NORUMBEGA AND ITS ENGLISH EXPLORERS.
BY THE REV. BENJAMIN F. DE COSTA, D.D.
_Formerly Editor of the Magazine of American History._
THE story of Norumbega is invested with the charms of fable and
romance. The name is found in the map of Hieronimus da Verrazano of
1529, as “Aranbega,” being restricted to a definite and apparently
unimportant locality. Suddenly, in 1539, Norumbega appears in the
narrative of the Dieppe Captain as a vast and opulent region, extending
from Cape Breton to the Cape of Florida. About three years later
Allefonsce described the “River of Norumbega,” now identified with
the Penobscot, and treated the capital of the country as an important
market for the trade in fur. Various maps of the period of Allefonsce
confine the name of Norumbega to a distinct spot; but Gastaldi’s map,
published by Ramusio in 1556,—though modelled after Verrazano’s, of
which indeed it is substantially an extract,—applies the name to the
region lying between Cape Breton and the Jersey coast. From this time
until the seventeenth century Norumbega was generally regarded as
embracing all New England, and sometimes portions of Canada, though
occasionally the country was known by other names. Still, in 1582, Lok
seems to have thought that the Penobscot formed the southern boundary
of Norumbega, which he shows on his map[329] as an island; while John
Smith, in 1620, speaks of Norumbega as including New England and the
region as far south as Virginia. On the other hand Champlain, in 1605,
treated Norumbega as lying within the present territory of Maine. He
searched for its capital on the banks of the Penobscot, and as late as
1669 Heylin was dreaming of the fair city of Norumbega.
Grotius, for a time at least, regarded the name as of Old Northern
origin, and connected with “Norbergia.” It was also fancied that
a people resembling the Mexicans once lived upon the banks of the
Penobscot. Those who have labored to find an Indian derivation for
the name say that it means “the place of a fine city.” At one time
the houses of the city were supposed to be very splendid, and to
be supported upon pillars of crystal and silver. Pearls were also
reported as abundant, which at that early period was no doubt the
case. Charlevoix offers the unsupported statement that Francis I. made
Roberval “Lord of Norumbega.” Roberval was certainly the patentee of
the whole territory of Norumbega, though Mark Lescarbot made merry
over the matter, as he could find nothing to indicate any town except
a few miserable huts. It is reasonable to infer, however, that at an
early period an Indian town of some celebrity existed. Like the ancient
Hochelaga, which stood on the present site of Montreal and was visited
and described by Cartier, it eventually passed away. To-day, but for
Cartier, Hochelaga would have had quite as mythical a reputation
as Norumbega, which, however, still forms an appropriate theme for
critical inquiry.[330]
* * * * *
The first Englishman whose name has been associated with any portion
of the region known as Norumbega was John Rut. This adventurer
reached Newfoundland during August, 1527, and afterwards, according
to Hakluyt’s report, sailed “towards Cape Breton and the coastes of
Arembec;” but Purchas, who was better informed, says nothing about any
southward voyage. One of the ships, the “Sampson,” was reported as
lost, while the other, the “Mary of Guilford,” returned to England.
There is nothing to prove that Rut even reached Cape Breton; much less
is it probable that he explored the coast southward, along Nova Scotia,
which was called “Arembec.”
The first Englishman certainly known to have reached any portion of
the region here treated as Norumbega was David Ingram, a wandering
sailor. During October, 1568, with about one hundred companions, he was
landed on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico by Captain John Hawkins, who,
on account of the scarcity of provisions, sailed away and left these
messmates behind. With two of his companions Ingram travelled afoot
along the Indian trails, passing through the territory of Massachusetts
and Maine to the St. John’s River, where he embarked in a French
ship, the “Gargarine,” commanded by Captain Champagne, and sailed
for France. The narrative of his journey is profusely embellished
by his imagination, it may be,—as is generally held; but that he
accomplished the long march has never been doubted. At that period the
minds of explorers were dazzled by dreams of rich and splendid cities
in America, and Ingram simply sought to meet the popular taste by his
reference to houses with pillars of crystal and silver.[331] He also
says that he saw the city of Norumbega, called Bega, which was three
fourths of a mile long and abounded with peltry. There is no doubt of
his having passed through some large Indian village, and possibly his
Bega may have been the Aranbega of Verrazano.
At the close of 1578 Sir Humphrey Gilbert made a voyage to North
America, but may not have visited Norumbega. The earliest mention of
his expedition is that found in Dee’s _Diary_, under date of Aug. 5,
1578, where he says: “Mr. Raynolds, of Bridewell, tok his leave of me
as he passed towards Dartmouth to go with Sir Umfry Gilbert towards
Hochelaga.”[332]
The first known English expedition to Norumbega was made in a “little
ffrigate” by Simon Ferdinando, who was in the service of Walsingham.
Ferdinando sailed from Dartmouth in 1579, and was absent only three
months. The brief account does not state what part of Norumbega
was visited; but the circumstances point to the northern part, and
presumably to the Penobscot region of Maine. It would also appear that
the voyage was more or less of the nature of a reconnoissance.
The first Englishman known to have conducted an expedition to
Norumbega was John Walker, who, the year following the voyage of
Ferdinando, sailed to the river of Norumbega, in the service of
Sir Humphrey Gilbert. He reached the Penobscot, of which he gave a
rough description, finding the region rich in furs, as described
by Allefonsce and Ingram. He discovered a silver mine where modern
enterprise is now every year opening new veins of silver and gold.
This voyage, like that of his predecessor, proved a short one,—the
return trip being made direct to France, where the “hides” which he had
secured were sold for forty shillings apiece.
In 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert took possession of Newfoundland; and
afterwards sailed for Norumbega, whither his “man” Walker had gone
three years before. In latitude 44° north, near Sable Island, he lost
his great ship, the “Admiral,” with most of his supplies; when, under
stress of the autumnal gales, the brave knight reluctantly abandoned
the expedition and shaped his course for home, sailing in a “little
ffrigate,”—possibly the “barck” of Ferdinando. Off the Azores, in the
midst of a furious storm, the frigate went down, carrying Sir Humphrey
with her; just as, shortly before, Parmenius—a learned Hungarian
who had joined the enterprise expressly to sing the praise of fair
Norumbega in Latin verse—had gone down in the “Admiral.”
In 1584, while Sir Humphrey Gilbert lay sleeping in his ocean grave,
Raleigh was active in Virginia, where the work of colonization was
pushed forward during a period of six years.[333] Meanwhile the
services of Simon Ferdinando as pilot were employed in this direction
in the pay of Granville, and Norumbega for a space was unsearched, so
far as we know, by the exploring English. There seems, however, ground
for supposing that the fisheries or trade in peltries may have allured
an occasional trafficking vessel, and contraband voyages may have been
carried on without the knowledge of the patentee, the furs being sold
in France. The elder Hakluyt appears to have had a very fair idea of
the region, and he knew of the copper mines off the eastern coast of
Maine, at the Bay of Menan, which was laid down on the map of Molyneux.
Nevertheless, the only voyager that we can now point to is Richard
Strong, of Apsham, who, in 1593, sailed to Cape Breton, and afterwards
cruised some time “up and down the coast of Arembec to the west and
southwest of Cape Breton.” He doubtless searched for seal in the waters
of Maine, and made himself familiar with its shores. It is said that
he saw men, whom he “judged to be Christians,” sailing in boats to the
southwest of Cape Breton.
