U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*29) HEADQUARTERS, ARMIES U. S.,

May 11, 1864.-4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL A. E. BURNSIDE,

Commanding 9th Army Corps.

Major-General Hancock has been ordered to move his corps under

cover of night to join you in a vigorous attack against the

enemy at 4 o'clock A.M. to-morrow. You will move against the

enemy with your entire force promptly and with all possible

vigor at precisely 4 o'clock A.M. to-morrow the 12th inst. Let

your preparations for this attack be conducted with the utmost

secrecy and veiled entirely from the enemy.

I send two of my staff officers, Colonels Comstock and Babcock,

in whom I have great confidence and who are acquainted with the

direction the attack is to be made from here, to remain with you

and General Hancock with instructions to render you every

assistance in their power. Generals Warren and Wright will hold

their corps as close to the enemy as possible, to take advantage

of any diversion caused by yours and Hancock's attack, and will

push in their whole force if any opportunity presents itself.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*30) HEADQUARTERS ARMIES U. S.,

May 12, 1864, 6.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK,

Washington, D. C.

The eighth day of the battle closes, leaving between three and

four thousand prisoners in our hands for the day's work,

including two general officers, and over thirty pieces of

artillery. The enemy are obstinate, and seem to have found the

last ditch. We have lost no organizations, not even that of a

company, whilst we have destroyed and captured one division

(Johnson's), one brigade (Doles'), and one regiment entire from

the enemy.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*31) SPOTTSYLVANIA C. H., May 13, 1864.

HON E. M. STANTON, SECRETARY OF WAR,

Washington, D. C.

I beg leave to recommend the following promotions be made for

gallant and distinguished services in the last eight days'

battles, to wit: Brigadier-General H. G. Wright and

Brigadier-General John Gibbon to be Major-Generals; Colonel S.

S. Carroll, 8th Ohio Volunteers Colonel E. Upton, 121st New York

Volunteers; Colonel William McCandless, 2d Pennsylvania Reserves,

to be Brigadier-Generals. I would also recommend Major-General W.

S. Hancock for Brigadier-General in the regular army. His

services and qualifications are eminently deserving of this

recognition. In making these recommendations I do not wish the

claims of General G. M. Dodge for promotion forgotten, but

recommend his name to be sent in at the same time. I would also

ask to have General Wright assigned to the command of the Sixth

Army Corps. I would further ask the confirmation of General

Humphreys to the rank of Major-General.

General Meade has more than met my most sanguine expectations.

He and Sherman are the fittest officers for large commands I

have come in contact with. If their services can be rewarded by

promotion to the rank of Major-Generals in the regular army the

honor would be worthily bestowed, and I would feel personally

gratified. I would not like to see one of these promotions at

this time without seeing both.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*32) QUARLES' MILLS, VA., May 26, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK,

Washington, D. C.

The relative position of the two armies is now as follows: Lee's

right rests on a swamp east of the Richmond and Fredericksburg

road and south of the North Anna, his centre on the river at Ox

Ford, and his left at Little River with the crossings of Little

River guarded as far up as we have gone. Hancock with his corps

and one division of the 9th corps crossed at Chesterfield Ford

and covers the right wing of Lee's army. One division of the 9th

corps is on the north bank of the Anna at Ox Ford, with bridges

above and below at points nearest to it where both banks are

held by us, so that it could reinforce either wing of our army

with equal facility. The 5th and 6th corps with one division of

the 9th corps run from the south bank of the Anna from a short

distance above Ox Ford to Little River, and parallel with and

near to the enemy.

To make a direct attack from either wing would cause a slaughter

of our men that even success would not justify. To turn the

enemy by his right, between the two Annas is impossible on

account of the swamp upon which his right rests. To turn him by

the left leaves Little River, New Found River and South Anna

River, all of them streams presenting considerable obstacles to

the movement of our army, to be crossed. I have determined

therefore to turn the enemy's right by crossing at or near

Hanover Town. This crosses all three streams at once, and

leaves us still where we can draw supplies.

During the last night the teams and artillery not in position,

belonging to the right wing of our army, and one division of

that wing were quietly withdrawn to the north bank of the river

and moved down to the rear of the left. As soon as it is dark

this division with most of the cavalry will commence a forced

march for Hanover Town to seize and hold the crossings. The

balance of the right wing will withdraw at the same hour, and

follow as rapidly as possible. The left wing will also withdraw

from the south bank of the river to-night and follow in rear of

the right wing. Lee's army is really whipped. The prisoners we

now take show it, and the action of his army shows it

unmistakably. A battle with them outside of intrenchments

cannot be had. Our men feel that they have gained the MORALE

over the enemy, and attack him with confidence. I may be

mistaken, but I feel that our success over Lee's army is already

assured. The promptness and rapidity with which you have

forwarded reinforcements has contributed largely to the feeling

of confidence inspired in our men, and to break down that of the

enemy.

We are destroying all the rails we can on the Central and

Fredericksburg roads. I want to leave a gap on the roads north

of Richmond so big that to get a single track they will have to

import rail from elsewhere. Even if a crossing is not effected

at Hanover Town it will probably be necessary for us to move on

down the Pamunkey until a crossing is effected. I think it

advisable therefore to change our base of supplies from Port

Royal to the White House. I wish you would direct this change

at once, and also direct Smith to put the railroad bridge there

in condition for crossing troops and artillery and leave men to

hold it.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*33) NEAR COLD HARBOR, June 3, 1864, 7 A.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE,

Commanding A. P.

The moment it becomes certain that an assault cannot succeed,

suspend the offensive; but when one does succeed, push it

vigorously and if necessary pile in troops at the successful

point from wherever they can be taken. I shall go to where you

are in the course of an hour.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*34) COLD HARBOR, June 5,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL HALLECK, Chief of Staff of the Army, Washington,

D. C.

A full survey of all the ground satisfies me that it would be

impracticable to hold a line north-east of Richmond that would

protect the Fredericksburg Railroad to enable us to use that

road for supplying the army. To do so would give us a long

vulnerable line of road to protect, exhausting much of our

strength to guard it, and would leave open to the enemy all of

his lines of communication on the south side of the James. My

idea from the start has been to beat Lee's army if possible

north of Richmond; then after destroying his lines of

communication on the north side of the James River to transfer

the army to the south side and besiege Lee in Richmond, or

follow him south if he should retreat.

