David, 121, 122, 123,
126.
Ward, Rev. Samuel R., 344.
Ware, Rev. Henry, Jr., 203.
Webb, Richard D., 310, 316, 318,
326.
Webster, Daniel, 35, 101, 110,
111, 117, 249,
338, 339, 347,
348, 370.
Weld, Theodore D., 149, 190, 264,
279.
Wesley, John, 70, 107.
White, Nathaniel H., 41.
Whitney, Eli, 98.
Whittier, John Greenleaf, 34, 175, 179,
186, 202, 234,
279, 320.
Wilberforce, William, 152, 154.
Winslow, Isaac, 177.
Winslow, Nathan, 177.
Wright, Elizur, 147, 149, 185,
186, 202, 210,
283-285, 287,
320.
Yerrington, James B., 113.
End of Project Gutenberg's William Lloyd Garrison, by Archibald H. Grimke