The opening of the seventeenth century witnessed a revival of English
colonial enterprise; and Sir Walter Raleigh, though busy with schemes
for privateering, nevertheless found time to think of Virginia, of
which, both north and south, he was now the patentee. Accordingly he
sent out a vessel to Virginia under Mace, evidently with reference to
the lost colonists.[334] Upon the return of Mace, Sir Walter went to
Weymouth to confer with him, when, to his surprise, he learned that,
without authority, another expedition had visited that portion of his
grant which was still often called Norumbega. This was the expedition
of Gosnold, who sailed from Falmouth, March 26, 1602, in a small
bark belonging to Dartmouth, and called the “Concord.” The company
numbered thirty-two persons, eleven of whom intended to remain and
plant a colony, apparently quite forgetful of the fact that they were
intruders and liable to be proceeded against by the patentee. In this
voyage Gosnold took the direct route, sailing between the high and low
latitudes, and making a saving of nearly a thousand miles. In this
respect he has been regarded as an innovator, though probably Walker
pursued the same course. If there is no earlier instance, Verrazano, as
we now know, in 1524 set navigators the example of the direct course,
thereby avoiding the West Indies and the Spaniards. It is reasonable to
suppose that Gosnold took the idea direct from Verrazano, as he left
Falmouth with the Florentine’s letter in his hand, referring directly
to it in his own letter to his father; while Brereton and Archer
made abundant use of it in their accounts of the voyage. On May 14
Gosnold sighted the coast of Maine near Casco Bay, calling the place
Northland; twelve leagues southwest of which he visited Savage Rock,
or Cape Neddock, where the Indians came out in a Basque shallop, and
with a piece of chalk drew for him sketches of the coast. Next Gosnold
sailed southward sixteen leagues to Boon Island, and thence, at three
o’clock in the afternoon, he steered out “into the sea,” holding his
course still southward until morning, when the “Concord” was embayed
by a “mighty headland.” Their last point of departure could not have
been nearer the “mighty headland,” which was Cape Cod, than indicated
by the sailing time. If the starting-point had been Cape Ann, they
would have sighted Cape Cod before sunset. Archer says, when at Savage
Rock, that they were short of their “purposed voyage.” They had, then,
a definite plan. Evidently they were sailing to the place, south of
Cape Cod, described in the letter of Verrazano. Gosnold may have seen
this island in the great Verrazano map described by Hakluyt. At all
events Cape Cod was rounded, and the expedition reached that island of
the Elizabeth group now known as Cuttyhunk, where, upon an islet in a
small lake, they spent three weeks in building a fortified house, which
they roofed with rushes. All this work they kept a secret from the
Indians, while they intended, according to the narrative, to establish
a permanent abode. Indeed, this appears to have been the particular
region for which Sir Humphrey was sailing in 1583, as we know by
Hakluyt’s annotation on the margin of his translation of Verrazano
which Gosnold used.
From Cuttyhunk the members of the expedition made excursions to the
mainland, and they also loaded their vessel with sassafras and cedar.
When, however, the time fixed for the ship’s departure came, those who
were to remain as colonists fell to wrangling about the division of
the supplies; and, as signs of a “revolt” appeared, the prospects of
a settlement began to fade, if indeed the idea of permanence had ever
been seriously entertained. Soon “all was given over;” and June 17
the whole company abandoned their beautiful isle, with the “house and
little fort,” and set sail, desiring nothing so much as the sight of
their native land. Gliding past the gorgeous cliffs of Gay Head, the
demoralized company had no relish for the scene, but sailed moodily on
to No-Man’s Land, where they caught some wild fowl and anchored for
the night. The next day the “Concord,” freighted we fear with discord,
resumed the voyage, and took her tedious course over the solitary sea.
Gosnold reached South Hampton on the 23d of July, having “not one cake
of bread” and only a “little vinegar left;” yet even here his troubles
did not end, for in the streets of Weymouth he soon encountered Sir
Walter Raleigh, who confiscated his cargo of sassafras and cedar
boards, on the ground that the voyage was made without his consent, and
therefore contraband. Gosnold nevertheless protected his own interests
by ingratiating himself with Raleigh, leaving the loss to fall the
more heavily on his associates. Thus was Raleigh made, upon the whole,
well pleased with the results of the voyage, and he resolved to send
out both ships again. Speaking with reference to the unsettled region
covered by his patent, he says, “I shall yet live to see it an Englishe
nation.”
The year 1603 was signalized by the death of Elizabeth and the
accession of James, while at nearly the same time Raleigh’s public
career came to an end. Before the cloud settled upon his life, two
expeditions were sent out. The “Elizabeth” went to Virginia, under
the command of Gilbert, who lost his life there; while Martin Pring
sailed with two small vessels for New England. Pring commanded the
“Speedwell,” and Edmund Jones, his subordinate, was master of the
“Discoverer.” This expedition had express authority from Raleigh
“to entermeddle and deale in that action.” It was set on foot by
Hakluyt and the chief merchants of Bristol. Leaving England April 10,
Pring sighted the islands of Maine on the 2d of June, and, coasting
southward, entered one of the rivers. He finally reached Savage Rock,
where he failed to find sassafras, the chief object of his voyage,
and accordingly “bore into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold
overshot.” This gulf was Massachusetts Bay, the northern side of which
did not answer his expectations; whereupon he crossed to the southern
side, and entered the harbor now called Plymouth, finding as much
sassafras as he desired, and he remained there for about six weeks.
The harbor was named Whitson, in honor of the Mayor of Bristol; and a
neighboring hill, probably Captain’s Hill, was called Mount Aldworth,
after another prominent Bristol merchant. On the shore the adventurers
built a “small baricado to keepe diligent watch and warde in” while
the sassafras was being gathered in the woods. They also planted seed
to test the soil. Hither the Indians came in great numbers, and “did
eat Pease and Beans with our men,” dancing also with great delight to
the “homely musicke” of a “Zitterne,” which a young man in the company
could play. This fellow was rewarded by the savages with tobacco and
pipes, together with “snake skinnes of sixe foote long.” These were
used as belts, and formed a large part of the savage attire, though
upon their breasts they wore plates of “brasse.”
By the end of July Pring had loaded the “Discoverer” with sassafras,
when Jones sailed in her for England, leaving Pring to complete the
cargo of the other ship. Soon the Indians became troublesome, and,
armed with their bows and arrows, surrounded the “baricado,” evidently
intending to make an attack; but when Pring’s mastiff, “greate Foole,”
appeared, holding a half-pike between his jaws, they were alarmed, and
tried to turn their action into a jest. Nevertheless, the day before
Pring sailed for England, they set the forest on fire “for a mile
space.” On August 9 the “Elizabeth” departed from Whitson Bay, and
reached Kingsroad October 2. Thus two years before Champlain explored
Plymouth Harbor, naming it Port of Cape St. Louis, ten years before
the Dutch visited the place, calling it Crane Bay, and seventeen years
before the arrival of the Leyden Pilgrims, Englishmen became familiar
with the whole region, and loaded their ships with fragrant products of
the neighboring woods.
* * * * *
We next approach the period when the French came to seek homes on the
coasts of the ancient Norumbega, as, in 1604, De Monts and Champlain
established themselves at St. Croix,—the latter making a voyage to
Mount Desert, where he met the savages, who agreed to guide him to the
Penobscot, or Peimtegoüet, believed to be the river “which many pilots
and historians call Norembegue.” He ascended the stream to the vicinity
of the present Bangor, and met the “Lord” of Norumbega; but the
silver-pillared mansions and towers had disappeared. The next year he
coasted New England to Cape Malabar, but a full account of the French
expeditions is assigned to another volume of the present work.
The voyage of Waymouth, destined to have such an important bearing
upon the future of New England colonization, was begun and ended
before Champlain embarked upon his second expedition from St. Croix,
and the English captain thus avoided a collision with the French.
Waymouth sailed from Dartmouth on Easter Sunday, May 15, 1605 evidently
intending to visit the regions south of Cape Cod described by Brereton
and Verrazano. Upon meeting contrary winds at his landfall in 41°
2´ north, being of an irresolute temper, he bore away for the coast
farther east; and on June 18 he anchored on the north side of the
island of Monhegan. He was highly pleased with the prospect, and hoped
that it would prove the “most fortunate ever discovered.” The next
day was Whitsunday, when he entered the present Booth’s Bay, which he
named Pentecost Harbor. He afterwards explored the Kennebec, planting
a cross at one of its upper reaches; and, sailing for England June 16,
he carried with him five of the Kennebec natives, whom he had taken by
stratagem and force.
In connection with Waymouth’s voyage we have the earliest indications
of English public worship, which evidently was conducted according to
the forms of the Church, in the cabin of the “Archangel,” the savages
being much impressed thereby.[335] The historian of Waymouth’s voyage
declares “a public good, and true zeal of promulgating God’s holy
Church by planting Christianity, to be the sole intent of the honorable
setter forth of this discovery.”
[Illustration]
The narrative of Waymouth’s voyage was at once published, and attracted
the attention of Sir John Popham, chief-justice. It also greatly
encouraged Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who, in connection with Sir John,
obtained from King James two patents,—one for the London and the other
for the Plymouth company; the latter including that portion of ancient
Norumbega extending from 38° north to 45° north, thus completely
ignoring the claims of the French. The patentees were entitled to
exercise all those powers which belong to settled and well-ordered
society, being authorized to coin money, impose taxes and duties, and
maintain a general government for twenty-one years.
