BOOK THE SECOND.

CH. I.—Of the Wars between the Duke of Burgundy and the Liegeois; and of

the taking, plundering, and razing the town of Dinant.—1466.

Soon after the pacification of the troubles of France, the Duke of

Burgundy began a war against the Liegeois, which lasted for several

years; and whenever the King of France had a mind to interrupt him, he

attempted some new action against the Bretons, and, in the meantime,

supported the Liegeois underhand; upon which the Duke of Burgundy turned

against him to succour his allies, or else they came to some treaty or

truce among themselves. In the year 1466[167], Dinant was taken by the

Duke of Burgundy, which is a town situated in the territory of Liege,

very strong for its size, and very rich by reason of the works which

they make in copper, commonly called Dinanderie—namely, pots, skillets,

and frying-pans, and such like ware. The Duke of Burgundy (who died in

June, 1467[168]) had so great an animosity to them, that he was carried

in his old age to that siege in a litter. The reasons of his displeasure

were, the great cruelty which they had exercised upon his subjects in

the county of Namur, and especially at a little town called Bouvines,

about a quarter of a league from Dinant, there being only the River

Maes between them. Not long before that, the inhabitants of Dinant had

besieged the town of Bouvines, on the other side of the river, for the

space of eight months, committing numerous acts of hostilities, and

bombarding it continually with two brass cannon and other great pieces

of artillery, battering the houses about their ears, and forcing the

inhabitants to shelter themselves in their cellars, where they continued

during the whole siege. It is impossible to imagine the deadly hatred

that these two towns had conceived one against the other[169]: yet their

children married frequently together, there being no other towns of any

consideration in that neighbourhood.

The year before the destruction of Dinant (which was the summer in

which the Count of Charolois arrived before Paris, and joined with

the French lords who were in confederacy with him) the town made an

agreement and peace with the count, by which they were obliged to pay

to him a certain sum of money, and had separated from the city of Liege

and managed their affairs apart. When people (whose interest binds

them together in an alliance) divide and forsake one another, it is a

certain sign of destruction, not only for towns and little states, but

for princes and great potentates: but because I suppose everybody may

have read or observed examples enough of this nature, I forbear to say

any more than this, that King Louis our master understood breaking and

dividing of leagues better than any prince that I ever knew, for he

spared neither money nor pains, and that as well with the servants as

the masters. But to return; by degrees the Dinanters began to repent

heartily of the above-mentioned treaty, and caused four of their chief

citizens, who had been instrumental in concluding the peace, to be most

barbarously executed, and began the war afresh in the county of Namur.

For these reasons, and upon the earnest solicitation of the inhabitants

of Bouvines, this siege was undertaken by Duke Philip; but the command of

the army was given to his son, to whom the Count of St. Paul, Constable

of France, repaired, but, coming in a private capacity, and acting

without any authority from the king, he could not bring any of the

standing forces of the kingdom to the assistance of the Duke of Burgundy,

but was forced to content himself with what forces he could assemble on

the frontiers of Picardy.

The Dinanters made a bold sally one day; but it proved much to their

disadvantage, for they were beaten so cruelly, that eight days after

(their friends having no time to consider of their relief) the town was

taken by storm and set on fire, and the prisoners (about 800) drowned

before Bouvines at the earnest request of the men of Bouvines. Whether

God permitted it as a judgment upon them for their malice, I cannot

determine, but certainly it was a dreadful revenge.

The next day after the taking of the town, the Liegeois (contrary to

their agreement[170]) arrived in great numbers to have relieved it; for

by that treaty they also had obliged themselves not to meddle with the

affairs of the Dinanters, as the Dinanters had separated from them.

Duke Philip, on account of his great age, returned home[171]; but his

son with the whole army advanced against the Liegeois, whom we met with

sooner than we expected, for, by accident and the fault of our guides,

our vanguard lost their way, and our main body (in which most of the

chief commanders were) encountered the enemy. It was already late when

we met, and yet we prepared to engage them, when immediately certain

deputies arrived from them, with a message to the Count of Charolois,

beseeching him, that in honour to the blessed Virgin Mary (whose eve that

was[172]), he would commiserate their condition; and who also made the

best excuse they could for breaking the treaty that was lately concluded

between them. However, the Liegeois did not seem so submissive as the

deputies represented them to be, but set a good face on the matter, and

made a show as if they intended to venture a battle. However, after the

deputies had gone, and returned three or four times, the peace made

the year before was confirmed[173], and a certain sum of money was to

be paid[174]; and that the peace might be better observed than it had

been before, they promised to deliver 300 hostages[175], who were to

be named, and set down in a roll by the Bishop of Liege[176] and some

of his officers who were then in the army, and to be sent to the Count

of Charolois by eight o’clock the next morning. During the whole night

the Burgundian army was in great dread, for they were neither regularly

encamped, nor enclosed within their waggons, but scattered up and down in

separate bodies, and in a place very advantageous for the enemy, who were

all foot, and much better acquainted with the country than we. Some of

them had a desire to have attacked us, and if they had, in my opinion we

must have been defeated; but those who transacted the peace, opposed and

hindered that enterprise.

As soon as it was break of day, our army drew together in one body

immediately; our battalions appeared drawn up in very good order, and

our number was great, consisting of 3000 men-at-arms, good and bad,

and 12,000 or 14,000 archers: besides a good body of foot out of the

neighbouring country. We marched directly towards them, to receive our

hostages, or fight them if they failed. We found them separated, and

marching off in small bodies, and in disorder, as people wholly ignorant

of order and martial conduct. It was by this time almost twelve o’clock,

and no hostages delivered; the Count of Charolois asked advice of the

Marshal of Burgundy, whether he should fall upon them or not; the marshal

replied, Yes, he might do it without any danger, and they could not

complain, for they themselves were in the fault. Then he asked the Lord

of Contay (who has been often named), and he was entirely of the same

opinion, affirming we should never have such an opportunity, showing us

how they were divided and in disorder, and pressed hard for attacking

them. The next he asked was the Count of St. Paul, Constable of France,

who was absolutely against it, alleging that it would be inconsistent

both with his honour and engagement to fall upon them, and that it was

impossible for so many people to come to a final resolution and be

agreed so soon, especially in a business of such a nature as choosing

of hostages; and he advised the Count of Charolois rather to send to

them, and see what they intended. The argument between these three great

officers before the Count of Charolois took up a considerable time, and

he was much divided how to determine the matter. On the one hand, he saw

his great and inveterate enemies defeated, and in his power, and that

without any dangerous resistance; on the other, he found his honour was

at stake, and it would interfere with his promise. At last he concluded

to send a trumpet towards them, who met them bringing the hostages, upon

which all were hush, and every man returned to his post. But the soldiers

were highly displeased with the constable’s advice; for they saw good

plunder before their eyes. An embassy was sent immediately to Liege to

ratify and confirm the treaty of peace; but the people (being inconstant)

said that the count was afraid to engage them, fired their guns upon

him, and committed many insolences. The count after this returned into

Flanders; and, his father dying that summer, he celebrated his obsequies

with great pomp and solemnity at Bruges; and notified[177] his death to

the king.

CH. II.—How the Liegeois broke the Peace with the Duke of Burgundy, before

called Count of Charolois, upon which he engages and defeats them in a set

Battle.—1467.

During these wars, and ever since, secret and fresh intrigues were

carried on by the princes. The king was so exceedingly exasperated

against the Dukes of Bretagne and Burgundy that it was wonderful; they

could not correspond, or hear from one another without great difficulty;

sometimes their couriers were stopped, and, in time of war, they were

forced to send their letters by sea, or, at least, the Duke of Bretagne

was obliged to send his messengers into England, who, going by land to

Dover, embarked there for Calais; for, when they went the direct way by

land, they were often in very great danger.