I now find, after over thirty days of trial, the enemy deems it

of the first importance to run no risks with the armies they now

have. They act purely on the defensive behind breastworks, or

feebly on the offensive immediately in front of them, and where

in case of repulse they can instantly retire behind them.

Without a greater sacrifice of human life than I am willing to

make all cannot be accomplished that I had designed outside of

the city. I have therefore resolved upon the following plan:

I will continue to hold substantially the ground now occupied by

the Army of the Potomac, taking advantage of any favorable

circumstance that may present itself until the cavalry can be

sent west to destroy the Virginia Central Railroad from about

Beaver Dam for some twenty-five or thirty miles west. When this

is effected I will move the army to the south side of the James

River, either by crossing the Chickahominy and marching near to

City Point, or by going to the mouth of the Chickahominy on

north side and crossing there. To provide for this last and

most possible contingency, several ferry-boats of the largest

class ought to be immediately provided.

Once on the south side of the James River, I can cut off all

sources of supply to the enemy except what is furnished by the

canal. If Hunter succeeds in reaching Lynchburg, that will be

lost to him also. Should Hunter not succeed, I will still make

the effort to destroy the canal by sending cavalry up the south

side of the river with a pontoon train to cross wherever they

can.

The feeling of the two armies now seems to be that the rebels

can protect themselves only by strong intrenchments, whilst our

army is not only confident of protecting itself without

intrenchments, but that it can beat and drive the enemy wherever

and whenever he can be found without this protection.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

(*35) COLD HARBOR, VA., June 6, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL D. HUNTER

Commanding Dept. W. Va.

General Sheridan leaves here to-morrow morning, with

instructions to proceed to Charlottesville, Va., and to commence

there the destruction of the Va. Cen. R. R., destroying this way

as much as possible. The complete destruction of this road and

of the canal on James River is of great importance to us.

According to the instructions I sent to General Halleck for your

guidance, you were to proceed to Lynchburg and commence there. It

would be of great value to us to get possession of Lynchburg for

a single day. But that point is of so much importance to the

enemy, that in attempting to get it such resistance may be met

as to defeat your getting onto the road or canal at all. I see,

in looking over the letter to General Halleck on the subject of

your instructions, that it rather indicates that your route

should be from Staunton via Charlottesville. If you have so

understood it, you will be doing just what I want. The

direction I would now give is, that if this letter reaches you

in the valley between Staunton and Lynchburg, you immediately

turn east by the most practicable road. From thence move

eastward along the line of the road, destroying it completely

and thoroughly, until you join General Sheridan. After the work

laid out for General Sheridan and yourself is thoroughly done,

proceed to join the Army of the Potomac by the route laid out in

General Sheridan's instructions.

If any portion of your force, especially your cavalry, is needed

back in your Department, you are authorized to send it back.

If on receipt of this you should be near to Lynchburg and deem

it practicable to detach a cavalry force to destroy the canal.

Lose no opportunity to destroy the canal.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*36) FROM A STATEMENT OF LOSSES COMPILED IN THE

ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE.

FIELD OF ACTION AND DATE. | KILLED. | WOUNDED. | MISSING. |

AGGREGATE. |

Wilderness, May 5th to 7th | 2,261 | 8,785 | 2,902 |13,948 |

Spottsylvania, May 8th to 21st | 2,271 | 9,360 | 1,970 | 13,601|

North Anna, May 23d to 27th | 186 | 792 | 165 | 1,143 |

Totopotomoy, May 27th to 31st | 99 | 358 | 52 | 509 | Cold

Harbor, May 31st to June 12th | 1,769 | 6,752 | 1,537 |10,058 |

Total ................ | 6,586 | 26,047 | 6,626 | 39,259 |

(*37) CITY POINT, VA., June 17, 1864. 11 A.M.

MAJOR-GEN. HALLECK,

Washington, D. C.

* * * * * * *

The enemy in their endeavor to reinforce Petersburg abandoned

their intrenchments in front of Bermuda Hundred. They no doubt

expected troops from north of the James River to take their

place before we discovered it. General Butler took advantage of

this and moved a force at once upon the railroad and plank road

between Richmond and Petersburg, which I hope to retain

possession of.

Too much credit cannot be given to the troops and their

commanders for the energy and fortitude displayed during the

last five days. Day and night has been all the same, no delays

being allowed on any account.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieut.-General.

(*38) CITY POINT, VA., July 24, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE,

Commanding, etc.

The engineer officers who made a survey of the front from

Bermuda Hundred report against the probability of success from

an attack there. The chances they think will be better on

Burnside's front. If this is attempted it will be necessary to

concentrate all the force possible at the point in the enemy's

line we expect to penetrate. All officers should be fully

impressed with the absolute necessity of pushing entirely beyond

the enemy's present line, if they should succeed in penetrating

it, and of getting back to their present line promptly if they

should not succeed in breaking through.

To the right and left of the point of assault all the artillery

possible should be brought to play upon the enemy in front

during the assault. Their lines would be sufficient for the

support of the artillery, and all the reserves could be brought

on the flanks of their commands nearest to the point of assault,

ready to follow in if successful. The field artillery and

infantry held in the lines during the first assault should be in

readiness to move at a moment's notice either to their front or

to follow the main assault, as they should receive orders. One

thing, however, should be impressed on corps commanders. If

they see the enemy giving away on their front or moving from it

to reinforce a heavily assaulted portion of their line, they

should take advantage of such knowledge and act promptly without

waiting for orders from army commanders. General Ord can

co-operate with his corps in this movement, and about five

thousand troops from Bermuda Hundred can be sent to reinforce

you or can be used to threaten an assault between the Appomattox

and James rivers, as may be deemed best.

This should be done by Tuesday morning, if done at all. If not

attempted, we will then start at the date indicated to destroy

the railroad as far as Hicksford at least, and to Weldon if

possible.

* * * * * * *

Whether we send an expedition on the road or assault at

Petersburg, Burnside's mine will be blown up....

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

(*39) See letter, August 5th, Appendix.

(*40) See Appendix, letters of Oct. 11th.

(*41) CITY POINT, VA., December 2,1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville Tenn.