[Illustration]
This was accomplished in 1606, when Sir Ferdinando Gorges sent out a
ship under Captain Challons, which was captured by the Spaniards and
never reached her destination. Before hearing of the loss of this
ship, another was despatched under Thomas Hanam, with Martin Pring as
master. Failing to find Challons, they made a very careful exploration
of the region, which Sir Ferdinando says was the best that ever came
into his hands. In the mean time the five Indians brought home by
Waymouth had been in training for use in connection with colonization
under the supervision of Gorges. Indeed he expressly says that these
Indians were the means, “under God, of putting on foot and giving life
to all our plantations.” Accordingly the plans of a permanent colony
were projected, and on the last day of May, 1607, two ships—the “Gift
of God” and the “Mary and John”—were despatched under the command
of Captain George Popham, brother of the chief-justice, and Captain
Raleigh Gilbert. At the end of twenty-one days the expedition reached
the Azores, where the “Mary and John,” having been left behind by her
consort, barely escaped from the Netherlanders. Finally, leaving the
Azores, Gilbert stood to sea, crossing the ocean alone, and sighted
the hills of Le Have, Nova Scotia, July 30. After visiting the harbor
of Le Have, Gilbert sailed southward, rounding Cape Sable, and entered
the “great deep Bay” of Fundy. Then he passed the Seal Islands,
evidently being well acquainted with the ground, and next shaped his
course for the region of the Penobscot, looking in the mean time for
the Camden Hills, which, on the afternoon of August 5, lifted their
three double peaks above the bright summer sea. As he confidently
stood in towards the land, the Matinicus Islands soon shone white
“like unto Dover clifts;” and afterward the “Mary and John” found
good anchorage close under Monhegan, Waymouth’s fortunate island,
named in honor of England’s patron saint, St. George. Landing upon
the island Gilbert found a sightly cross, which had been set up by
Waymouth or some other navigator. The next morning, as the “Mary and
John” was leaving Monhegan, a sail appeared. It proved to be the “Gift
of God,” of whose voyage no account is now known. In company with his
consort Gilbert returned to the anchorage ground. At midnight he made
a visit to Pemaquid, on the mainland, accompanied by Skidwarres, one
of Waymouth’s Indians, rowing over the placid waters with measured
stroke among many “gallant islands.” They found the village sought
for, and then returned. The next day was Sunday, when the two ships’
companies landed upon Monhegan,—then crowned with primeval forests and
festooned with luxuriant vines,—where their preacher, the Rev. Richard
Seymour, delivered a discourse and offered prayers of thanksgiving. The
following is the entry of the pilot:—
“Sondaye beinge the 9th of August, in the morninge the most part of
our holl company of both our shipes landed on this Illand, the wch
we call St. George’s Illand, whear the crosse standeth; and thear we
heard a sermon delyvred unto us by our preacher, gguinge God thanks
for our happy metinge and saffe aryvall into the contry; and so
retorned abord aggain.”
This, so far as our present information extends, is the first recorded
religious service by any English or Protestant clergyman within
the bounds of New England, which was then consecrated to Christian
civilization.
On Sunday, August 19, after encountering much danger, both ships
were safely moored in the harbor of Sagadahoc at the mouth of the
Kennebec. The adventurers then proceeded to build a pinnace called the
“Virginia,” the first vessel built in New England. She crossed the
Atlantic several times.
[Illustration: ANCIENT PEMAQUID.
This sketch-map follows one given with Sewall’s paper on “Popham’s
town,” in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. See a more extended sketch of the
coast in the Critical Essay.]
The Kennebec was explored by Gilbert, while a fort, a church, a
storehouse, and some dwellings were built upon the peninsula of Sabino,
selected as the site of the colony. The two ships returned to England,
the “Mary and John” bearing a Latin epistle from Captain Popham to
King James. It gave a glowing description of the country, which was
even supposed to produce nutmegs. During the winter Popham died; and
in the spring, when a ship came out with supplies, the colonists were
found to be greatly discouraged, their storehouse having been destroyed
by fire, and the winter having proved extremely cold. Besides, no
indications of precious metals were found, and they now learned that
the chief-justice, like his brother, had passed away. Accordingly the
fort, “mounting twelve guns,” was abandoned, and Strachey says “this
was the end of that northern colony upon the river Sagadehoc.”
After the abandonment of Sabino the English were actively engaged in
traffic upon the coast; as appears from the testimony of Captain John
Smith, who, in describing his visit to Monhegan in 1614, says that
opposite “in the Maine,” called Pemaquid, was a ship of Sir Francis
Popham, whose people had used the port for “many yeares” and had
succeeded in monopolizing the fur-trade. The particulars concerning
these voyages, and the scattered settlers around the famous peninsula
of Pemaquid, are not now accessible.
The next Englishman to be referred to is Henry Hudson, who, with a crew
composed of English and Dutch, visited Maine in 1609,—probably finding
a harbor at Mt. Desert, where he treated the Indians with cruelty and
fired upon them with cannon. Sailing thence he touched at Cape Cod, and
went to seek a passage to the Indies by the way of Hudson River, which
had been visited by Verrazano in 1524, and named by Gomez the following
year in honor of St. Anthony. The voyage of Hudson is not of necessity
connected with English enterprise.[336] The next year Captain Argall,
from Virginia, visited the Penobscot region for supplies, but he does
not appear to have communicated with any of his countrymen.
In 1611 the English showed themselves on the coast with a strong hand.
This fact is learned from a letter of the Jesuit Biard, who, in writing
to his superior at Rome, gives the history of an encounter between the
English and French. From his narrative it appears that early in 1611
a French captain, named Plastrier, undertook to go to the Kennebec,
and was made a prisoner by two ships “that were in an isle called
Emmetenic, eight leagues from the said Kennebec.” He escaped by paying
a ransom and agreeing not to intrude any more. This fact coming to
the knowledge of Biencourt, the commander at Port Royal, the irate
Frenchman proceeded to the Kennebec to find the English and to obtain
satisfaction from them. Upon reaching the site of the Popham colony at
Sabino, Biencourt found the place deserted. On his return he visited
Matinicus (Emmetenic), where he saw the shallops of the English on
the beach, but did not burn them, for the reason that they belonged
to peaceful civilians and not to soldiers. Who then were the English
for whom Biencourt was so considerate? Evidently they were those led
by Captains Harlow and Hobson, who, as stated by Smith, sailed from
Southampton for the purpose of discovering an isle “supposed to be
about Cape Cod.” They visited that cape and Martha’s Vineyard, and,
it would appear, sailed along the coast of Maine, where they showed
Plastrier their papers, indicating that they acted by authority.
Possibly, however, Sir Francis Popham’s agent, Captain Williams, may
have been the commander who expelled the French. At all events there
was no lack of English representation on the coast of New England in
1611. Smith, speaking in a fit of discouragement, says that “for any
plantation there was no more speeches;” but the fact that Sir Francis
annually for many years sent ships to the coast indicates brisk
enterprise, though there may have been no movement in favor of such
a venture as that of the colony of 1607. Many scattered settlers, no
doubt, were living around Pemaquid. Smith may be quoted again as saying
that no Englishman was then living on the coast; but this is something
that he could not know. It is also opposed to recognized facts, and
to the declaration of Biard that the English in Maine desired “to
be masters.” Still we do not at present know the name of a single
Englishman living in New England during the winter of 1611. In 1612
Captain Williams was opposite Monhegan, at Pemaquid, where, no doubt,
his agents lived all the year round, collecting furs. In 1613 the scene
became more animated. At this period the French were boldly inclined,
and Madame de Guercheville had determined to found a Jesuit mission
in what was called Acadia. In 1613, therefore, the Jesuits Biard and
Masse left Port Royal and proceeded to establish themselves on the
border of Somes’s Sound in Mount Desert, where they began to land their
goods and build a fortification, the ship in which they came being
anchored near the shore. Argall, who was fishing in the neighborhood,
learned of their arrival from the Indians, and by a sharp and sudden
attack captured the French ship. He sent a part of the company to Nova
Scotia, and carried others to Virginia. This action was not justified
by the English Government, and some time afterward the French ship was
surrendered.[337]
* * * * *
In the year 1614 Captain John Smith, the hero of Virginia, enters upon
the New England scene; yet his coming would appear, in some respects,
to have been without any very careful prevision, since he begins his
narrative by saying, “I chanced to arive in New England, a parte of
Ameryca, at the Ile of Monahiggan.” The object of his expedition was
either to take whales or to try for mines of gold; and, failing in
these, “Fish and Furres was our refuge.” In most respects the voyage
was a failure, yet it nevertheless afforded him the opportunity of
writing his _Description of New England_, whose coast he ranged in
an open boat, from the Penobscot to Cape Cod. His brief description,
so fresh and unconventional, will never lose its value and charm;
and, because so unique, it will maintain a place in the historical
literature of its time. Smith knew that his impressions were more or
less crude, yet the salient features of the coast are well presented.