During all these years of dissension, and in others which succeeded

for, at least, twenty years or more (some in wars, and others in truces

and circumventions, every one of the princes comprehending his allies

in his truces,) it pleased God to favour the realm of France so far,

that the wars and divisions in England were not ended, though they had

begun fifteen years before, and had been continued with many memorable

and bloody battles, in which several brave men had been slain. In those

wars both sides were accounted traitors, by reason that there were two

families which pretended to the crown; one was the house of Lancaster,

the other the house of York: and it is not to be doubted but that if

England had been in the same condition it was in formerly, the kingdom

of France would have been in great danger. The King of France’s aim,

in the meantime, was chiefly to carry his design against the province

of Bretagne, and he looked upon it as a more feasible attempt, and

likelier to give him less resistance than the house of Burgundy. Besides,

the Bretons were the people who protected and entertained all his

malcontents; as his brother, and others, whose interest and intelligence

were great in his kingdom; for this cause he endeavoured very earnestly

with Charles, Duke of Burgundy, by several advantageous offers and

proposals, to prevail with him to desert them, promising that upon those

terms he also would abandon the Liegeois, and give no further protection

to his malcontents. The Duke of Burgundy would by no means consent to it,

but again made preparations for war against the Liegeois, who had broken

the peace, and possessed themselves of a town called Huy[178], driven out

his garrison, and afterwards plundered it, notwithstanding the hostages

which they had given the year before were to be put to death, and a

great sum of money to be paid besides, in case the treaty was violated

on their part. He assembled his army about Louvain[179], which is a town

in Brabant and on the marches of Liege. The Constable of France (who was

now wholly devoted to the French interest, and had his residence in that

kingdom) came to the duke with Cardinal Balue[180] and others, to let him

know that the Liegeois being in an alliance with the King of France, and

comprehended in his truce, he should be obliged to relieve them in case

the Duke of Burgundy thought fit to invade them. However, they offered

that in case the duke would consent that their master might make war upon

the Bretons, he would connive at his designs against the Liegeois. Their

audience was short and in public, and they continued there but one day.

The duke, to justify his proceedings against the Liegeois, replied, “That

they had invaded him; that it was they themselves, and not he, who had

broken the truce, and, therefore, he was resolved to be revenged of his

enemies, without being obliged to abandon his confederates after a base

and dishonourable manner.” The next day, as the duke took horse, he gave

them their despatch, and told them aloud, “That he desired the king not

to attempt anything against the Bretons.” The constable pressed him very

hard, and told him, “Sir, you do not choose, but take all; you will make

war at your pleasure upon our allies, and oblige us to sit still, and

not meddle with yours: it is not to be expected, and the king will never

suffer it.” The duke took his leave of them, and replied, “The Liegeois

are now in arms, and within three days I believe we shall have a battle;

if I lose it, I do not doubt but you will do as you think fit; but if I

conquer, you will leave the Bretons in peace.” And, having said so, he

mounted on horseback, and the ambassadors prepared to be gone. The duke

marched in his arms from Louvain to besiege St. Tron[181], with a very

great army, for all the forces which could be got together in Burgundy

had joined him; and, to speak truth, his army was far more numerous than

any I had ever yet seen in my life.

Before his departure from Louvain, it was debated in council what was to

be done with the hostages, and whether or no they should be put to death.

Some were of opinion that they should all of them die, and particularly

the Lord of Contay was of that judgment; and, indeed, I never heard him

speak so ill and so unmercifully as at that time; for which reason it is

necessary that princes should have several privy councillors; since the

wisest men are sometimes, nay, too often, partial and prejudiced, either

out of love, hatred, contradiction, or indisposition of their bodies, for

the counsel that is given after dinner is not always the best. But some

may object, that persons guilty of any of those faults are not fit to be

admitted into council at all. To which I answer, That we are all of us

but men, and he who would find out such as should never fail to speak

wisely, nor show more passion at one time than another, must seek them in

heaven, for upon earth we cannot find them: but, in recompense for this,

sometimes he who has never been used to do so before, will speak wisely

in council, which makes amends for the others.

But to return to the debate: two or three, in deference to the authority

and judgment of the Lord of Contay, were also of his opinion; for in such

councils there are many present, who (not well understanding the affair

that is in debate) give their sentiments as they hear others before them,

being extremely desirous to please and ingratiate themselves with some

person or other of great power and authority. After him, the question

was put to the Lord of Humbercourt[182], who was born near Amiens, and

was one of the wisest and gravest gentlemen I ever was acquainted with.

His opinion was, by all means, to keep God on their side, and to let the

world see that he was neither cruel nor revengeful; he thought it the

most prudent way to release the 300 hostages, because they delivered

themselves up with a good intention, and in confidence that the peace

would have been inviolably kept. However, he judged it proper, that at

their dismission they should be put in mind of the duke’s mercy towards

them, and exhorted to employ their utmost endeavour to persuade the

people to consent to an honourable peace; and that if they should not

be able to prevail, that, at least, in acknowledgment of the duke’s

generosity, they should engage never to bear arms against him, nor

against their bishop, who was then with him. This opinion was followed,

and when the hostages were dismissed, they consented to what had been

proposed to them; and they were told, that if they engaged (any of them)

actually in the war, and were taken prisoners, they must expect to suffer

death; and so they departed.

It will not be altogether impertinent to add, that after the Lord of

Contay had given his judgment in so cruel a manner against the poor

hostages (part of whom came in with the rest voluntarily), a gentleman

who was then in the council, whispered me in the ear, and said, “Do

you observe that man? Though he be old, he is in good health and well;

yet I dare lay a wager he dies within the year, in punishment for the

inhumanity of his advice.” And so it fell out, for he lived not long

after; however, he did his master good service in one battle before his

death, of which I shall speak hereafter.

But to return to my history. You have heard how the Duke of Burgundy,

upon his departure from Louvain, laid siege to St. Tron, and erected his

batteries. In the town there was a garrison of 3000 Liegeois, commanded

by a very good officer[183], who was the same person that had managed

the treaty of peace, when we met them, drawn up in order of battle, the

year before. The third day after our investing the town, the Liegeois,

to the number of about 30,000 or upwards[184], one with another (but

all foot except 500), and a large train of artillery, came to raise

the siege, at about ten o’clock in the morning. Our first discovery of

them was in a strong village called Brustan, about half a league from

our camp, encompassed partly with a great morass; and in their army was

Francis Rayer[185], Bailiff of Lyons, and ambassador from the king to

the Liegeois at that time. The alarm was brought immediately to our

army; yet, I must needs say, our discipline was not exact, for we had no

scouts abroad to bring us any intelligence of their approach, and the

first news we had of them was from our foragers, who fled from them. I

was never in any place with the Duke of Burgundy, where I observed him

give good orders of himself, but only then. Immediately he drew all his

battalions out into the field, except some few which were left to carry

on the siege; and among the rest he left 500 English. Upon both sides of

the village he placed 1200 men-at-arms, and posted himself with 800 more

just before the town, but at a little farther distance. With the archers

there were several persons of note and distinction on foot, besides a

great many of the men-at-arms. The Lord of Ravestein commanded the duke’s

van, consisting only of foot, part men-at-arms, and part archers, who

marched up with some pieces of cannon to the very trenches, which were

broad and deep, and full of water; yet, with our arrows and our artillery

together, we forced their intrenchments, and turned their cannon upon

them. However, when our arrows failed us, the Liegeois took heart again,

and with their long pikes, which are advantageous weapons, charging

briskly upon our archers and those who commanded them, they killed 400 or

500 of us immediately; so that all our troops on that side began to give

ground, as if the battle had been lost. Upon this, the duke commanded

the archers of his main battle to march under the command of Philip de

Crevecœur, Lord of Cordes (a wise man), and several other good officers,

who falling upon the Liegeois with a great shout, they were immediately

discomfited.[186] Neither the horse, which (as I said before) were

drawn up on both sides of the village, nor the duke himself, where he

was posted, could come at the Liegeois to attack them, by reason of the

morass, only they were posted there to charge them in case our vanguard

should have been repulsed, and the enemy thereby encouraged to march

out into the plain. But the Liegeois, as soon as ever they were broken,

fled along by the morass, and were not pursued by any but the foot; some

horse the duke sent to follow the chase, but they were forced to go two

leagues about to find a pass, and the night drawing on, several of the

Liegeois made their escape, who otherwise would have been slain. Other

troops he despatched towards the town, where he heard a great noise,

and suspected a sally; and indeed he was in the right, for they made

three vigorous sallies, but were always repulsed; and the English, whom

the duke had posted in a certain place ready to charge them, behaved

themselves very bravely. The Liegeois, who were broken, rallied a little

about their waggons, and stood their ground for some time, but were

at last entirely defeated. There were slain in this battle about 6000

men[187], which, to people that are unwilling to lie, may seem very much;

but in my time I have been in several actions, where for one man that was

really slain, they have reported a hundred, thinking by such an account

to please their masters; and they sometimes deceive them with their lies.