If Hood is permitted to remain quietly about Nashville, you will

lose all the road back to Chattanooga and possibly have to

abandon the line of the Tennessee. Should he attack you it is

all well, but if he does not you should attack him before he

fortifies. Arm and put in the trenches your quartermaster

employees, citizens, etc.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

CITY POINT, VA., December 2, 1864.--1.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

With your citizen employees armed, you can move out of Nashville

with all your army and force the enemy to retire or fight upon

ground of your own choosing. After the repulse of Hood at

Franklin, it looks to me that instead of falling back to

Nashville we should have taken the offensive against the enemy

where he was. At this distance, however, I may err as to the

best method of dealing with the enemy. You will now suffer

incalculable injury upon your railroads if Hood is not speedily

disposed of. Put forth therefore every possible exertion to

attain this end. Should you get him to retreating give him no

peace.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

CITY POINT, VA., December 5, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

Is there not danger of Forrest moving down the Cumberland to

where he can cross it? It seems to me whilst you should be

getting up your cavalry as rapidly as possible to look after

Forrest, Hood should be attacked where he is. Time strengthens

him in all possibility as much as it does you.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

CITY POINT, VA., December 6, 1864--4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

Attack Hood at once and wait no longer for a remnant of your

cavalry. There is great danger of delay resulting in a campaign

back to the Ohio River.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

CITY POINT, VA., December 8, 1864.--8.30 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

Your dispatch of yesterday received. It looks to me evident the

enemy are trying to cross the Cumberland River, and are

scattered. Why not attack at once? By all means avoid the

contingency of a foot race to see which, you or Hood, can beat

to the Ohio. If you think necessary call on the governors of

States to send a force into Louisville to meet the enemy if he

should cross the river. You clearly never should cross except

in rear of the enemy. Now is one of the finest opportunities

ever presented of destroying one of the three armies of the

enemy. If destroyed he never can replace it. Use the means at

your command, and you can do this and cause a rejoicing that

will resound from one end of the land to the other.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

CITY POINT, VA., December 11, 1864.--4 P.M.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

If you delay attack longer the mortifying spectacle will be

witnessed of a rebel army moving for the Ohio River, and you

will be forced to act, accepting such weather as you find. Let

there be no further delay. Hood cannot even stand a drawn

battle so far from his supplies of ordnance stores. If he

retreats and you follow, he must lose his material and much of

his army. I am in hopes of receiving a dispatch from you to-day

announcing that you have moved. Delay no longer for weather or

reinforcements.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

WASHINGTON, D. C., December 15, 1864.

MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS,

Nashville, Tenn.

I was just on my way to Nashville, but receiving a dispatch from

Van Duzer detailing your splendid success of to-day, I shall go

no further. Push the enemy now and give him no rest until he is

entirely destroyed. Your army will cheerfully suffer many

privations to break up Hood's army and render it useless for

future operations. Do not stop for trains or supplies, but take

them from the country as the enemy have done. Much is now

expected.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

(*42) See orders to Major-General Meade, Ord, and Sheridan,

March 24th, Appendix.

(*43) See Appendix.

(*44) NOTE.--The fac-simile of the terms of Lee's surrender

inserted at this place, was copied from the original document

furnished the publishers through the courtesy of General Ely S.

Parker, Military Secretary on General Grant's staff at the time

of the surrender.

Three pages of paper were prepared in General Grant's manifold

order book on which he wrote the terms, and the interlineations

and erasures were added by General Parker at the suggestion of

General Grant. After such alteration it was handed to General

Lee, who put on his glasses, read it, and handed it back to

General Grant. The original was then transcribed by General

Parker upon official headed paper and a copy furnished General

Lee.

The fac-simile herewith shows the color of the paper of the

original document and all interlineations and erasures.

There is a popular error to the effect that Generals Grant and

Lee each signed the articles of surrender. The document in the

form of a letter was signed only by General Grant, in the parlor

of McLean's house while General Lee was sitting in the room, and

General Lee immediately wrote a letter accepting the terms and

handed it to General Grant.

...............................................................

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

By William T. Sherman

GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN

HIS COMRADES IN ARMS,

VOLUNTEERS AND REGULARS.

Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war in

America, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible to

the public; nor should any be attempted until the Government has

published, and placed within the reach of students, the abundant

materials that are buried in the War Department at Washington.

These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progress

for the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will come

before they are published and circulated, with full indexes to

enable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials.

What is now offered is not designed as a history of the war, or

even as a complete account of all the incidents in which the writer

bore a part, but merely his recollection of events, corrected by a

reference to his own memoranda, which may assist the future

historian when he comes to describe the whole, and account for the

motives and reasons which influenced some of the actors in the

grand drama of war.

I trust a perusal of these pages will prove interesting to the

survivors, who have manifested so often their intense love of the

"cause" which moved a nation to vindicate its own authority; and,

equally so, to the rising generation, who therefrom may learn that

a country and government such as ours are worth fighting for, and

dying for, if need be.

If successful in this, I shall feel amply repaid for departing from

the usage of military men, who seldom attempt to publish their own

deeds, but rest content with simply contributing by their acts to

the honor and glory of their country.

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN,

General

St. Louis, Missouri, January 21, 1875.

PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

Another ten years have passed since I ventured to publish my

Memoirs, and, being once more at leisure, I have revised them in

the light of the many criticisms public and private.

My habit has been to note in pencil the suggestions of critics, and

to examine the substance of their differences; for critics must

differ from the author, to manifest their superiority.

Where I have found material error I have corrected; and I have

added two chapters, one at the beginning, another at the end, both

of the most general character, and an appendix.

I wish my friends and enemies to understand that I disclaim the

character of historian, but assume to be a witness on the stand

before the great tribunal of history, to assist some future Napier,

Alison, or Hume to comprehend the feelings and thoughts of the

actors in the grand conflicts of the recent past, and thereby to

lessen his labors in the compilation necessary for the future

benefit of mankind.

In this free country every man is at perfect liberty to publish his

own thoughts and impressions, and any witness who may differ from

me should publish his own version of facts in the truthful

narration of which he is interested. I am publishing my own

memoirs, not theirs, and we all know that no three honest witnesses

of a simple brawl can agree on all the details. How much more

likely will be the difference in a great battle covering a vast

space of broken ground, when each division, brigade, regiment, and

even company, naturally and honestly believes that it was the focus

of the whole affair! Each of them won the battle. None ever lost.