At the Penobscot he saw none of the people, as they had gone inland
for the summer to fish; and at Massachusetts, by which he meant
the territory around Boston, “the Paradise of all those parts,” he
found the French six weeks in advance of him, they being the first
Europeans known to have visited the place. The River of Massachusetts
was reported by the natives as extending “many daies Iourney into
the entralles of that countrey.” At Cohasset he was attacked by the
natives, and was glad to escape; while at Accomacke, which he named
Plymouth, he found nothing lacking but “an industrious people.”
He was the third explorer to proclaim in print the value of the
situation.[338] One result of his examination was his Map of New
England, which he presented to Prince Charles.[339]
During the year 1614 another expedition was sent out. Gorges says that
while he was considering the best means of reviving his “languishing
hopes” of colonization, Captain Harlow brought to him one of the
Indians whom he had captured in 1611. This savage, named Epenow, had
been exhibited in London as a curiosity, being “a goodly man of brave
aspect.” Epenow was well acquainted with the New England tribes. At the
same time Sir Ferdinando had recovered Assacumet, one of Waymouth’s
Indians, who had been carried to Spain, in 1606, when Challons was
captured by the Spaniards. The possession of these two Indians inspired
the knight with hope, since he was firmly persuaded that in order to
succeed in colonization it would be necessary to have the good-will of
the natives, whose co-operation he hoped to secure through the good
offices of those whom he had taught to appreciate, in some measure,
the advantages of English civilization. In this respect he was wise.
In connection therefore with the Earl of Southampton he fitted out a
ship, which was put in command of Captain Hobson, whom he describes as
“a grave gentleman.” Hobson himself invested a hundred pounds in the
enterprise, one of the main objects of which was to discover mines of
gold. This metal, Epenow said, would be found at Capawicke, or Martha’s
Vineyard. Hobson sailed in June, 1614, and finally reached the place
where Epenow was “to make good his undertaking,” and where the savages
came on board and were entertained in a friendly and hospitable way.
Among the guests were Epenow’s brothers and cousins, who improved the
occasion to arrange for his escape,—it being decided, as it appears
from what followed, that upon their return he should jump overboard
and swim away, while the tribe menaced the English with arrows. They
accordingly appeared in full strength at the appointed time, when
Epenow, though closely watched, and clothed in flowing garments to
render his retention the more certain, succeeded in evading his keepers
and jumped overboard. Hobson’s musketeers immediately opened fire,
foolishly endeavoring to shoot the swimming savage, while Epenow’s
friends bravely shot their arrows and wounded the master of the ship
and many of the crew. In the end Epenow escaped; and Sir Ferdinando
says: “Thus were my hopes of that particular mode void and frustrate;”
adding, that such are “the fruits to be looked for by employing men
more zealous of gain than fraught with experience how to make it.”
Hobson however did not lose so much as was supposed; for, though no
doubt Epenow believed that gold existed at Capawicke, and that if it
should prove necessary he could bring the English to the mine, it is
clear that no precious metal existed. The supposed gold was simply a
sulphate of iron, which the mineralogist finds to-day in the aluminous
clays of Gay Head.
Though both Smith and Hobson had failed essentially in the objects of
their voyage, the former was not in the slightest degree disheartened,
but spoke in such glowing terms of the country and its resources that
the Plymouth Company resolved to take vigorous action, and offered
Smith “the managing of their authority in those parts” for life. The
London Company was also stirred up, and sent out four ships before the
people of Plymouth acted. The Londoners offered Smith the command of
their ships, which he declined, having already made a life-engagement.
Nevertheless the London ships sailed in January, led by Captain Michael
Cooper, and reached Monhegan in March, where they fished until June,
and then sent a ship of three hundred tons to Spain loaded with fish.
This ship was taken by the Turks, while another sailed to Virginia,
leaving the third to return to England with fish and oil. Smith’s
Plymouth friends, however, furnished only two ships. Nevertheless
he sailed with these, Captain Dermer being second in command. His
customary ill fortune still attended him, and not far from port he lost
both his masts, while his consort went on to New England. Sailing a
second time in a small vessel of sixty tons, Smith was next captured
by French pirates; and, while tossing at sea in captivity, wrote his
_Description of New England_. His language has been regarded as very
significant where he speaks of “the dead patent of this unregarded
country;” but this is the language of a depressed prisoner. The patent
was not dead; while, if it had been dead, English enterprise was alive,
of which his own voyage, though cut short by pirates, was a convincing
proof. To show that the patent was not dead, the Plymouth Company, in
1615, sent out Sir Richard Hawkins, who was acting “as President for
that year.” Hawkins sailed October 15. Gorges says that he spent his
time while in New England very usefully in studying the products of the
country; but unfortunately he arrived at the period when the Indian war
was at its height, and many of the principal natives were killed. From
New England he coasted to Virginia, and thence he sailed to Spain, “to
make the best of such commodities as he had got together,” which Sir
Ferdinando loosely says “was all that was done by any of us that year.”
Nevertheless, Smith tells us that Plymouth in 1616 sent out four ships,
and London two; while Purchas states that “eight voluntarie ships” went
to New England to make “further tryall.” Another of two hundred tons,
the “Nachen,” commanded by Edwarde Brawnde, who addressed an account of
the voyage to “his worthye good frend Captayne John Smith, admirall of
New England,” also went out. In his letter reference is made to other
vessels on the coast. The “Nachen,” of London, sailed from Dartmouth
March 8, and reached Monhegan April 20. Afterwards Brawnde went to
Cape Cod in his pinnace to search for pearls, which were also the
first things sought for by the Leyden emigrants, in 1620, when they
reached the harbor of Provincetown. Brawnde also mentions that he had
his boats detained by Sir Richard Hawkins, who thus appears to have
wintered upon the coast and to have sailed to Virginia in the spring.
Notwithstanding various mishaps, Brawnde entertained a favorable
impression of New England, where profitable voyages were to be made in
fish and furs, if not spoiled by too many factors, while he found the
climate good, and the savages “a gentell-natured people,” altogether
friendly to the English.
In 1617 Smith himself made the discovery that the patent of New England
was not dead. At that time he had secured three ships, while his
life-appointment for the new country was reaffirmed. Still misfortune
continued to pursue him, and he did not even succeed in leaving port.
Together with a hundred sail he was wind-bound at Plymouth for three
months. By the terms of the contract he says that he was to be admiral
for life, and “in the renewing of their Letters pattents so to be
nominated.” But for the unfortunate head-winds he would have gone to
New England in 1617 and undertaken a permanent work, as the times were
ripe. He might have begun either at Plymouth or Massachusetts, “the
paradise of all those parts,” and thus have made Boston anything but a
Nonconformist town.
In 1618 the English were still active, and Captain Rocroft went to
Monhegan to meet Captain Dermer, who was expected from Newfoundland.
Dermer, however, failed to appear, while Rocroft improved the occasion
to seize “a small barque of Dieppe,” which he carried to Virginia.
This Frenchman was engaged in the fur-trade at Saco, in disregard of
the claims of the English; but Gorges, with his customary humanity,
condoned the offence, the man “being of our religion,” and kindly made
good his loss. Soon after capturing the French trader, Rocroft came
near being the victim of a conspiracy on the part of certain of his own
men. When the plot was discovered he spared their lives, but set them
ashore at Saco, whence they went to Monhegan and passed the winter,
but succeeded in escaping to England in the spring. About this time
that poorly known character, Sir Richard Vines, passed a winter on the
coast, probably at Saco, sleeping in the cabins of the Indians, and
escaping the great plague, which swept away so many of the Sagamores.