Yet, if night had not come on, the Liegeois would certainly have lost

near 15,000. The battle being over, as it was very late, the Duke of

Burgundy, with his whole army, marched back to his camp, only a thousand

or 1200 of his horse were sent two leagues about to a pass to pursue the

enemy, there being no other way of coming at them, by reason of a little

river which was between them and us. But the night hindered them from

doing any great execution; yet some they killed, and others they took

prisoners, though the greatest part of them escaped to the town. The Lord

of Contay did great service that day in ordering the battle, but a few

days after, he died in the town of Huy, and made a very good end. He was

a person of great courage and wisdom, but he lived not many days after

the cruel sentence which he had given against the hostages, as you heard

before. As soon as the Duke of Burgundy had pulled off his armour, he

called for his secretary, and wrote a letter to the constable, and the

rest of the ambassadors who had left him at Louvain but four days before,

to give them an account of the victory, and to desire that nothing might

be attempted against the Bretons.

Two days after this defeat (though their loss was not very great) the

pride and insolence of this silly people were strangely abated. However

indeed, be it who it may, it is an act of imprudence and rashness for

any to expose their fortunes to the hazard of a battle if they can

possibly avoid it; for the loss of a small number of men oftentimes

occasions an incredible change and alteration in the courage of the

army that has been defeated, not only in possessing their minds with a

dread of the enemy, but by infusing a disrespect and contempt of their

commander and his privy councillors. It also makes them inclinable to

mutiny and rebel, and emboldens them to demand with more confidence than

they were wont, and to resent with more insolence when they are denied;

and three crowns would not satisfy them so well as one would have done

before. Wherefore that general who has lost one battle, if he be wise,

ought to be cautious how he engages suddenly again with those men who

have been lately beaten; but he should rather act defensively, or, at

least, enter upon some trifling action, in which there is a probability

of succeeding, in order to revive their courage by dispelling their

fears. In all cases, the loss of a battle is always attended with ill

consequences, especially to him that is beaten. However, those who are

conquerors, and those whose infantry is better than their neighbours’ (as

may be said of the English and Swiss), may fight as they please to put

an end to the war. I name not those nations with any design to reflect

upon the rest, but only because they have gained extraordinary victories,

and are not to be kept long in the field without action, as the French

and the Italians, who are either more grave and sober, or more easily

commanded. On the other hand, that prince who is so fortunate as to gain

the victory, acquires greater esteem and reputation in his army than he

had before, and the obedience of his subjects increasing in proportion,

they give him whatever he desires, and his soldiers become more daring

and courageous. Sometimes also princes are so immoderately vain-glorious,

and puffed up with their victories, that they turn afterwards to their

prejudice, as I have seen; but moderation, and a just use of success, is

a blessing which proceeds only from God.

The garrison of Saint Tron seeing that the army, which had been sent to

their relief, was routed, and finding themselves hemmed in on all sides,

supposing the defeat much greater than it really was, surrendered the

town[188], went away without their arms, and left ten[189] men (whomever

the Duke of Burgundy should choose) to be disposed of at his pleasure;

which ten were beheaded, and six of them were of the hostages who had

been released not many days before, upon the conditions above mentioned.

Having taken the town, he broke up his camp, and marched towards Tongres,

which was apprehensive of a siege: but, being unable to defend itself,

without putting the duke to the trouble of erecting batteries against it,

it surrendered upon the same terms[190], and left ten men likewise to his

mercy, five of whom were hostages; but all ten were put to death, as the

others had been at Saint Tron.

CH. III.—How the Liegeois quarrelled among themselves about surrendering

their Town, some agreeing, others refusing to do it; while, in the

meantime, the Lord of Humbercourt found a way to enter and take

possession of it for the Duke of Burgundy.—1467.

From Tongres the Duke of Burgundy marched directly against the city of

Liege[191], which, at that time, was in great confusion, and strangely

divided. Some were for standing a siege, positively affirming that the

garrison was strong enough to hold out; and of this opinion was a certain

knight, called the Lord Rasse de Lintre.[192] Others, on the contrary,

who saw and considered the inevitable ruin and desolation of the whole

country, if they persisted in that resolution, would needs have peace

upon any terms; whereupon, as soon as the duke approached the city,

some few overtures of peace were made by certain mean and inconsiderable

persons, such as fishmongers. But it was promoted much more by some of

the hostages, who acted not as those I mentioned before, but acknowledged

the favour they had received, and brought along with them 300 of the

chief citizens in their shirts, bare-foot, and bare-headed, who presented

the duke with the keys of the city, and delivered themselves, without any

capitulation[193]; only they begged the town might be neither plundered

nor burnt. At this time the Duke of Burgundy was attended by the Lord of

Moüy[194], and one Monsieur Jehan Prevost, one of the king’s secretaries,

who were the king’s ambassadors to the duke, and came upon the same

affair, and with the same request, as the constable had done not many

days before. The same day that things were in this manner accommodated,

supposing all things concluded, and that there was nothing remaining but

to enter the city, the duke sent the Lord of Humbercourt before him, as

a person who had great acquaintance and interest in that city, as having

had a share in the administration of their affairs for several years

together, whilst they continued in peace. But the citizens denied him

entrance at first, and he was forced to take up his quarters in a little

abbey not far from one of the gates, with about fifty men-at-arms (of

which number I myself was one), and perhaps 200 soldiers in all. The Duke

of Burgundy sent him word to continue in that post, if he thought himself

secure: but if not, that he should retire to him, for the difficulty of

the way would not permit him to send a reinforcement easily, because

all that side of the country was full of rocks. The Lord of Humbercourt

resolved not to abandon the abbey where he was posted, it being

sufficiently strong, but he detained five or six of the citizens who came

to present the duke with the keys, to assist him, as you shall hear. When

the clock struck nine at night, we heard their bells ring, at which the

people assembled in the town, and the Lord of Humbercourt was afraid it

might be a signal to fall upon us; for he had certain intelligence that

the Lord Rasse de Lintre and several others had openly declared against

the peace; and his apprehension was just and true, for they met to that

purpose, and were ready to attack us. The Lord of Humbercourt told those

who were with him, “If we can but amuse the enemy till midnight, we

are safe enough; for they will be weary, and impatient to sleep, and

then those who are our adversaries will leave the town, since they have

miscarried in their design.” In order to effect that, he despatched two

of the citizens, whom (as I said) he had detained, with certain articles

very friendly and amicable, that he had caused to be drawn up for no

other purpose, but only to give them an occasion of assembling the

people, and to gain time; for they always had a custom, and they retain

it to this very day, upon any news of importance, to flock together to

the bishop’s palace upon the sounding of a bell that is within it.

When these two citizens came to the gate (which was not above two

bow-shots from our post), they found the people in great bodies, and in

arms: some were for assaulting them, but others prevented it. Whereupon

they called out aloud to the mayor of the city, and told him they had

brought certain fair and honourable proposals in writing from the Lord

of Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy’s lieutenant in those parts, and

that it would be well to repair to the palace and peruse them. The

people did so accordingly; and immediately we heard the palace-bell ring

again, by which we understood what they were about. Our two citizens

returned not; but about an hour after we heard a greater noise at the

gate than before, more of the people running down thither, crying out,

and railing at us over the walls with most villanous invectives. By this

manner of proceeding the Lord of Humbercourt knew the danger was worse

than ever, and therefore he despatched the other four citizens who were

with him, with a letter to them in writing, importing, that he being

appointed governor of that city by the Duke of Burgundy, had treated them

civilly, and would never consent to their destruction; for it was not

long since he had been made free of one of their companies (which was the

locksmiths’), and had worn their livery, for which reason they might

repose the more confidence in what he said. In short, he told them, that

if they would enjoy the benefit of peace, and preserve their country from

ruin, they must admit the duke into the town according to their promise,

and submit to such terms as were contained in a certain schedule, which

he also sent them. When he had thoroughly instructed his four citizens,

they passed on directly to the gate as the others had done, and found it

wide open: some of the people threatened them, and gave them very ill

language; others were willing to hear what they had to say, and returned

to the palace; and the bell ringing again immediately, we were extremely

pleased, and the noise at the gate began to decrease. In short, they were

then a long time in the palace, and their conference lasted till two in

the morning, and it was agreed that their promise should be kept, and

that in the morning one of the gates should be delivered up to the Lord

of Humbercourt; upon which resolution the Lord Rasse de Lintre and his

party abandoned the town.