That was the fate of the old man who unhappily commanded.

In this edition I give the best maps which I believe have ever been

prepared, compiled by General O. M. Poe, from personal knowledge

and official surveys, and what I chiefly aim to establish is the

true cause of the results which are already known to the whole

world; and it may be a relief to many to know that I shall publish

no other, but, like the player at cards, will "stand;" not that I

have accomplished perfection, but because I can do no better with

the cards in hand. Of omissions there are plenty, but of wilful

perversion of facts, none.

In the preface to the first edition, in 1875, I used these words:

"Nearly ten years have passed since the close of the civil war in

America, and yet no satisfactory history thereof is accessible to

the public; nor should any be attempted until the Government has

published, and placed within the reach of students, the abundant

materials that are buried in the War Department at Washington.

These are in process of compilation; but, at the rate of progress

for the past ten years, it is probable that a new century will come

before they are published and circulated, with full indexes to

enable the historian to make a judicious selection of materials"

Another decade is past, and I am in possession of all these

publications, my last being Volume XI, Part 3, Series 1, the last

date in which is August 30, 1862. I am afraid that if I assume

again the character of prophet, I must extend the time deep into

the next century, and pray meanwhile that the official records of

the war, Union and Confederate, may approach completion before the

"next war," or rather that we, as a people, may be spared another

war until the last one is officially recorded. Meantime the rising

generation must be content with memoirs and histories compiled from

the best sources available.

In this sense I offer mine as to the events of which I was an

eye-witness and participant, or for which I was responsible.

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN,

General (retired).

St. Louis, Missouri, March 30, 1885.

MEMOIRS OF GENERAL WILLIAM T. SHERMAN.

CHAPTER I.

FROM 1820 TO THE MEXICAN WAR.

1820-1846.

According to Cothren, in his "History of Ancient Woodbury,

Connecticut," the Sherman family came from Dedham, Essex County,

England. The first recorded name is of Edmond Sherman, with his

three sons, Edmond, Samuel, and John, who were at Boston before

1636; and farther it is distinctly recorded that Hon. Samuel

Sherman, Rev. John, his brother, and Captain John, his first

cousin, arrived from Dedham, Essex County, England, in 1634.

Samuel afterward married Sarah Mitchell, who had come (in the same

ship) from England, and finally settled at Stratford, Connecticut.

The other two (Johns) located at Watertown, Massachusetts.

From Captain John Sherman are descended Roger Sherman, the signer

of the Declaration of Independence, Hon. William M. Evarts, the

Messrs. Hoar, of Massachusetts, and many others of national fame.

Our own family are descended from the Hon. Samuel Sherman and his

son; the Rev. John, who was born in 1650-'51; then another John,

born in 1687; then Judge Daniel, born in 1721; then Taylor Sherman,

our grandfather, who was born in 1758. Taylor Sherman was a lawyer

and judge in Norwalk, Connecticut, where he resided until his

death, May 4, 1815; leaving a widow, Betsey Stoddard Sherman, and

three children, Charles R. (our father), Daniel, and Betsey.

When the State of Connecticut, in 1786, ceded to the United States

her claim to the western part of her public domain, as defined by

her Royal Charter, she reserved a large district in what is now

northern Ohio, a portion of which (five hundred thousand acres)

composed the "Fire-Land District," which was set apart to indemnify

the parties who had lost property in Connecticut by the raids of

Generals Arnold, Tryon, and others during the latter part of the

Revolutionary War.

Our grandfather, Judge Taylor Sherman, was one of the commissioners

appointed by the State of Connecticut to quiet the Indian title,

and to survey and subdivide this Fire-Land District, which includes

the present counties of Huron and Erie. In his capacity as

commissioner he made several trips to Ohio in the early part of

this century, and it is supposed that he then contracted the

disease which proved fatal. For his labor and losses he received a

title to two sections of land, which fact was probably the prime

cause of the migration of our family to the West. My father

received a good education, and was admitted to the bar at Norwalk,

Connecticut, where, in 1810, he, at twenty years of age, married

Mary Hoyt, also of Norwalk, and at once migrated to Ohio, leaving

his wife (my mother) for a time. His first purpose was to settle

at Zanesville, Ohio, but he finally chose Lancaster, Fairfield

County, where he at once engaged in the practice of his

profession. In 1811 he returned to Norwalk, where, meantime, was

born Charles Taylor Sherman, the eldest of the family, who with his

mother was carried to Ohio on horseback.

Judge Taylor Sherman's family remained in Norwalk till 1815, when

his death led to the emigration of the remainder of the family,

viz., of Uncle Daniel Sherman, who settled at Monroeville, Ohio, as

a farmer, where he lived and died quite recently, leaving children

and grandchildren; and an aunt, Betsey, who married Judge Parker,

of Mansfield, and died in 1851, leaving children and grandchildren;

also Grandmother Elizabeth Stoddard Sherman, who resided with her

daughter, Mrs. Betsey Parker, in Mansfield until her death, August

1,1848.

Thus my father, Charles R. Sherman, became finally established at

Lancaster, Ohio, as a lawyer, with his own family in the year 1811,

and continued there till the time of his death, in 1829. I have no

doubt that he was in the first instance attracted to Lancaster by

the natural beauty of its scenery, and the charms of its already

established society. He continued in the practice of his

profession, which in those days was no sinecure, for the ordinary

circuit was made on horseback, and embraced Marietta, Cincinnati,

and Detroit. Hardly was the family established there when the War

of 1812 caused great alarm and distress in all Ohio. The English

captured Detroit and the shores of Lake Erie down to the Maumee

River; while the Indians still occupied the greater part of the

State. Nearly every man had to be somewhat of a soldier, but I

think my father was only a commissary; still, he seems to have

caught a fancy for the great chief of the Shawnees, "Tecumseh."