The winter fisheries were commonly pursued, and the presence of
Englishmen on the coast all the year round was no doubt a common thing,
while a trading-post must have been maintained at Pemaquid. Rocroft
finally sailed to Virginia, where he wrecked his vessel, and then lost
his life in a brawl. Thus suddenly this “gallant soldier” dropped out
of New England history.
With the summer of 1619 Dermer finally reached Monhegan, the rendezvous
of English ships, and found that Rocroft had sailed for Virginia. While
his people engaged in fishing, he explored the coast in a pinnace as
far as Plymouth, having Squanto for his guide, and then travelled afoot
westward to Nummastuquyt, or Middleboro’. From this place he sent a
messenger to the border of Narragansett Bay, who brought “two kings” to
confer with him. Here also he redeemed a Frenchman who had been wrecked
at Cape Cod. Dermer adds immediately, that he obtained another at
Mastachusit, or the region about Boston, which he must have visited on
his way back to Monhegan. The account of his exploration is meagre; and
he hints vaguely at a very important island found June 12, which may
have been thought gold-bearing, as he says that he sent home “some of
the earth.” Near by were two other islands, named “King James’s Isles,”
because from thence he had “the first motives to search for that now
probable passage which hereafter may be both honorable and profitable
to his Majesty.” Clearly he refers to a supposed passage leading
through the continent to the Pacific and the Indies. In a letter
to Purchas, not now known, he mentioned the important island first
referred to, and probably described its locality, though its identity
is now left to conjecture. It may have been situated near Boston
Harbor, while the “probable passage” may have been suggested by the
mouths of the Mystic and the Charles, which, according to the report
given by the natives to Smith, penetrated many days’ journey into the
country.
Dermer finally reached Monhegan, and sent his ship home to England.
He afterwards put his surplus supplies on board the “Sampson,” and
despatched her for Virginia. He then embarked once more in his pinnace
to range along the coast. Near Nahant, during a storm, his pinnace was
beached; but getting off with the loss of many stores, and leaving
behind his Indian guide, he sailed around Cape Cod. At a place south of
the cape he was taken prisoner by the natives, but he escaped covered
with wounds. Subsequently he sailed through Long Island Sound, and,
passing through Hell Gate, he found it a “dangerous cataract.” While
here the savages on the shore saluted him with a volley of arrows. In
New York Harbor the natives proved peaceable, and undertook to show
him a strait leading to the west; but, baffled by the wind, he sailed
southward to Virginia, where he made a map of the coast, which he would
not “part with for fear of danger.” This map probably exhibited his
ideas respecting the “westward passage,” which was to be concealed from
the French and Dutch.[340] In Virginia this late but hopeful explorer
of Norumbega died.
Dermer was emphatically an explorer, and even in 1619 was dreaming of a
route through New England to China; but his most important work was the
peace made with the Indians at Plymouth. It is mentioned in his report
to Gorges. This report was quoted in the _Relation_ of the president
and council, and was used by Morton and Bradford. The latter quotes
him as saying, with reference to Plymouth, “I would that the first
plantation might here be seated, if there come to the number of fifty
persons or upward.” This was but the echo of Captain John Smith. Morton
endeavors, in an ungenerous spirit, to cheapen the services of Dermer,
but it would be as just to underrate the work of the English on the
Maine coast; and we should remember that it was their faithful friend
the Pemaquid Chief Samoset who hailed the Leyden colonists, upon their
arrival at Plymouth, with the greeting, “Welcome, Englishmen!”[341]
This was simply the natural result of the policy of peace and good-will
which imparted a gracious charm to the life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
who may be well styled the Father of New England Colonization. Here we
leave the English explorers of Norumbega.
CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
DOCUMENTS, whether in our own tongue or in others, which throw light
upon the explorations of the English in Norumbega are by no means
wanting. They embrace formal report and epistolary chronicle in great
variety and of considerable extent. In some cases they are full
and rich in details, but in others they disappoint us from their
meagreness. Such deficiency particularly confronts us when we are
searching for the tracks of their progress in maps or charts of these
early dates.
The English, in reality, were behind the age in maritime
enterprise,[342] and this forms one reason for the delay in colonizing
ancient Norumbega.[343]
The present writer has never found an Indian on the coast of Maine
who could recall the word Norumbega, or any similar word. M. Beauvois
shows, among other facts, that the Icelandic vaga is the genitive
plural of _vagr_, signifying “a bay.” Possibly, however, the word is
Spanish. In this language _b_ and _v_ are interchangeable; and _vagas_
often occurs on the maps, signifying “fields;” while _norum_ may be
simply a corruption of some familiar compound. Perhaps the explanation
of the word does not lie so far away as some suppose, though the study
of the subject must be attended with great care. In this connection
may be consulted such works as Ramusio’s _Navigationi et Viaggi_,
etc., Venice, 1556, iii. 359; the _Ptolemy_ of Pativino, Venice,
1596, p. 281; Wytfliet’s _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_, etc.,
Douay, 1603, p. 99; Magin’s _Histoire Universelle_, Douay, 1611, p.
96; _Introductio in Universam Geographicam_, by Cluverius, Amsterdam,
1729, p. 673; De Laet’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_, etc.; Leyden, 1625, p.
64, and his _Histoire du nouveau Monde_, etc., Leyden, 1640, p. 58;
Ogilby’s _America_, 1671, p. 138; Montanus’s _De Nieuwe en Onbekende
Wereldt_, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 29; Dapper’s _Die unbekante Neue Welt_,
etc., Amsterdam, 1673, p. 30. The subject of the varying bounds and the
name is also discussed by Dr. Woods in his introduction to Hakluyt’s
_Westerne Planting_, p. lii, and by the following: Sewall, _Ancient
Dominions of Maine_, p. 31; De Costa, _Northmen in Maine_, p. 44;
Murphy, _Verrazano_, p. 37; _Historical Magazine_, ii. 187; _Magazine
of American History_, May, 1881, p. 392.
The voyage of John Rut has been pointed out as the earliest voyage
having a possible connection with any portion of the territory of
Norumbega, which never included Bacalaos, though Bacalaos, an old
name of Newfoundland, sometimes included New England. The extreme
northeastern extension of Norumbega was Cape Breton. It was towards
Cape Breton and the coasts of Arembec, that Rut is said to have sailed
when he left St. John. Hakluyt is the first authority summoned in
connection with a subject which has elicited much curious discussion;
but Hakluyt was poorly informed.[344] He refers to the chronicles
of Hall and Grafton, who said that Henry VIII. sent out two ships,
May 20, 1527; yet he did not know either the name of the commander
or of the ships, one of which was given as the “Dominus vobiscum.”
Purchas, however, gives the names of both ships, and the letter of
Captain Rut to Henry VIII., together with a letter in Latin, written
by Albert de Prato, a canon of St. Paul’s, London, which is addressed
to Cardinal Wolsey.[345] Hakluyt, in his edition of 1589, reads,
“towards the coasts of Norombega,” instead of Arembec, as in the
edition of 1600. The latter appears to be a correction intended to
limit the meaning. Arembec may have been a name given to Nova Scotia.
A similar name was certainly given to one or more islands near the
site of Louisburg.[346] According to Hakluyt, Rut often landed his
men “to search the state of those unknown regions,” after he left the
northerly part of Newfoundland; but the confused account does not
prove that it was on Cape Breton or Arembec that they landed. Rut
says nothing about any such excursion, but simply says that he should
go north in search of his consort, the “Samson,” and then sail with
all diligence “to that island we are commanded;” and Hakluyt says
that it was an expedition intended to sail toward the North Pole.