I should not have dwelt so long upon so inconsiderable a matter, had it

not been to show that sometimes by such artifices and expedients as these

(which proceed from great judgment and penetration in state affairs)

great dangers and inconveniences are prevented. The next morning by break

of day, several of the hostages came to wait on the Lord of Humbercourt,

and entreated him to go along with them to the palace, where all the

people were assembled, and swear to the two articles against firing and

plundering the city (of which the people could not be otherwise secure),

telling him that after that they would give him possession of one of

the gates. He sent an account of all that had happened to the Duke of

Burgundy, went himself into the city, and having taken the oath, he

returned to the gate, caused those who were there upon the guard to come

down, and having put in a dozen of his own men-at-arms and some archers

in their place, he set up the Duke of Burgundy’s standard upon the gate.

From thence he went to another gate (which was walled up), and put it

into the hands of the Bastard of Burgundy, whose quarters were close by.

The third he delivered to the Marshal of Burgundy, and the fourth to some

gentlemen volunteers that accompanied him. Thus were the four gates of

the city possessed by the Duke of Burgundy’s forces, and his banners

erected upon them.

To give you a better insight into these affairs, it is necessary to

acquaint you, that at that time Liege was (excepting only five or six)

one of the strongest and most populous cities in those parts; besides

which, great numbers of people being retired thither out of the adjacent

country, the loss they had sustained in the late battle was not at all

to be perceived; and they were in no want or necessity of anything; it

was also in the depth of winter, and prodigious rains had fallen, which

had strangely increased the natural softness and miriness of the country.

On our side, we were in great want both of provisions and money, and our

army was ready to break up; for which reason the Duke of Burgundy had no

inclination to have besieged the town; and even if he had been willing to

have undertaken the siege, he was not in a capacity of doing it; so that

if they had delayed the time but two days longer, he must have marched

away as he came, without attempting anything. All these things being

considered, it must be owned that the Lord of Humbercourt gained great

honour and reputation by the nice management of this important affair,

which proceeded wholly from the grace of God towards him; for in human

probability such wonderful success was not to be expected, nor could he

ever have presumed to have wished for such a surprising turn of affairs

as happened; and all the honours that were conferred on him, and the

unparalleled success he met with in this expedition, the generality of

the world looked upon as a just reward for his tenderness and compassion

towards the poor hostages, whom we have mentioned before; and this I

write the more willingly, because princes and others do many times

complain and repine at such mercy and indulgence as they have granted to

other people, esteeming themselves unfortunate, and imputing all their

following disasters to that tenderness of soul, and resolving for the

future never to be guilty of any such acts of piety or generosity, which

are two virtues that ought to be inseparable from their offices.

In my judgment this is a wrong way of arguing, and proceeds from a base

and degenerate mind wherever it is found; for a prince or any man else,

who has never been deceived, is no better than a beast, nor can he know

any just difference between good and evil. Besides, men are not all of

the same mould, and for the wickedness and ingratitude of one or two,

we ought not to forbear doing good to many, when time and opportunity

present themselves; however, at the same time, I would have all mankind

so wise as to distinguish between persons, for all people are not equally

meritorious; and indeed it is surprising to me how a wise man can be

ungrateful to any one that has done anything extraordinary to serve him;

yet in this princes too often err, for he that advances a fool never

advantages himself long; and I think one of the greatest indications of

wisdom that a prince can show, is to converse with and have about him

virtuous and wise men, for he will always be esteemed of the same humour

and inclination as they are with whom he most intimately converses. So

that, to conclude this chapter, methinks the ingratitude of one person

ought not to deter us from doing good to the rest; for perhaps the

meanest of those whom you have once obliged, may some time or another

render you such service, and return you such thanks, as may recompense

the ingratitude and unthankfulness of the rest; as may be observed in

these hostages, of whom the greatest number were base and ungrateful; for

of the whole number there were not above five or six who were honest and

grateful, and yet those five or six managed the business so dexterously,

that all was concluded to the Duke of Burgundy’s satisfaction.

CH. IV.—Of the Duke of Burgundy’s triumphal Entry into the City of Liege;

and the Submission of the Gantois, who not long before had treated him

disrespectfully.—1467.

The next day after the delivering up of the gates to the Lord of

Humbercourt, the Duke of Burgundy made his triumphal entry into

Liege[195], the citizens having broken down the wall for twenty fathoms

together, and filled up the ditch in front of the great breach. The duke

himself made his entry on horseback, in the midst of his own guards and

chief officers of the army, dressed in splendid and sumptuous habits,

and riding in great pomp and solemnity to the great church, where he

alighted; with him there also entered on foot about 2000 men-at-arms in

complete armour, and 10,000 archers; the rest of his forces remained

in the camp without the town. To be short, he staid there some few

days[196], during which time he caused five or six of those who had been

his hostages to be put to death, and among the rest, the messenger of

the town, for whom he had a more than ordinary hatred. He prescribed

new laws[197] and customs; and exacted great sums from them, which he

pretended were due to him upon the breach of the peace and agreement

with him some years before. He carried away with him all their arms and

artillery, and caused all the walls and fortifications belonging to the

town to be demolished.

When he had seen all these orders performed, he returned into his own

country, where he was received with great honour and obedience, and

particularly by the citizens of Ghent, who before his expedition against

the Liegeois were in a kind of rebellion against him, with some other

towns; but now they entertained him as a conqueror, the chief citizens

marching on foot as far as Brussels to meet him, and carrying all the

town banners along with them[198]; which they did upon the account, that

immediately upon the death of his father he chose to make his entry into

Ghent[199] before any town besides, out of an opinion that he was better

beloved there than in any other town in his whole dominions, and that

according to their example all the rest would behave themselves towards

him; and in that point he was right. The next day after his entry, the

citizens put themselves in arms, and drew up in the market-place, whither

they brought the image of one of their saints called Saint Lievin;

and knocking the image against a little house, called La Maison de la

Cueillette (where they collected certain gabels upon corn, raised for the

payment of certain debts which the city had contracted when they paid

the sum of money which was required by Duke Philip of Burgundy upon the

peace of Gavre, after two years’ war with him), they pretended the saint

had a mind to pass through that house erect, and without any distortion;

upon which in a moment it was pulled down. The duke having notice of this

tumult, repaired immediately to the market-place, and got up into a house

to speak to them the better. Several persons of quality, that were then

attending on him in arms, offered to go along with him, but he ordered

them to stay before the Town-Hall, and wait till he returned; however,

the mob forced them by degrees into the market-place. The duke being got

thither, commanded the image to be taken away, and carried back again

into the church: some in obedience endeavoured to take it up, but others

threw it down again where it was.

The next insolence was, to demand justice against certain persons in

the city, who had embezzled part of the public stock; to which the

duke answered, that he would take care and see them satisfied as to

that particular: but finding they would not disperse, he returned to

his palace, and they continued in the market-place for eight days

together.[200] The next morning they brought him certain articles, by

which they demanded restitution of whatever Duke Philip had taken from

them by the peace of Gavre; and among the rest this was one, that every

company might have its banner according to former custom, which guilds

are in all seventy-two. To avoid the danger he was in, he granted their

demands[201], gave them whatever privileges they asked, and the word

was no sooner spoken but the banners were set up and displayed in the

market-place, having been made ready for that purpose; from whence one

may probably conjecture they would have done the same thing if the duke

had denied their requests.[202] His opinion was right, that, if he

made his first entry into Ghent, all the rest of the towns would follow

its example, for several of them mutinied as it had done, killed their

officers, and committed many other excesses. If he had believed his

father’s character of that people (which was, “That the inhabitants of

Ghent loved the son of their prince very well, but for their prince

himself they never had any kindness”), he would not have been so much

mistaken; for, to speak impartially, next to the city of Liege, Ghent

is the most fickle and inconstant town in the whole world. But among so

many ill qualities, they have one good, and that is, that they never

offer violence to the person of their prince; and, indeed, the chief

citizens and better sort of the town are generally honest men, and much

dissatisfied with the folly and inconstancy of the common people.