Perry's victory on Lake Erie was the turning-point of the Western

campaign, and General Harrison's victory over the British and

Indians at the river Thames in Canada ended the war in the West,

and restored peace and tranquillity to the exposed settlers of

Ohio. My father at once resumed his practice at the bar, and was

soon recognized as an able and successful lawyer. When, in 1816,

my brother James was born, he insisted on engrafting the Indian

name "Tecumseh" on the usual family list. My mother had already

named her first son after her own brother Charles; and insisted on

the second son taking the name of her other brother James, and when

I came along, on the 8th of February, 1820, mother having no more

brothers, my father succeeded in his original purpose, and named me

William Tecumseh.

The family rapidly increased till it embraced six boys and five

girls, all of whom attained maturity and married; of these six are

still living.

In the year 1821 a vacancy occurred in the Supreme Court of Ohio,

and I find this petition:

Somerset, Ohio, July 6, 1821.

May it please your Excellency:

We ask leave to recommend to your Excellency's favorable notice

Charles R. Sherman, Esq., of Lancaster, as a man possessing in an

eminent degree those qualifications so much to be desired in a

Judge of the Supreme Court.

From a long acquaintance with Mr. Sherman, we are happy to be able

to state to your Excellency that our minds are led to the

conclusion that that gentleman possesses a disposition noble and

generous, a mind discriminating, comprehensive, and combining a

heart pure, benevolent and humane. Manners dignified, mild, and

complaisant, and a firmness not to be shaken and of unquestioned

integrity.

But Mr. Sherman's character cannot be unknown to your Excellency,

and on that acquaintance without further comment we might safely

rest his pretensions.

We think we hazard little in assuring your Excellency that his

appointment would give almost universal satisfaction to the

citizens of Perry County.

With great consideration, we have the honor to be

Your Excellency's most obedient humble servants,

CHARLES A. HOOD,

GEORGE TREAT,

PETER DITTOR,

P. ODLIN,

J. B. ORTEN,

T. BECKWITH,

WILLIAM P. DORST,

JOHN MURRAY,

JACOB MOINS,

B. EATON,

DANIEL GRIGGS,

HENRY DITTOE,

NICHOLAS McCARTY.

His Excellency ETHAN A. BROWN,

Governor of Ohio, Columbus.

He was soon after appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court, and

served in that capacity to the day of his death.

My memory extends back to about 1827, and I recall him, returning

home on horseback, when all the boys used to run and contend for

the privilege of riding his horse from the front door back to the

stable. On one occasion, I was the first, and being mounted rode

to the stable; but "Old Dick" was impatient because the stable-door

was not opened promptly, so he started for the barn of our neighbor

Mr. King; there, also, no one was in waiting to open the gate, and,

after a reasonable time, "Dick" started back for home somewhat in a

hurry, and threw me among a pile of stones, in front of preacher

Wright's house, where I was picked up apparently a dead boy; but my

time was not yet, and I recovered, though the scars remain to this

day.

The year 1829 was a sad one to our family. We were then ten

children, my eldest brother Charles absent at the State University,

Athens, Ohio; my next brother, James, in a store at Cincinnati; and

the rest were at home, at school. Father was away on the circuit.

One day Jane Sturgeon came to the school, called us out, and when

we reached home all was lamentation: news had come that father was

ill unto death, at Lebanon, a hundred miles away. Mother started

at once, by coach, but met the news of his death about Washington,

and returned home. He had ridden on horseback from Cincinnati to

Lebanon to hold court, during a hot day in June. On the next day

he took his seat on the bench, opened court in the forenoon, but in

the afternoon, after recess, was seized with a severe chill and had

to adjourn the court. The best medical aid was called in, and for

three days with apparent success, but the fever then assumed a more

dangerous type, and he gradually yielded to it, dying on the sixth

day, viz., June 24, 1829.

My brother James had been summoned from Cincinnati, and was present

at his bedside, as was also Henry Stoddard, Esq., of Dayton, Ohio,

our cousin. Mr. Stoddard once told me that the cause of my

father's death was cholera; but at that time, 1829, there was no

Asiatic cholera in the United States, and the family, attributed

his death to exposure to the hot sun of June, and a consequent

fever, "typhoid."

From the resolutions of the bench, bar, and public generally, now

in my possession, his death was universally deplored; more

especially by his neighbors in Lancaster, and by the Society of

Freemasons, of which he was the High-Priest of Arch Chapter No. 11.

His death left the family very poor, but friends rose up with

proffers of generous care and assistance; for all the neighbors

knew that mother could not maintain so large a family without help.

My eldest brother, Charles, had nearly completed his education at

the university at Athens, and concluded to go to his uncle, Judge

Parker, at Mansfield, Ohio, to study law. My eldest sister,

Elizabeth, soon after married William J. Reese, Esq.; James was

already in a store at Cincinnati; and, with the exception of the

three youngest children, the rest of us were scattered. I fell to

the charge of the Hon. Thomas Ewing, who took me to his family, and

ever after treated me as his own son.

I continued at the Academy in Lancaster, which was the best in the

place; indeed, as good a school as any in Ohio. We studied all the

common branches of knowledge, including Latin, Greek, and French.

At first the school was kept by Mr. Parsons; he was succeeded by

Mr. Brown, and he by two brothers, Samuel and Mark How. These were

all excellent teachers, and we made good progress, first at the old

academy and afterward at a new school-house, built by Samuel How,

in the orchard of Hugh Boyle, Esq.

Time passed with us as with boys generally. Mr. Ewing was in the

United States Senate, and I was notified to prepare for West Point,

of which institution we had little knowledge, except that it was

very strict, and that the army was its natural consequence. In

1834 I was large for my age, and the construction of canals was the

rage in Ohio. A canal was projected to connect with the great Ohio

Canal at Carroll (eight miles above Lancaster), down the valley of

the Hock Hocking to Athens (forty-four miles), and thence to the

Ohio River by slack water.

Preacher Carpenter, of Lancaster, was appointed to make the

preliminary surveys, and selected the necessary working party out

of the boys of the town. From our school were chosen ____Wilson,

Emanuel Geisy, William King, and myself. Geisy and I were the

rod-men. We worked during that fall and next spring, marking two

experimental lines, and for our work we each received a silver

half-dollar for each day's actual work, the first money any of us

had ever earned.