Nevertheless, it has been fancied that Rut, in the “Mary of Guilford,”
explored all Norumbega, and then went to the West Indies. This notion
is based upon the statement of Herrera, who tells of an English ship
which lost her consort in a storm, and in 1519 came to Porto Rico from
Newfoundland,[347] the pilot, who was a native of Piedmont, having been
killed by the Indians on the Atlantic coast.[348] Herrera’s date has
been regarded as wrong; and it has been corrected, on the authority of
Oviedo, and put at 1527. There is no proof that Rut lost his pilot; but
as he had with him a learned mathematician, Albert de Prato, a priest,
it has been assumed that the priest was both a pilot and an Italian,
and consequently that the vessel seen at Porto Rico was Rut’s. It would
be more reasonable to suppose that this was the missing “Samson,” or
else one of the English traders sent to the West Indies in 1526/7.[349]
The ship described by Herrera was a “great ship,” heavily armed and
full of stores. On the other hand, the “Mary of Guilford” was a small
vessel of one hundred and sixty tons only, prepared for fishing.[350]
Finally, Rut was still at St. John August 10, while Hakluyt states
that the “Mary of Guilford” reached England by the beginning of
October. This, if correct, renders the exploration of Norumbega and
the cruise in the West Indies an impossibility. Nevertheless Rut must
have accomplished something, while it is significant that when Cartier
explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in 1534, he found a cape called Cape
Prato, apparently a reminiscence of the canon of St. Paul’s.[351]
David Ingram’s narrative, referred to in the text, was printed by
Hakluyt in 1589,[352] who, however, omitted it in 1600. Ingram suffered
much, and saw many things, no doubt, with a diseased brain. He listened
also to the stories of others, repeating them with additions in
sailor fashion; and, besides, may have been moved by vanity. Purchas,
referring to Hakluyt, says, “It seemeth some incredibilities of his
report caused him to leave him out in the next Impression, the reward
of lying being not to be believed in truths.”[353]
The larger portion however, of the statements in his narrative appears
to be true. He seems to have occupied about eleven months in reaching a
river which he calls Gugida,[354] this being simply the Indian Ouigoudi
of Lescarbot,[355] and the Ouygoudy of Champlain,[356] who, June 24,
1604, explored the river, and named it the St. John.
Concerning Simon Ferdinando there has been much misapprehension. He
was connected with the Virginia voyages in 1584-86. In the latter
year his ship was grounded. This led to his being loaded with abuse
by White.[357] It was re-echoed by Williamson[358] and Hawks.[359]
The latter declared that he was a Spaniard, hired by his nation to
frustrate the English colony, calling him a “treacherous villain” and
a “contemptible mariner;” yet Hawks did not understand the subject.
Subsequently, Ferdinando’s real character came to light; and, in one
of the oldest pieces of English composition produced on the continent
of North America, his skill and faithfulness were applauded by Ralph
Lane.[360] He was one of the numerous Portuguese domiciled in England;
but he had powerful friends like Walsingham, and thus became the leader
of the first-known English expedition to Norumbega. His life was
somewhat eventful, and like most men of his class he occasionally tried
his hand at privateering. At one time he was in prison on a charge
of heresy, and was bailed out by William Herbert, the vice-admiral.
His voyage of 1579 seems hitherto to have escaped notice; but this,
together with his personal history, would form the subject of an
interesting monograph.
It was through the calendars of the state-paper office that the fact of
John Walker’s voyage became known some time since, but not as yet with
detail; and it is only by means of a marginal note, which makes Walker
“Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s man,” that we get any clew to its purpose,
and from which we are led to infer its tentative character, and its
influence upon Gilbert’s subsequent career.[361]
Upon reaching Sir Humphrey Gilbert we discover a man rich in his
intentions respecting Norumbega. He was the patentee,[362] and he
possessed power and resources which would have insured success but for
the untimely termination of his career. The true story of his life yet
remains to be written, and in competent hands it would prove a noble
theme.[363] The State Papers afford many documents throwing light upon
his history, while the pages of Hakluyt supply many facts.[364]
The work of Barlow and others, from 1584 to 1590, does not properly
belong to the story of Norumbega; yet the attempts in Virginia may be
studied for the side-lights which they afford, the narratives being
given by Hakluyt,[365]—who also gives the voyage of the “Marigold”
under Strong, fixing the site of Arembec on the coast southwest of Cape
Breton.[366]
With the opening of the seventeenth century the literature of our
subject becomes richer. Gosnold’s voyage, now shorn of much of its
former prestige, has only recently come to be understood. It was
somewhat fully chronicled by Brereton and Archer, each of whom wrote
accounts. The original volume of Brereton forms a rare bibliographical
treasure.[367] It has been reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical
Society,[368] but an edition properly edited is much needed. In 1625
Purchas gave Archer’s account, with a letter by Brereton to Raleigh,
and Gosnold’s letter to his father.[369] The voyage is also treated in
the Dutch collection of Van der Aa,[370] which gives an engraving at
variance with the text, in that it represents the savages assisting
Gosnold in building his island fortification, the construction of which
was in fact kept a secret. The voyage of Gosnold has been accepted as
an authorized attempt at colonization, and used to offset the Popham
expedition of 1607; but that part of the titlepage of Brereton which
says that the voyage was made by the permission of Raleigh is now known
to be untrue, and the contraband character of the enterprise stands
confessed.[371]
It has been said more than once that Drake visited New England, and
gave Gosnold some account thereof; but while he brought home the
Virginia adventurers in 1587, and may then have touched on the coast
of North Virginia, no early account of any such visit is found. It has
also been said that Gosnold went so far in the work of fortification as
to build a platform for six guns. The authority for the statement does
not appear.[372]
The voyage of Martin Pring, as already pointed out, was a legitimate
enterprise, having the sanction of Sir Walter Raleigh, the
patentee.[373] This voyage is also the more noticeable as having had
the active support of Hakluyt. Harris says that a thousand pounds were
raised for the enterprise, and that Raleigh “made over to them all the
Profits which should arise from the Voyage.”[374] Here, therefore, it
may be proper to delay long enough to indicate something of Hakluyt’s
great work in connection with colonization.
* * * * *
Richard Hakluyt was born about the year 1553, and was educated at
Westminster School and Christ Church College, Oxford. At an early age
he acquired a taste for history and cosmography. In the preface to his
work of 1589, dedicated to Walsingham, he says:—
“I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiestie’s scholars
at Westminster, that fruitfull nurserie, it was my happe to visit the
chamber of Mr. Richard Hakluyt my cosin, a Gentleman of the Middle
Temple, well known unto you, at a time when I found lying vpen his
boord certeine bookes of Cosmosgraphie with a vniversal Mappe: he
seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to instruct my
ignorance by showeing me the divisions thereof.”
His cousin also turned to the 107th Psalm, relating to those who go
down into the sea in ships and occupy themselves on the great waters.
Upon which Hakluyt continues:—
“The words of the Prophet, together with my cousin’s discourse (things
of high and rare delight to my young nature), tooke so deepe an
impression that I constantly resolved, if euer I were preferred to
the Vniversity, where better time and more convenient place might be
ministered for these studies, I would by God’s assistance prosecute
that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a
sort) were so happily opened before me.”
This interview decided Hakluyt for life, and one of the first fruits
of his zeal was his _Divers Voyages_, published in 1582.[375] In
1589 appeared his _Principal Navigations_.[376] In the year 1600 he
enlarged his work, bringing it out in three volumes. In 1605 Hakluyt
was made a prebend of Westminster; and in 1609 he published _Virginia
Richly Valued_, being the translation of a Portuguese work.[377]
Hakluyt also published other pieces. He died in Herefordshire, in 1616,
finding a burial-place in Westminster Abbey. Still curiously enough,
notwithstanding his great services to American colonization, his name
has never been applied to any portion of our country; though Hudson,
in 1608, named a headland on the coast of Greenland in his honor.
He left behind, among other manuscripts, one entitled _A Discourse
of Planting_, recently published, though much of the essence of the
volume had been produced before in various forms.[378] Among the tracts
appended to Brereton are the _Inducements_ of Hakluyt the Elder, who
appears to have known all about the _Discourse_.[379]
* * * * *
In connection with the voyage of Waymouth, 1605, one topic of
discussion relates to the particular river which he explored. This,
indeed, is a subject in connection with which a divergence of opinion
may be pardonable. Did he explore the St. George’s River, or the
Kennebec? Belknap, however, in 1796, in a crude fashion and with poor
data, held that the Penobscot was the river visited.[380] In 1857 a
Maine writer took the ground that Waymouth explored the Kennebec.[381]
Other writers followed with pleas for the St. George’s.[382]
[Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF THE MODERN COAST OF MAINE.
1. Portsmouth.
2. York [Gorgiana, 1641].
3. Agamenticus.
4. Saco.
5. Richmond Island.
6. Casco.
7. Sabino [Popham’s Colony].
8. Sagadahoc River.
9. Damariscotta River.
10. Sheepscott River.
11. Pemaquid.
12. Monhegan Island.
13. Fox Islands.
14. Isle au haut.
15. Castine [Pentagöet, Bagaduce].
16. Mount Desert.
17. Kennebec River.
18. Penobscot River.
19. George’s River.
20. St. George’s Islands [?Pentecost harbor].
21. Boothbay [? Pentecost].
22. Camden Hills.
23. Damariscove Islands.
A. Lygonia, 1630; subsequently part of Gorges and Mason’s grant, 1622,
and Somersetshire, 1635.