The duke was forced to wink at these insolences, lest he should have

been engaged in a war with his own subjects and the Liegeois at the

same time; but he resolved, if he succeeded in the enterprise he had

undertaken, to call them afterwards to a severe account[203]; and so it

happened, for (as is said before) they brought all their banners on foot

as far as Brussels to meet him, and all their privileges and charters

which they had forced him to sign at his departure from Ghent; when, in

a grand assembly[204] at the great hall at Brussels, and in the presence

of several ambassadors, they presented him with the said banners and

privileges, to dispose of as he pleased, he commanded his heralds to

strip the banners from the staves to which they were fastened, and to

send them to Boulogne (a town about ten leagues from Calais) upon the

sea, where the rest were then kept, which his father Duke Philip had

taken from them in his wars, in which he had vanquished and subdued

them. The duke’s chancellor[205] also took their charter and all their

privileges, and cancelled one of them, relating to the magistracy of

their city, before their faces: for in all the other towns of Flanders

the duke renews the magistrates every year, and receives their accounts;

but at Ghent, by virtue of this privilege, he could elect but four,

though the whole number was six and twenty, the remaining two and twenty

being left to the nomination of the city. When these magistrates are

well affected to the Earl of Flanders, that year they are at peace,

and they grant him whatever he desires; but when, on the contrary,

they are disaffected, seditions arise, and all goes to wreck. Besides

this, they were fined, and paid 30,000 florins to the duke, and 6000

to his courtiers, and some of their townsmen were banished, and then

all the rest of their privileges were restored. The rest of the towns,

following their example, ransomed their crimes, and made their peace with

money[206]; for they had attempted nothing against his person. By all

which it evidently appears what advantages follow the conqueror, and what

losses the conquered; for which reason we ought to be very cautious of

coming to a battle before there be a necessity for it, and if any such

necessity happens, all things are to be seriously weighed and considered

before we engage; and commonly those who are wary, and go to it with

fear, are most circumspect, and by consequence more frequently successful

than those who are arrogant and presumptuous. But when God interposes,

man’s wisdom signifies nothing.

The Liegeois, of whom we were speaking, were excommunicated five years

together[207] for some difference between them and their bishop; but they

despised his excommunication, and continued in their folly and obstinacy,

without any other reason besides their excessive riches and pride. And

to this purpose King Louis had a saying, and in my judgment a wise one,

“That when pride rode before, shame and destruction would follow;” but he

had not the least tincture of that sin in him.

CH. V.—How the King of France made War in Bretagne upon the Duke of

Burgundy’s Allies, upon Intelligence of what had happened to the

Liegeois; and the Interview and Conference of these two Princes at

Peronne.—1468.

These commotions being over, the Duke of Burgundy retired to Ghent,

where he was honourably and magnificently received. He entered the city

in arms, and the citizens made a postern into the fields, that he might

bring in or keep out what company he pleased. Several ambassadors were

sent to him from the king, and others went from him to the king; the Duke

of Burgundy also sent several embassies to the Duke of Bretagne, and in

this manner all that winter was spent. The king was very solicitous and

pressing with the Duke of Burgundy to abandon the Duke of Bretagne’s

interest, and made him several advantageous proposals to that purpose;

but the duke would not consent, which was much to his majesty’s

dissatisfaction, especially when he considered what had happened to

the Liegeois, his allies. As soon as summer was come, the king could

refrain no longer, but himself or his forces entered Bretagne, and made

themselves masters of two small castles, one of them called Chantocé,

and the other Ancenis. The Duke of Burgundy had notice immediately

of the taking of these places; and at the earnest solicitation and

importunity of the Dukes of Normandy and Bretagne, he raised an army

with all expedition, and wrote to the king, entreating him to desist

from that enterprise, for they were his allies, and comprehended in his

truce[208]; but not being pleased with the king’s answer, the duke took

the field, and rendezvoused near Peronne with a considerable force. The

king himself was at Compiègne, but his army was in Bretagne. The duke

staid at Peronne but three or four days, during which time the Cardinal

Balue, who made but a short stay, arrived as ambassador from the king.

He made some overtures to the duke, and told him, that the Bretons could

make their peace without his interposition; but the king’s design was to

separate them and break the confederacy. The cardinal was received very

honourably, and despatched with this answer, That the duke had not taken

the field to invade his majesty, nor to make war upon him, but only to

relieve his allies; and so they parted with fair words on both sides.

No sooner was the cardinal departed, but a herald arrived from the Dukes

of Normandy and Bretagne with letters, importing that they had made

their peace with the king[209], and renounced all their alliances, and

particularly his; and that, in satisfaction of all his demands, the Duke

of Normandy was to receive a pension of 60,000 livres per annum, for

which he was to relinquish the interest which had been lately conferred

upon him in Normandy. The Lord Charles of France was not at all pleased

with his terms; but he was forced to dissemble his resentment. The Duke

of Burgundy was extremely surprised at the news; for he had raised

this army on purpose to relieve them; the herald also was in no little

danger; for as he had passed through the king’s quarters, the duke had

a suspicion the king had forged the letters; but it was not long before

they were confirmed from several places. The king thought he had now done

his business, and that it would be no hard matter to persuade the duke

to abandon them. Several messengers passed privately between them; and

at length the king paid the Duke of Burgundy six score thousand crowns

of gold in consideration of the expense which he had been at in raising

his army; half of which sum was paid down before he broke up from his

camp. The duke sent to the king one John Bosuse[210], a gentleman of his

bed-chamber (a person with whom he was more than ordinarily intimate);

which the king taking very kindly, he took the confidence to propose

an interview, hoping he might gain him entirely over to his party,

considering how badly the two above-mentioned dukes had served him, and

what a sum of money he had paid him himself; of which he gave him some

hint and intimation by the said Bosuse, with whom he despatched the

Cardinal Balue a second time, and the Lord Tanneguy du Chastel, Governor

of Roussillon, who represented to the duke the great desire his majesty

had to give him a meeting. They found the duke at Peronne: but he had no

fancy to the interview; for the Liegeois seemed inclinable to rebel again

at the instigation of two ambassadors whom the king had sent to them for

that purpose before the truce, which was made for certain days between

the king, the Duke of Burgundy, and their allies.[211] The cardinal

and his friends replied, that the Liegeois durst not attempt any such

thing, since the duke had not only dismantled their fortifications the

year before, but also demolished their walls; and if they had any such

design in view, the news of this accommodation would be sufficient to

prevent it. In this manner it was concluded, that the king should repair

to Peronne (which was the place he had recommended); and the duke having

written to him with his own hand[212], and delivered a passport (for his

better security) to the ambassadors, they took their leave, and departed

towards the king, who was at that time at Noyon. But to make all sure at

Liege, the duke sent the bishop thither, upon whose score those tumults

had happened, and with him the Lord of Humbercourt, his lieutenant[213]

in that country, with a considerable body of forces.

You have heard how it was agreed the king should come to Peronne. Thither

he came[214], without any guard, more than the passport and parole of

the Duke of Burgundy; only he desired that the duke’s archers, under the

command of the Lord des Cordes (who was then in the duke’s service),

might meet and conduct him; and so it was done, very few of his own train

coming along with him. However, his majesty was attended by several

persons of great quality and distinction, and among the rest by the

Duke of Bourbon, the Cardinal his brother, and the Count of St. Paul,

Constable of France, who had no hand in this interview, but was highly

displeased at it; for he was now grown haughty, and disdained to pay that

respect to the duke which he had formerly done; for which cause there was

no love between them. Besides these, there came the Cardinal Balue, the

Governor of Roussillon, and several others. When the king came near, the

duke went out (very well attended) to meet him, conducted him into the

town, and lodged him at the receiver’s, who had a fine house not far from

the castle; for the lodgings in the castle were but small, and no way

convenient.