In June, 1835, one of our school-fellows, William Irvin, was

appointed a cadet to West Point, and, as it required sixteen years

of age for admission, I had to wait another year. During the

autumn of 1835 and spring of 1836 I devoted myself chiefly to

mathematics and French, which were known to be the chief requisites

for admission to West Point.

Some time in the spring of 1836 I received through Mr. Ewing, then

at Washington, from the Secretary of War, Mr. Poinsett, the letter

of appointment as a cadet, with a list of the articles of clothing

necessary to be taken along, all of which were liberally provided

by Mrs. Ewing; and with orders to report to Mr. Ewing, at

Washington, by a certain date, I left Lancaster about the 20th of

May in the stage-coach for Zanesville. There we transferred to the

coaches of the Great National Road, the highway of travel from the

West to the East. The stages generally travelled in gangs of from

one to six coaches, each drawn by four good horses, carrying nine

passengers inside and three or four outside.

In about three days, travelling day and night, we reached

Frederick, Maryland. There we were told that we could take

rail-cars to Baltimore, and thence to Washington; but there was

also a two-horse hack ready to start for Washington direct. Not

having full faith in the novel and dangerous railroad, I stuck to

the coach, and in the night reached Gadsby's Hotel in Washington

City.

The next morning I hunted up Mr. Ewing, and found him boarding with

a mess of Senators at Mrs. Hill's, corner of Third and C Streets,

and transferred my trunk to the same place. I spent a week in

Washington, and think I saw more of the place in that time than I

ever have since in the many years of residence there. General

Jackson was President, and was at the zenith of his fame. I recall

looking at him a full hour, one morning, through the wood railing

on Pennsylvania Avenue, as he paced up and down the gravel walk on

the north front of the White House. He wore a cap and an overcoat

so full that his form seemed smaller than I had expected. I also

recall the appearance of Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, of

Vice-President Van Buren, Messrs. Calhoun, Webster, Clay, Cass,

Silas Wright, etc.

In due time I took my departure for West Point with Cadets Belt and

Bronaugh. These were appointed cadets as from Ohio, although

neither had ever seen that State. But in those days there were

fewer applicants from Ohio than now, and near the close of the term

the vacancies unasked for were usually filled from applicants on

the spot. Neither of these parties, however, graduated, so the

State of Ohio lost nothing. We went to Baltimore by rail, there

took a boat up to Havre de Grace, then the rail to Wilmington,

Delaware, and up the Delaware in a boat to Philadelphia. I staid

over in Philadelphia one day at the old Mansion House, to visit the

family of my brother-in-law, Mr. Reese. I found his father a fine

sample of the old merchant gentleman, in a good house in Arch

Street, with his accomplished daughters, who had been to Ohio, and

whom I had seen there. From Philadelphia we took boat to

Bordentown, rail to Amboy, and boat again to New York City,

stopping at the American Hotel. I staid a week in New York City,

visiting my uncle, Charles Hoyt, at his beautiful place on Brooklyn

Heights, and my uncle James, then living in White Street. My

friend William Scott was there, the young husband of my cousin,

Louise Hoyt; a neatly-dressed young fellow, who looked on me as an

untamed animal just caught in the far West--"fit food for

gunpowder," and good for nothing else.

About June 12th I embarked in the steamer Cornelius Vanderbilt for

West Point; registered in the office of Lieutenant C. F. Smith,

Adjutant of the Military Academy, as a new cadet of the class of

1836, and at once became installed as the "plebe" of my

fellow-townsman, William Irvin, then entering his Third Class.

Colonel R. E. De Russy was Superintendent; Major John Fowle, Sixth

United States Infantry, Commandant. The principal Professors were:

Mahan, Engineering; Bartlett, Natural Philosophy; Bailey,

Chemistry; Church, Mathematics; Weir, Drawing; and Berard, French.

The routine of military training and of instruction was then fully

established, and has remained almost the same ever since. To give

a mere outline would swell this to an inconvenient size, and I

therefore merely state that I went through the regular course of

four years, graduating in June, 1840, number six in a class of

forty-three. These forty-three were all that remained of more than

one hundred which originally constituted the class. At the Academy

I was not considered a good soldier, for at no time was I selected

for any office, but remained a private throughout the whole four

years. Then, as now, neatness in dress and form, with a strict

conformity to the rules, were the qualifications required for

office, and I suppose I was found not to excel in any of these. In

studies I always held a respectable reputation with the professors,

and generally ranked among the best, especially in drawing,

chemistry, mathematics, and natural philosophy. My average

demerits, per annum, were about one hundred and fifty, which.

reduced my final class standing from number four to six.

In June, 1840, after the final examination, the class graduated and

we received our diplomas. Meantime, Major Delafield, United States

Engineers, had become Superintendent; Major C. F. Smith, Commandant

of Cadets; but the corps of professors and assistants remained

almost unchanged during our whole term. We were all granted the

usual furlough of three months, and parted for our homes, there to

await assignment to our respective corps and regiments. In due

season I was appointed and commissioned second-lieutenant, Third

Artillery, and ordered to report at Governor's Island, New York

Harbor, at the end of September. I spent my furlough mostly at

Lancaster and Mansfield, Ohio; toward the close of September

returned to New York, reported to Major Justin Dimock, commanding

the recruiting rendezvous at Governor's Island, and was assigned to

command a company of recruits preparing for service in Florida.

Early in October this company was detailed, as one of four, to

embark in a sailing-vessel for Savannah, Georgia, under command of

Captain and Brevet Major Penrose. We embarked and sailed, reaching

Savannah about the middle of October, where we transferred to a

small steamer and proceeded by the inland route to St. Augustine,

Florida. We reached St. Augustine at the same time with the Eighth

Infantry, commanded by Colonel and Brevet Brigadier-General William

J. Worth. At that time General Zachary Taylor was in chief command

in Florida, and had his headquarters at Tampa Bay. My regiment,

the Third Artillery, occupied the posts along the Atlantic coast of

Florida, from St. Augustine south to Key Biscayne, and my own

company, A, was at Fort Pierce, Indian River. At St. Augustine I

was detached from the company of recruits, which was designed for

the Second Infantry, and was ordered to join my proper company at

Fort Pierce. Colonel William Gates commanded the regiment, with

Lieutenant William Austine Brown as adjutant of the regiment.