B. Plymouth grant.
C. Muscongus, 1630.
D. Waldo patent.
See for the region about Pemaquid the map in the narrative part of this
chapter.]
Ballard wrote what was, in most respects, a convincing argument in
support of the Kennebec River.[383] In opposition to the advocate
of the Kennebec, it has been said that the high mountains seen by
Waymouth were not the White Mountains,—for the reason that the White
Mountains could not be seen,—but were the Camden hills, towards
which he went from Monhegan; and consequently that he reached the St.
George’s River, which lies in that direction. It has been said, also,
that the White Mountains cannot be seen from that vicinity. This is
simply an assumption. The White Mountains are distinctly visible in
fair weather from the deck of a ship lying inside of Monhegan.[384]
Yet the mountains in question have less to do with the subject than
generally supposed, since a careful examination of the obscure text
shows that it is not necessary to understand Rosier as saying that
in going to the river they sailed directly towards the mountains.
His language shows that they “came along to the other islands more
adjoining the main, and in the road directly with the mountains.”[385]
Here it is not necessary to suppose that it was the course sailed that
was direct, but rather that it was the _road_ that was direct with the
mountains,—the term _road_ signifying a roadstead, or anchorage place
at a distance from the shore, like that of Monhegan. Beyond question
Waymouth saw both the White and the Camden mountains; but they do
not form such an essential element in the discussion as both sides
have fancied. Strachey really settles the question where he says that
Waymouth discovered two rivers,—“that little one of Pamaquid,” and
“the most excellent and beneficyall river of Sachadehoc.”[386] This
river at once became famous, and thither the Popham colonists sailed in
1607. In fact, the St. George’s River was never talked about at that
period, being even at the present time hardly known in geography, while
the importance of the Kennebec is very generally understood.
The testimony of another early writer would alone prove sufficient to
settle the question. In fact, no question would ever have been raised
if New England writers had been acquainted with the works of Champlain
at an earlier period. In July, 1605, Champlain visited the Kennebec,
where the natives informed him that an English ship had been on the
coast, and was then lying at Monhegan; and that the captain had killed
five Indians belonging to their river.[387] These were the five Indians
taken by Waymouth at Pentecost Harbor—the modern Booth’s Bay—who were
supposed to have been killed, though at that time sailing on the voyage
to England unharmed.
The narrative of the expedition of Waymouth was written by James
Rosier, and published in 1605.[388] It was printed by Purchas, with
a few changes, in 1625;[389] and reprinted by the Massachusetts
Historical Society, in 1843.[390] This narrative forms the source of
almost everything that is known about the voyage. It contains some
perplexing passages; but when properly interpreted, it is found that
they are all consistent with other statements, and prove that the river
explored was the Kennebec.
The story of the Popham Colony, of 1607-8, at one time occasioned much
acrimonious discussion, for which there was no real occasion; but of
late the better the subject has been understood, the less reason has
been found for any disagreement between the friends of the Church of
England and the apologists of New England nonconformity.
Prior to the year 1849 the Popham Colony was known only through notices
found in Purchas,[391] the _Brief Relation_,[392] Smith,[393] Sir
William Alexander, Gorges,[394] and others. In the year 1849, however,
the Hakluyt Society published Strachey’s work, entitled _The Historie
of Travaile into Virginia Britannia_, edited by R. H. Major; chapters
viii., ix., and x. of which contained an account of the Popham Colony
found to be much fuller than any that had appeared previously. In 1852
these chapters were reprinted with notes in the _Collections_ of the
Massachusetts Historical Society;[395] and the next year four chapters
of the work were reprinted by the Maine Historical Society.[396]
In 1863 the same society published a _Memorial Volume_, which was
followed by heated discussions, some of which, with a bibliography of
the subject, were published in 1866. Articles of a fugitive character
continued to appear; and, finally, in 1880, there came from the press
the journal of the voyage to the Kennebec in 1607, by one of the
adventurers,[397] which was reprinted in advance from the _Proceedings_
of the Massachusetts Historical Society.[398] It would seem from the
internal evidence furnished by the journal and the express testimony
of Purchas,[399] that this composition was by James Davies, who, in
the organization at the Sagadahoc, held the office of Captain of the
Fort. This journal was found to be the source whence Strachey drew his
account of the colony, large portions of which he copied verbatim,
giving no credit. Since the publication of this journal no new material
has been brought to light.[400]
The Popham Colony formed a part of the work undertaken by Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and his colaborers, who sought so long and so
earnestly to accomplish the colonization of New England.[401] Many
experiments were required to insure final success, and the attempt
at Sagadahoc proved eminently useful, contributing largely to that
disciplinary experience essential under such circumstances. Viewed in
its necessary and logical connection, it need not be regarded as a
useless failure, since it opened the eyes of adventurers more fully,
bringing a clearer apprehension of the general situation and the
special requirements of the work which the North Virginia Company had
in hand.
A paragraph that may have some bearing on the condition of things
in Maine after the year 1608 appeared in 1609, and runs as follows:
“Two goodly Rivers are discovered winding farre into the Maine, the
one in the North part of the Land by our Westerne Colonie, Knights
and Gentlemen of _Excester_, _Plymouth_, and others. The other in the
South part thereof by our Colonie of _London_.”[402] Again a letter
by Mason to Coke, assigned to the year 1632, teaches that the work of
colonization was considered as having been continued from 1607.[403]
This would seem to indicate, that, in the opinion of the writer, the
work was not wholly abandoned; yet, concerning the actual condition of
affairs on the Maine coast for several years after the colonists left
Fort Popham, much remains to be learned. From neglected repositories
in the seaport towns of the south of England, material may yet be
gleaned to show a continuous line of scattered residents living around
Pemaquid during all the years that followed the departure of the Popham
colonists from Sabino[404] in 1608.
The visit of Henry Hudson to New England in 1609 is described in Juet’s
Journal.[405]
Argall’s visit to New England in 1610 is treated by Purchas, though
it has made no figure in current histories.[406] What appears to
be the most correct account of the voyage of Hobson and Harlow, in
1611, is found in Smith. The student may also consult the _Briefe
Relation_,[407] which, however, appears to confuse the account by
introducing an event of 1614, the capture of Indians by Hunt. Gorges is
also confused here, as in many other places.[408] We are indebted to
the French for the account of the capture and ransom of Plastrier.[409]
In connection with Argall’s descent upon the French at Mount Desert,
it will be necessary to consult the Jesuit Relations,[410] which throw
considerable light upon the transactions of the English at this period;
also the State Papers. These show that Argall’s ship was named the
“Treasurer.”[411] Champlain says that this ship mounted fourteen guns,
while ten more English vessels were at hand.[412] If his statement is
correct, there must have been a large number of Englishmen on the coast
at this period.
Smith, in 1614, as at other times, is his own historian, and his
writings show the growth of the feeling that existed with respect
to colonization, and they at the same time illustrate his adverse
fortune.[413]
Gorges gives an account of Hobson’s and Harlow’s voyage for 1614.[414]
Hunt’s cruelty, in connection with the Indians whom he enslaved and
sold in Spain, is made known by Smith.[415] Some of these Indians
recovered their liberty, and Bradford speaks of Squanto, the
interpreter to the Plymouth Colony.[416]
Gorges makes us acquainted with Sir Richard Hawkins, who was on the New
England coast at the close of the year 1615. Sir Richard was the son
of the famous John Hawkins, who set David Ingram and his companions
ashore in the Bay of Mexico. Hawkins was born in 1555, and in 1582 he
conducted an expedition to the West Indies. In 1588 he is found in
command of the “Swallow,” and he distinguished himself in the defeat
of the Armada. He next sailed upon an expedition to the Pacific, where
he was captured and carried to Spain.[417] In 1620 he was named in
connection with the Algerine expedition, dying at the end of 1621
or the beginning of 1622. A full account of his transactions in New
England would be very interesting; but the account of Gorges, in
connection with Brawnde’s Letter to Smith, must suffice.[418]
The story of Rocroft is told by Gorges, and Dermer writes of his own
voyage at full length.[419]
* * * * *
It remains now to speak of the old cartology, so far as it may afford
any traces of the English explorers of Norumbega. At the outset
the interesting fact may be indicated that the earliest reference
to Norumbega upon any map is that of the Italian Verrazano, 1529;
while the most pronounced, if not the latest, mention during the
seventeenth century is that of the Italian Lucini, who engraved over
his “Nova Anglia” the word “Norambega,” which is executed with many
flourishes.[420]
Passing over the first cartographical indication of English exploration
on the coast of North America, in the map of Juan de la Cosa, which
is figured and described in the chapter on the Cabots; and passing
over the French and the Italians,[421]—adverting but for a moment
to the Dauphin map of 1543, with its novel transformation of the name
Norumbega into Anorobagea,—the next map that needs mention is that of
John Rotz, of 1542. It is of interest, for the reason that the “_booke
of Idrography_,”[422] of which it forms a part, was dedicated by its
author to Henry VIII. Rotz subscribes himself “sarvant to the King’s
mooste excellente Majeste.” The English royal arms are placed at the
beginning, though originally Rotz intended to present the book to
Francis I. Indeed, the outline of the coast is drawn according to the
French idea. Nevertheless, the names on the map are chiefly Spanish.