War between two great princes is easily begun, but very hard to be

composed, by reason of the accidents and consequences which often follow;

for many secret practices are used, and orders given out on both sides

to make the greatest efforts possible against the enemy, which cannot

be easily countermanded; as evidently appears by these two princes,

whose interview was so suddenly determined, that neither having time to

notify it to their ministers in remote parts, they went on performing

the commands which their respective masters had given them before. The

Duke of Burgundy had sent for his army out of Burgundy, in which at that

time there was abundance of the nobility; and among the rest the Count of

Bresse[215], the Bishop of Geneva[216], and the Count of Romont[217],

all three brothers of the house of Savoy (for between the Savoyards and

Burgundians there was always a firm amity), and some Germans, who were

borderers upon both their territories. And you must know that the king

had formerly imprisoned the Count of Bresse, upon the account of two

gentlemen whom he had put to death in Savoy, so that there was no right

understanding between him and the king.

In this army there were likewise one Monsieur du Lau (who had been a

favourite of the king’s, but upon some disgust had been kept afterwards a

prisoner by him a long time, till at length he made his escape, and fled

into Burgundy), the Lord d’Urfé[218], since master of the horse to the

King of France, and the Lord Poncet de Rivière; all which company arrived

before Peronne as the king came into the town. Bresse and the three last

entered the town with St. Andrew’s cross upon their clothes (supposing

they should have been in time enough to have paid their respects to the

Duke of Burgundy, and to have attended him when he went out to receive

the king), but they came a little too late: however, they went directly

to the duke’s chamber to pay their duty, and in the name of the rest,

the Count of Bresse humbly besought his highness that himself and his

three companions might have his protection (notwithstanding the king

was in the town), according to the promise he was pleased to make them

in Burgundy; and at the same time assured him they were at his service,

when and against whomsoever he might command them. The duke returned

them thanks, and promised them protection. The rest of this army, under

the command of the Marshal of Burgundy, encamped by the duke’s orders

in the fields. The marshal had no more affection for the king than the

above-mentioned gentlemen had; for the king had given him the government

of Espinal in Lorraine, and taken it from him afterwards to give it to

John, Duke of Calabria (who has often been mentioned before). The king

had notice presently of all these persons being in the town, and of the

habits in which they arrived, which put him into a great consternation;

so that he sent to the Duke of Burgundy to desire he might be lodged in

the castle, for he knew those gentlemen were his mortal enemies; the duke

was extremely glad to hear it, appointed him his own lodgings, and sent

to him to bid him fear nothing.

CH. VI.—A Digression concerning the Advantage which the Knowledge of

Letters, and more especially of History, is to Princes and great Lords.

It is the highest act of imprudence for any prince to put himself into

the power of another, especially if they be at war; and it is no less

advantageous to them to be well acquainted in their youth with the

passages and surprising accidents of former times; for history shows

them at large the success of such assemblies, the frauds, artifices, and

perjuries wherewith they have inveigled, imprisoned, and killed such

as, relying upon the honour of their enemies, have put themselves into

their hands. I do not say that everybody has met with such treacherous

dealings, but one example[219] is sufficient to make many people more

wise; and teach them to be careful of themselves. It appears to me upon

the experience of eighteen years’ business (in which I have not only been

conversant with great princes, but privy to all the greatest affairs

which have been transacted in France, or the neighbouring states), that

one of the greatest means to make a man wise is to have studied the

histories of ancient times, and to have learned to frame and proportion

our councils and undertakings according to the model and example of our

ancestors: for our life is but of short duration, and not sufficient to

give us experience of so many things; besides our age is impaired, and

the life of man is not so long, nor his body so strong and robust as

formerly; and as our bodies are degenerated and grown weaker, so is our

faith and fidelity one towards another, especially among princes, who are

altogether wedded to their own humours, without regard to any reason that

can be offered; and (which is still worse) they are commonly surrounded

by persons whose only aim is to please their masters, and applaud

whatever they do or say, whether it be good or bad; and if any wise man

interposes, and endeavours to set things in a better light, the whole

court is presently in an uproar.

Again, I cannot forbear blaming and discommending illiterate princes, who

generally are led by the nose by certain lawyers and priests, whom they

keep commonly about them, and indeed not without reason (for as they are

very serviceable to a prince, and an ornament to his court, when they

are persons of honour and probity, so they are as dangerous if they

prove otherwise), who have always some law or precedent in their mouths,

which they wrest and pervert as they please: but a wise prince, and one

that has read history, will never be deluded; nor will any courtier be

so audacious as to tell a lie in his presence. Believe me, God never

designed the office of a king to be executed by beasts, or such as glory

and pride themselves in giving such answers as these, “I am no scholar,

I refer business wholly to my council, and commit all things to their

management,” and then devote themselves entirely to their pleasures,

without further reason or expostulation. Had they been better educated

in their youth, they would have been wiser, and have earnestly desired

that their person and their virtues might have been valued and esteemed

by all good men. I do not say all princes employ such ill-conditioned

people, but most of those whom I had ever the honour to converse with,

had always abundance of them. I have known indeed, upon an exigence of

affairs, some wise princes that understood how to cull and select their

ministers, and employ them frankly and without complaint; but of this

sort I knew none comparable to the king my master, than whom no prince

better understood the merit of brave and learned persons, nor more

readily advanced such to the highest posts of honour and advantage. He

was not unlearned himself; he delighted much in asking questions; and

would know a little of everything: his judgment and natural parts were

excellent, which is better and more preferable than all that we can

learn in this world; for all the books that ever were written, are only

so many helps and assistances to our memory by the recapitulation of

passages of old. For this reason a man has a greater insight into affairs

by reading one single book in three months’ time, than can be observed

or understood by the age or experience of twenty men living successively

one after another. So that, to finish this digression, I am of opinion

that God cannot send a greater curse or affliction upon any nation

than an unlearned and inconsiderate prince; for from hence all other

misfortunes and miseries arise, and in the first place wars and division,

by his committing to other persons his own peculiar authority (of which

he ought to be more tender than of anything besides); and from this

division famine and mortality arise, and all the dreadful consequences

attending upon war; by which one may perceive how much all good subjects

have reason to lament when they see the education of their young princes

so miserably neglected, and left wholly in the power and management of

persons of no qualifications nor desert.

CH. VII.—The Occasion of the King’s being seized and secured in the

Castle of Peronne by the Duke of Burgundy.—1468.

I have already given an account of the arrival of this Burgundian

army at Peronne, almost at the same instant with the king; for being

in Champagne long before this interview was determined, the Duke of

Burgundy had no time to countermand the orders he had given them, and

their coming was a great check and impediment, by reason of certain

jealousies and suspicions which were entertained on both sides. However,

these two princes deputed some of their ministers of state to meet and

negotiate their affairs in the most amicable way that could be thought

on. But whilst the treaty was in a fair way of accommodation, and three

or four days had been already spent in bringing it to a conclusion, news

arrived of a strange turn of affairs at Liege, of which I shall give the

following relation.

The king at his coming to Peronne had quite forgot his sending of two

ambassadors to Liege to stir them up to a rebellion against the duke,

and they had managed the affair with such diligence, that they had got

together such a considerable number, that the Liegeois went privately

to Tongres (where the Bishop of Liege and the Lord of Humbercourt were

quartered with more than 2000 men) with a design to surprise them. The

bishop, the Lord of Humbercourt, and some of the bishop’s servants,

were taken, but the rest fled and left whatever they had behind them,

as despairing to defend themselves. After which action the Liegeois

marched back again to Liege, which is not far from Tongres; and the

Lord of Humbercourt made an agreement for his ransom with one Monsieur

William de Ville[220], called by the French Le Sauvage, a knight, who,

suspecting the Liegeois would kill him in their fury, suffered the Lord

of Humbercourt to escape, but was slain himself not long after. The

people were exceedingly overjoyed at the taking of their bishop. There

were also taken with him that day several canons of the church, whom the

people equally hated, and killed five or six of them for their first

repast; among the rest there was one Monsieur Robert[221], an intimate

friend of the bishop’s, and a person I have often seen attending him

armed at all points, for in Germany this is the custom of the prelates.