Lieutenant Bragg commanded the post of St. Augustine with his own

company, E, and G (Garner's), then commanded by Lieutenant Judd.

In, a few days I embarked in the little steamer William Gaston down

the coast, stopping one day at New Smyrna, held by John R. Vinton's

company (B), with which was serving Lieutenant William H. Shover.

In due season we arrived off the bar of Indian River and anchored.

A whale-boat came off with a crew of four men, steered by a

character of some note, known as the Pilot Ashlock. I transferred

self and baggage to this boat, and, with the mails, was carried

through the surf over the bar, into the mouth of Indian River

Inlet. It was then dark; we transferred to a smaller boat, and the

same crew pulled us up through a channel in the middle of Mangrove

Islands, the roosting-place of thousands of pelicans and birds that

rose in clouds and circled above our heads. The water below was

alive with fish, whose course through it could be seen by the

phosphoric wake; and Ashlock told me many a tale of the Indian war

then in progress, and of his adventures in hunting and fishing,

which he described as the best in the world. About two miles from

the bar, we emerged into the lagoon, a broad expanse of shallow

water that lies parallel with the coast, separated from it by a

narrow strip of sand, backed by a continuous series of islands and

promontories, covered with a dense growth of mangrove and

saw-palmetto. Pulling across this lagoon, in about three more

miles we approached the lights of Fort Pierce. Reaching a

small wharf, we landed, and were met by the officers of the

post, Lieutenants George Taylor and Edward J. Steptoe, and

Assistant-Surgeon James Simons. Taking the mail-bag, we walked up

a steep sand-bluff on which the fort was situated, and across the

parade-ground to the officers' quarters. These were six or seven

log-houses, thatched with palmetto-leaves, built on high posts,

with a porch in front, facing the water. The men's quarters were

also of logs forming the two sides of a rectangle, open toward the

water; the intervals and flanks were closed with log stockades. I

was assigned to one of these rooms, and at once began service with

my company, A, then commanded by Lieutenant Taylor.

The season was hardly yet come for active operations against the

Indians, so that the officers were naturally attracted to Ashlock,

who was the best fisherman I ever saw. He soon initiated us into

the mysteries of shark-spearing, trolling for red-fish, and taking

the sheep's-head and mullet. These abounded so that we could at

any time catch an unlimited quantity at pleasure. The companies

also owned nets for catching green turtles. These nets had meshes

about a foot square, were set across channels in the lagoon, the

ends secured to stakes driven into the mad, the lower line sunk

with lead or stone weights and the upper line floated with cork.

We usually visited these nets twice a day, and found from one to

six green turtles entangled in the meshes. Disengaging them, they

were carried to pens, made with stakes stuck in the mud, where they

were fed with mangrove-leaves, and our cooks had at all times an

ample supply of the best of green turtles. They were so cheap and

common that the soldiers regarded it as an imposition when

compelled to eat green turtle steaks, instead of poor Florida beef,

or the usual barrelled mess-pork. I do not recall in my whole

experience a spot on earth where fish, oysters, and green turtles

so abound as at Fort Pierce, Florida.

In November, Major Childs arrived with Lieutenant Van Vliet and a

detachment of recruits to fill our two companies, and preparations

were at once begun for active operations in the field. At that

time the Indians in the Peninsula of Florida were scattered, and

the war consisted in hunting up and securing the small fragments,

to be sent to join the others of their tribe of Seminoles already

established in the Indian Territory west of Arkansas. Our

expeditions were mostly made in boats in the lagoons extending from

the "Haul-over," near two hundred miles above the fort, down to

Jupiter Inlet, about fifty miles below, and in the many streams

which emptied therein. Many such expeditions were made during that

winter, with more or less success, in which we succeeded in picking

up small parties of men, women, and children. On one occasion,

near the "Haul-over," when I was not present, the expedition was

more successful. It struck a party of nearly fifty Indians, killed

several warriors, and captured others. In this expedition my

classmate, lieutenant Van Vliet, who was an excellent shot, killed

a warrior who was running at full speed among trees, and one of the

sergeants of our company (Broderick) was said to have dispatched

three warriors, and it was reported that he took the scalp of one

and brought it in to the fort as a trophy. Broderick was so elated

that, on reaching the post, he had to celebrate his victory by a

big drunk.

There was at the time a poor, weakly soldier of our company whose

wife cooked for our mess. She was somewhat of a flirt, and rather

fond of admiration. Sergeant Broderick was attracted to her, and

hung around the mess-house more than the husband fancied; so he

reported the matter to Lieutenant Taylor, who reproved Broderick

for his behavior. A few days afterward the husband again appealed

to his commanding officer (Taylor), who exclaimed: "Haven't you got

a musket? Can't you defend your own family?" Very soon after a

shot was heard down by the mess-house, and it transpired that the

husband had actually shot Broderick, inflicting a wound which

proved mortal. The law and army regulations required that the man

should be sent to the nearest civil court, which was at St.

Augustine; accordingly, the prisoner and necessary witnesses were

sent up by the next monthly steamer. Among the latter were

lieutenant Taylor and the pilot Ashlock.

After they had been gone about a month, the sentinel on the roof-top

of our quarters reported the smoke of a steamer approaching the bar,

and, as I was acting quartermaster, I took a boat and pulled down to

get the mail. I reached the log-but in which the pilots lived, and

saw them start with their boat across the bar, board the steamer,

and then return. Ashlock was at his old post at the steering-oar,

with two ladies, who soon came to the landing, having passed through

a very heavy surf, and I was presented to one as Mrs. Ashlock, and

the other as her sister, a very pretty little Minorcan girl of about

fourteen years of age. Mrs. Ashlock herself was probably eighteen

or twenty years old, and a very handsome woman. I was hurriedly

informed that the murder trial was in progress at St. Augustine;

that Ashlock had given his testimony, and had availed himself of the

chance to take a wife to share with him the solitude of his desolate

hut on the beach at Indian River. He had brought ashore his wife,

her sister, and their chests, with the mail, and had orders to

return immediately to the steamer (Gaston or Harney) to bring ashore

some soldiers belonging to another company, E (Braggs), which had

been ordered from St. Augustine to Fort Pierce. Ashlock left his

wife and her sister standing on the beach near the pilot-hut, and

started back with his whale-boat across the bar. I also took the

mail and started up to the fort, and had hardly reached the wharf

when I observed another boat following me. As soon as this reached

the wharf the men reported that Ashlock and all his crew, with the

exception of one man, had been drowned a few minutes after I had

left the beach. They said his surf-boat had reached the steamer, had

taken on board a load of soldiers, some eight or ten, and had

started back through the surf, when on the bar a heavy breaker upset

the boat, and all were lost except the boy who pulled the bow-oar,

who clung to the rope or painter, hauled himself to the upset boat,

held on, drifted with it outside the breakers, and was finally

beached near a mile down the coast. They reported also that the

steamer had got up anchor, run in as close to the bar as she could,

paused awhile, and then had started down the coast.