It shows no English exploration; and, in a general way, indicates an
absence of geographical knowledge on the part of that nation, which,
however, is recognized by the legend placed in the sea opposite the
coast between Newfoundland and the Penobscot. The legend is as follows:
“The new fonde lande quhaz men goeth a-fishing.” The main features of
the coast are delineated. Cape Breton and the Strait of Canseau, with
the Penobscot and Sandy Hook, are defined; but Cape Cod, the “Arecifes”
of Rotz, appears only in name, though in its proper relation to the
Bay of St. John the Baptist, a name given to the mouth of Long Island
Sound, in connection with the Narragansett Waters. The word Norumbega
does not occur, and the nomenclature is hardly satisfactory. It
contains no reference either to Verrazano or Cartier. The so-called map
of Cabot, 1544, does not touch the particular subject under notice.[423]
[Illustration: HENRI II. (DAUPHIN) MAP, 1546.
[The legends are as follows:—
2. C. des Illes.
3. Anorobagea.
4. Arcipel de Estienne Gomez. [This voyage
of Gomez will be described in
Vol. IV.]
5. Baye de St. Jhon Baptiste.
6. R. de bona mere.
7. B. de St. Anthoine.
8. R. de St. Anthoine.
9. C. de St. Xρofle.
10. R. de la tournee.
11. C. de Sablons.—ED.]
Frobisher’s map of 1578 shows a strait at the north leading from the
Atlantic to the Pacific, and bearing his name, but the map throws no
light upon Norumbega.[424]
Dr. John Dee was much interested in American enterprise, and made a
particular study of the northern regions, as well as of the fisheries.
Under date of July 6, 1578, he speaks of “Mr. Hitchcok, who had
travayled in the plat for fishing.”[425] A map bearing the inscription,
“Ioannes Dee, Anno, 1580,” is preserved in the British Museum.[426]
It reminds one of Mercator’s map of 1569, but is not so full. Dee was
frequently invited to the Court of Elizabeth to make known her title to
lands in the New World that had been visited by the English; and he was
deferred to by Hakluyt, Gilbert, Walsingham, and others.
He writes in his diary, under date of July 3, 1582, “A meridie hor
3½ cam Sir George Peckham to me to know the tytle of Norombega, in
respect of Spayn and Portugall parting the whole world’s distilleryes;
he promised me of his gift and of his patient ... of the new
conquest.”[427] Gilbert’s voyage was then being projected, but Dee’s
map has no reference to him or the English adventurers.[428] It shows
the main divisions of the coast of Norumbega, except Cape Cod, from
Sandy Hook to Cape Breton. The Penobscot is well defined, and Norombega
lies around its headwaters.
The map in Hakluyt’s Edition of Peter Martyr, published 1587, shows the
English nomenclature around and north of the waters of the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, but it gives away the territory of Norumbega to the French
as Nova Francia. On the west coast of North America is Nova Albion. In
Nova Francia there is a river apparently bearing the name of Arambe,
which, it has been suggested, was used later in a restricted sense. Not
far from this river, at the south, is the legend, “Virginia, 1580.”[429]
A map made in 1592, by Thomas Hood, does not show any English influence
on the coast, but Norombega is represented north of the Penobscot,
which is called R. des Guamas, intended for “Gamas,” the Stag
River.[430]
The globe of Molyneux[431] shows the explorations of Davis in the
north, and its author calls the northern continent, north of Sandy
Hook, “Carenas.” Confusion reigns to a considerable extent. Norumbega
is confined to the Penobscot, and nothing is indicated with respect to
the English in that quarter.
The map of Molyneux, 1600, is extremely interesting, but it does not
show the operations of the English in New England, though the Bay of
Menan is recognized, this being the place so well known to Hakluyt the
Elder for its deposits of copper.[432] New England, as on Lok’s map, is
shown as an island.[433]
The cartology at this period is very disappointing though the maps
pointed out the main features of the coast. In many respects they were
inferior to some of the earlier maps, and were occupied with a vain
iteration. A little later the map of Lescarbot, of 1609, as might be
supposed, is poor in its outlines and devoted rather to the French
occupation.[434]
[Illustration: HOOD’S MAP, 1592.
The Legends are as follows:—
1. Rio de S. Spo.
2. Rio Salado.
3. C. de S. Joan.
4. C. de las arenas.
5. C. de Pero (arenas).
6. Santiago.
7. B. de S. Christoforo.
8. Monte Viride.
9. R. de buena madre.
10. St. John Baptista.
11. Terrallana.
12. C. de las Saxas.
13. Archipelago.
14. C. S. Maria.
15. C. de mucas y^{as}.
16. R. das Guamas.
17. Aracifes.
18. R. de Mōtanas.
19. R. de la Plaia.—ED.
]
Smith’s well-known map, issued with his _Description of New England_
in 1616, was the earliest to give a configuration of the coast,
approaching accuracy; and he could have found little in Lescarbot’s and
Champlain’s maps to assimilate, even if he had known them. Cape Cod now
for the first time was drawn with its characteristic bend. Smith says
that he had brought with him five or six maps, neither true to each
other nor to the coast.
Smith’s map did not originally contain a single English name,[435]
but the young Prince Charles, to whom it was submitted in accordance
with Smith’s request, changed about thirty “barbarous” Indian names
for others, in order that “posterity” might be able to say that that
royal personage was their “godfather.” A number of Scotch names were
selected, among others, by the grandson of the Queen of Scots. Smith
gave the name of Nusket to Mount Desert, confusing it, perhaps,
with the aboriginal Pemetic, which was changed to Lomond, given as
“Lowmonds” on the map. The prince very naturally desired to give names
recalling the country of his birth; and while Ben Lomond, one of the
noblest Caledonian hills, bears a certain grand resemblance to its
namesake, the breezes of the lake of Mount Desert, like “answering
Lomond’s,”
“Soothe many a chieftain’s sleep.”
In a similar spirit he named the Blue Hills of Milton the “Cheuyot
hills;” the ancient river of Sagadahoc being the Forth, with what was
intended for “Edenborough” standing near its headwaters. There is
nothing on the map to recall the nonconformists of Nottinghamshire
and Lincolnshire, who afterwards came upon the coast, except Boston
and Hull which stand near the Isles of Shoals, being, in fancy, close
together on the map, as afterwards they were reproduced farther south,
in fact.
The young prince, then a lad of about fifteen, no doubt had suggestions
made to him respecting the names to be selected, as he favored the
southern and southwestern communities like Bristol and Plymouth, which
furnished those expeditions encouraged by churchmen like Popham and
Gilbert. Poynt Suttliff forms a distinct recognition of Dr. Sutliffe,
the Dean of Exeter, who took so much interest in New England.[436]
On this map we find the ancient Norumbega called New England. Rich
says that Smith was the first to apply this name. In reply, Mr. Henry
C. Murphy has referred to its alleged use by a Dutchman in 1612.[437]
Special reference is made to a statement printed upon the back of a
map contained in a book brought out by Hessell Gerritsz at Amsterdam,
giving a description of the country of the Samoieds in Tartary. The
phrase used, however, is not “New England,” nor “Nova Anglia,” but
“Nova Albion,”[438] which was applied to the whole region by Sir
Francis Drake, in his explorations on the Pacific coast.
[Illustration]