They slew this Robert in the bishop’s presence, cut him into small

pieces, and in sport threw them at one another’s heads. Before they had

marched seven or eight leagues, which was their full journey, they killed

about sixteen canons and other persons, the majority of whom were the

bishop’s servants; but they released some of the Burgundians, for they

had been privately informed, that some overtures of peace had already

been made, and they were forced to pretend that what they had done was

only against their bishop, whom they brought prisoner along with them

into their city. Those who fled (as I said before) gave the alarm to the

whole country, and it was not long before the duke had the news of it.

Some said all of them were put to the sword; others affirmed the contrary

(for in things of that nature, one messenger seldom comes alone); but

there were some who had seen the habits of the canons who were slain, and

supposing the bishop and the Lord of Humbercourt had been of the number,

they positively averred that all that had not escaped were killed, and

that they had seen the king’s ambassadors among the Liegeois, and they

mentioned their very names. All this being related to the duke, he gave

credit to it immediately; and falling into a violent passion against the

king, he charged him with a design of deluding him by his coming thither;

ordered the gates both of the town and castle to be suddenly shut up,

and gave out, by way of pretence, that it was done for the discovery

of a certain casket which was lost, and in which there were money and

jewels to a very considerable value. When the king saw himself shut

up in the castle, and guards posted at the gates, and especially when

he found himself lodged near a certain tower[222] in which a Count of

Vermandois[223] had caused his predecessor, one of the Kings of France,

to be put to death, he was in great apprehension. I was at that time

waiting upon the Duke of Burgundy in the quality of chamberlain, and

(when I pleased) I lay in his chamber, as was the custom of that family.

When he saw the gates were shut, he ordered the room to be cleared, and

told us who remained, that the king was come thither to circumvent him;

that he himself had never approved of the interview, but had complied

purely to gratify the king; then he gave us a relation of the passages at

Liege, how the king had behaved himself by his ambassadors, and that all

his forces were killed. He was much incensed, and threatened his majesty

exceedingly; and I am of opinion, that if he had then had such persons

about him as would have fomented his passion, and encouraged him to any

violence upon the king’s person, he would certainly have done it, or at

least committed him to the tower. None were present at the speaking of

these words but myself and two grooms of his chamber, one of whom was

called Charles de Visen[224], born at Dijon, a man of honour, and highly

esteemed by his master. We did not exasperate, but soothed his temper as

much as possibly we could. Some time after he used the same expressions

to other people; and the news being carried about the town, it came at

last to the king’s ear, who was in great consternation; and indeed so was

everybody else, foreseeing a great deal of mischief, and reflecting on

the variety of things which were to be managed for the reconciling of a

difference between two such puissant princes, and the errors of which

both of them were guilty, in not giving timely notice to their ministers

employed in their remote affairs, which must of necessity produce some

extraordinary and surprising result.

CH. VIII.—A Digression, demonstrating that when two great Princes meet

in order to adjust their Differences, such Interviews are generally more

prejudicial than profitable.

It is the highest act of imprudence for two great princes, provided

there is any equality in their power, to admit of an interview, unless

it be in their youth, when their minds are wholly engaged and taken up

with entertainments of mirth and pleasure; but when they are come to

years of emulation, though their persons should be in no danger (which

is almost impossible), yet their heart-burnings and animosities will

certainly augment. It were better, therefore, that they accommodated

their differences by the mediation of wise and faithful ministers, as I

have sufficiently instanced already in these my Memoirs; however, I will

give some examples of the like nature, which I have seen and known myself

in my own time.

Not many years after the coronation of our king, and just before the

confederacy called the Public Good, there was an interview between the

Kings of France and Castile[225], princes of the nearest alliance in

Christendom, for the kings are akin, their kingdoms almost contiguous,

and their subjects bound by oaths and execrations to preserve it

inviolable. To this interview Henry, King of Castile, came to Fontarabia,

very splendidly attended, and the King of France came to St. Jean de

Luz (about four leagues’ distance), and each of them was upon the very

borders of his kingdom. I was not present myself, but I had my relation

from the king, and from Monsieur du Lau, and it was confirmed to me

afterwards by several persons in Castile, who were then present with

their king, and particularly by the Grand Master of St. James[226], and

the Archbishop of Toledo[227], the two greatest persons in that kingdom

at that time. There were present also the Count of Lodesma[228] (that

king’s favourite) in great splendour, with his guards, consisting of

300 horse, all Moors of Granada, or Negroes. It is true, indeed, that

King Henry was a person of no great sense, for he had either given away

all his patrimony, or suffered it to be taken or embezzled by anybody

that had a mind to it. Our king was also well attended, according to

his custom, and his guards made a glorious appearance. The Queen of

Arragon[229] was present at that treaty, upon occasion of a difference

between her and the King of Castile about Estella, and some other places

in Navarre, of which difference the King of France was made umpire.[230]

To continue our proposition, that interviews of great princes are not

necessary, you must know, these two kings had never had any quarrels,

neither was there the least difference between them; they saw one

another not above once or twice, upon the bank of a river[231] (which

parts the two kingdoms), near a little castle called Heurtebise, where

the King of Castile passed over to the other side; but they staid no

longer together than the Grand Master of St. James and the Archbishop

of Toledo thought good; which being observed by the King of France, he

desired their acquaintance, and they went to wait on him at St. Jean de

Luz. His majesty received them very honourably, and a mighty friendship

and intelligence was settled between them and the King of France, who

immediately began to dislike the King of Castile, and had but little

value and esteem for him. The greatest part of their attendants were

quartered at Bayonne, between whom several quarrels immediately arose

(notwithstanding the alliance); their languages also being different.

The Count of Lodesma passed the river in a boat, whose sail was of cloth

of gold; he was himself in a pair of buskins set thick with precious

stones, in which he went to wait upon the king; though he was not really

a count, yet he was very rich, and I saw him afterwards made Duke of

Albourg, and invested with great possessions in Castile. Several jests

and scoffs happened between these two nations, notwithstanding their

alliance. The King of Castile’s person was homely, and his dress did not

please the French, who laughed at and derided both. Our king wore a short

coat, as ill made as was possibly; sometimes he wore very coarse cloth,

and particularly then; his hat was old and differing from everybody’s

else, with an image of lead upon it. The Castilians laughed as heartily

at his dress, supposing it his stinginess. In short, the convention

broke up, and they parted, but with such scorn and contempt on both

sides, that the two kings never loved one another heartily afterwards;

and such quarrels and animosities arose in the court of Castile among

the courtiers, as continued to the king’s death, and a long time after.

I saw the king afterwards forsaken by all his servants, and the poorest

and most pitiable prince in the world. The Queen of Arragon was also much

dissatisfied with the sentence which the King of France had given in

favour of the King of Castile, and both she and the King of Arragon[232]

hated him for it ever after. It is true they made use of him against

the town of Barcelona afterwards in their extremity; but that friendship

lasted not long, for a war broke out between our king and the King of

Arragon, which lasted sixteen years and remains yet undetermined[233]:

but to give other examples.

Since that time Charles, Duke of Burgundy, with great labour and

solicitation, obtained an interview with the Emperor Frederick[234] (who

is still living), and spent vast sums of money to show his grandeur and

magnificence: the place of meeting was at Treves[235], where several

things were discoursed of, and among the rest a marriage between their

children, which was afterwards accomplished.[236] After they had been

several days together, on a sudden the emperor departed without so much

as taking his leave, which the Duke of Burgundy looked upon as so great

an affront, and it was so generally resented, that there was never

afterwards any true love between either themselves or their subjects:

the Duke’s pompous and lofty manner of speaking (which they imputed to

his pride) offended the Germans; and the Emperor’s meanness, both in his

train and dress, appeared as contemptible to the Burgundians; and so far

was this accident extended, that from it alone the wars of Nuz[237] had

their origin.

I was also present at an interview[238], at the town of St. Paul in

Artois, between the Duke of Burgundy and Edward IV., King of England,

whose sister he had married; and, besides, they were brethren of the

same order.[239] They were but two days together, and yet in that small

time there was great difference between the king’s servants, and both

parties recommending their quarrel to the duke, and he deciding it for

one of them, their hatred increased. However, he assisted the king in

the recovery of his kingdom with men, money, and ships, for he had been

driven out by the Earl of Warwick. Yet, notwithstanding that good office,

they never loved nor spoke well of one another after this interview.

I was present likewise when the Count Palatine of the Rhine made a

visit[240] to the Duke of Burgundy at Brussels, where he staid several

days. He was honourably received, nobly entertained, and lodged in an

apartment richly furnished. The duke’s servants upbraided the Germans for

their nastiness and incivility, in laying their dirty clothes and their

boots upon those rich beds, and accused them of want of neatness and

consideration, and they never liked them afterwards so well as they had

done before. The Germans, being as much dissatisfied on the other side,

reproached them for their pomp and extravagance; so that, in effect, they

never loved nor did any good office for one another afterwards.

I saw also the meeting between the Duke of Burgundy, and Sigismund,

Duke of Austria[241], when the latter sold to the Duke of Burgundy the

county of Ferrette (which lies not far from the county of Burgundy) for

100,000 florins of gold, as he was unable himself to defend it against

the Swiss. These princes also were not well pleased with one another.

Afterwards Sigismund made peace with the Swiss, possessed himself again

of the county, but never returned his money, from whence great mischiefs

resulted to the Duke of Burgundy. At the same time also the Earl of

Warwick[242] came to visit the Duke of Burgundy, and ever afterwards a

mortal hatred continued between them.

I was also at the interview[243] at Picquigny (not far from Amiens)

between our king and Edward IV., King of England, and shall give a

larger account of it in another place; but must observe by-the-bye that

scarce anything was performed that was promised there, but all their

whole business was hypocrisy and dissimulation. It is true, they had

no wars, because the sea divided them; but there never was any real

friendship or good correspondence between them afterwards. To conclude,

if great princes have a desire to continue friends, in my judgment they

ought never to meet; and my reasons are these: courtiers cannot forbear

reflecting upon past actions, and one or other will be sure to take

exception[244]; neither is it possible to hinder the train and equipage

of the one from being finer and more magnificent than the other, which

produces mockery, and nothing touches any person more sensibly than to

be laughed at. The princes being of different nations, their language

and habits are commonly different, and that which pleases one will not

please the other; besides, among the princes themselves it often happens,

that the presence of the one is more obliging and acceptable, which gains

him honour and reputation, and everybody extols him, which cannot be

done without reflecting on the other. For some few days after they are

parted, all their fine stories and observations are whispered and told

privately up and down, but afterwards having told them often, they become

less cautious, and by degrees their tales grow to be table-talk, and are

at length carried to both parties; for few things (especially of that

nature) can be concealed in this world. And these are part of the reasons

which I have known and observed touching this matter.

CH. IX.—How the King renounced his League with the Liegeois, to be

released out of the Castle of Peronne.—1468.

Having thus fairly represented my judgment of such interviews, I shall

now return from my long digression, to speak of the king, who thought

himself (as I said before) a prisoner in the Castle of Peronne, as

he had good reason to do; for all the gates were shut and guarded by

such as were deputed to that office, and continued so for two or three

days; during which time the Duke of Burgundy saw not the king, neither

would he suffer but very few of his majesty’s servants to be admitted

into the castle, and those only by the wicket; yet none of them were

forbidden; but of the duke’s none were permitted to speak with the king,

or come into his chamber, at least such as had any authority with their

master. The first day there was great murmuring and consternation all

over the town. The second, the duke’s passion began to cool a little,

and a council was called, which sate the greater part of that day and

night too. The king made private applications to all such as he thought

qualified to relieve him, making them large promises, and ordering 15,000

crowns to be distributed among them; but the agent who was employed in

this affair acquitted himself very ill, and kept a good part of the

money for his own use, as the king was informed afterwards. The king

was very fearful of those who had been formerly in his service, who,

as I said before, were in the Burgundian army, and had openly declared

themselves for his brother, the Duke of Normandy. The Duke of Burgundy’s

council were strangely divided in their opinions; the greatest part

advised that the passport which the duke had given to the king should be

kept, provided his majesty consented to sign the peace as it was drawn

up in writing. Some would have him prisoner as he was, without farther

ceremony. Others were for sending with all speed to the Duke of Normandy,

and forcing the king to make such a peace as should be for the advantage

of all the princes of France. Those who proposed this advised that the

king should be restrained, and a strong guard set upon him, because a

great prince is never, without great caution, to be set at liberty after

so notorious an affront. This opinion was so near prevailing, that I

saw a person booted and ready to depart, having already several packets

directed to the Duke of Normandy in Bretagne, and he waited only for

the duke’s letters; and yet this advice was not followed. At last the

king caused overtures to be made, and offered the Duke of Bourbon, the

Cardinal his brother, the Constable of France, and several others, as

hostages, upon condition, that after the peace was concluded, he might

return to Compiègne, and that then he would either cause the Liegeois to

make sufficient reparation for the injury they had done, or declare war

against them. Those whom the king had proposed for his hostages proffered

themselves very earnestly, at least in public; I know not whether they

said as much in private; I expect they did not: and, if I may speak my

thoughts, I believe that the king would have left them there, and that he

would never have returned.

The third night after this had happened, the Duke of Burgundy did not

pull off his clothes, but only threw himself twice or thrice upon the

bed, and then got up again and walked about, as his custom was when

anything vexed him. I lay that night in his chamber, and walked several

turns with him. The next morning he was in a greater passion than ever,

threatening exceedingly, and ready to put some great thing in execution;

but, at last, he recollected himself, and it came to this result: that

if the king would swear to the peace, and accompany him to Liege, and

assist him to revenge the injuries which they had done him and the Bishop

of Liege, his kinsman, he would be contented. Having resolved on this,

he went immediately to the king’s chamber, to acquaint him with his

resolutions himself. The king had some friend[245] or other who had given

him notice of it before, and assured him that his person would be in no

manner of danger, provided he would consent to those points; but that if

he refused, he would run himself into so great danger, that nothing in

the world could be greater.

When the duke came into his presence, his voice trembled, by the violence

of his passion, so inclinable was he to be angry again.[246] However,

he made a low reverence with his body, but his gesture and words were

sharp, demanding of the king if he would sign the peace[247] as it was

agreed and written, and swear to it when he had done. The king replied

he would; and, indeed, there was nothing added to what had been granted

in the treaty at Paris[248], which was to the advantage of the Dukes

of Burgundy or Normandy, but very much to his own; for it was agreed

that the Lord Charles of France should renounce the duchy of Normandy,

and have Champagne and Brie, and some other places adjacent, as an

equivalent.[249] Then the duke asked him if he would go along with him to

Liege, to revenge the treachery they had practised by his instigation,

and by means of that interview. Then he put him in mind of the nearness

of blood between the king and the Bishop of Liege, who was of the house

of Bourbon. The king answered, that when the peace was sworn, which he

desired exceedingly, he would go with him to Liege, and carry with him

as many or as few forces as he pleased. The duke was extremely pleased

at his answer, and the articles being immediately produced and read, and

the true cross which St. Charlemagne was wont to use, called the Cross

of Victory, taken out of the king’s casket, the peace was sworn, to the

great joy and satisfaction of all people; and all the bells in the town

were rung. The Duke of Burgundy immediately despatched a courier with

the news of this conclusion of peace into Bretagne, and with it he sent a

duplicate of the articles, that they might see he had not deserted them,

nor disengaged himself from their alliance; and, indeed, Duke Charles,

the king’s brother, had a good bargain, in respect of what he had made

for himself in the late treaty in Bretagne, by which there was nothing

left him but a bare pension, as you have heard before. Afterwards the

king did me the honour to tell me, that I had done him some service in

that pacification.

_A Treaty of Peace between Louis XI., on the one part, and

Charles, the last Duke of Burgundy, on the other. Concluded at

Peronne, October 14. 1468._