I instantly took a fresh crew of soldiers and returned to the bar;

there sat poor Mrs. Ashlock on her chest of clothes, a weeping

widow, who had seen her husband perish amid sharks and waves; she

clung to the hope that the steamer had picked him up, but, strange

to say, he could not swim, although he had been employed on the

water all his life.

Her sister was more demonstrative, and wailed as one lost to all

hope and life. She appealed to us all to do miracles to save the

struggling men in the waves, though two hours had already passed,

and to have gone out then among those heavy breakers, with an

inexperienced crew, would have been worse than suicide. All I

could do was to reorganize the guard at the beach, take the two

desolate females up to the fort, and give them the use of my own

quarters. Very soon their anguish was quieted, and they began to

look, for the return of their steamer with Ashlock and his rescued

crew. The next day I went again to the beach with Lieutenant Ord,

and we found that one or two bodies had been washed ashore, torn

all to pieces by the sharks, which literally swarmed the inlet at

every new tide. In a few days the weather moderated, and the

steamer returned from the south, but the surf was so high that she

anchored a mile off. I went out myself, in the whale or surf boat,

over that terrible bar with a crew of soldiers, boarded the

steamer, and learned that none other of Ashlock's crew except the

one before mentioned had been saved; but, on the contrary, the

captain of the steamer had sent one of his own boats to their

rescue, which was likewise upset in the surf, and, out of the three

men in her, one had drifted back outside the breakers, clinging to

the upturned boat, and was picked up. This sad and fatal

catastrophe made us all afraid of that bar, and in returning to the

shore I adopted the more prudent course of beaching the boat below

the inlet, which insured us a good ducking, but was attended with

less risk to life.

I had to return to the fort and bear to Mrs. Ashlock the absolute

truth, that her husband was lost forever.

Meantime her sister had entirely recovered her equilibrium, and

being the guest of the officers, who were extremely courteous to

her, she did not lament so loudly the calamity that saved them a

long life of banishment on the beach of Indian River. By the first

opportunity they were sent back to St. Augustine, the possessors of

all of Ashlock's worldly goods and effects, consisting of a good

rifle, several cast-nets, hand-lines, etc., etc., besides some

three hundred dollars in money, which was due him by the

quartermaster for his services as pilot. I afterward saw these

ladies at St. Augustine, and years afterward the younger one came

to Charleston, South Carolina, the wife of the somewhat famous

Captain Thistle, agent for the United States for live-oak in

Florida, who was noted as the first of the troublesome class of

inventors of modern artillery. He was the inventor of a gun that

"did not recoil at all," or "if anything it recoiled a little

forward."

One day, in the summer of 1841, the sentinel on the housetop at

Fort Pierce called out, "Indians! Indians!" Everybody sprang to

his gun, the companies formed promptly on the parade-ground, and

soon were reported as approaching the post, from the pine-woods in

rear, four Indians on horseback. They rode straight up to the

gateway, dismounted, and came in. They were conducted by the

officer of the day to the commanding officer, Major Childs, who sat

on the porch in front of his own room. After the usual pause, one

of them, a black man named Joe, who spoke English, said they had

been sent in by Coacoochee (Wild Cat), one of the most noted of the

Seminole chiefs, to see the big chief of the post. He gradually

unwrapped a piece of paper, which was passed over to Major Childs,

who read it, and it was in the nature of a "Safe Guard" for "Wild

Cat" to come into Fort Pierce to receive provisions and assistance

while collecting his tribe, with the purpose of emigrating to their

reservation west of Arkansas. The paper was signed by General

Worth, who had succeeded General Taylor, at Tampa Bay, in command

of all the troops in Florida. Major Childs inquired, "Where is

Coacoochee?" and was answered, "Close by," when Joe explained that

he had been sent in by his chief to see if the paper was all right.

Major Childs said it was "all right," and that Coacoochee ought to

come in himself. Joe offered to go out and bring him in, when

Major Childs ordered me to take eight or ten mounted men and go out

to escort him in. Detailing ten men to saddle up, and taking Joe

and one Indian boy along on their own ponies, I started out under

their guidance.

We continued to ride five or six miles, when I began to suspect

treachery, of which I had heard so much in former years, and had

been specially cautioned against by the older officers; but Joe

always answered, "Only a little way." At last we approached one

of those close hammocks, so well known in Florida, standing like an

island in the interminable pine-forest, with a pond of water near

it. On its edge I noticed a few Indians loitering, which Joe

pointed out as the place. Apprehensive of treachery, I halted the

guard, gave orders to the sergeant to watch me closely, and rode

forward alone with the two Indian guides. As we neared the

hammock, about a dozen Indian warriors rose up and waited for us.

When in their midst I inquired for the chief, Coacoochee. He

approached my horse and, slapping his breast, said, "Me

Coacoochee." He was a very handsome young Indian warrior, not more

than twenty-five years old, but in his then dress could hardly be

distinguished from the rest. I then explained to him, through Joe,

that I had been sent by my "chief" to escort him into the fort. He

wanted me to get down and "talk" I told him that I had no "talk" in

me, but that, on his reaching the post, he could talk as much as he

pleased with the "big chief," Major Childs. They all seemed to be

indifferent, and in no hurry; and I noticed that all their guns

were leaning against a tree. I beckoned to the sergeant, who

advanced rapidly with his escort, and told him to secure the

rifles, which he proceeded to do. Coacoochee pretended to be very

angry, but I explained to him that his warriors were tired and mine

were not, and that the soldiers would carry the guns on their

horses. I told him I would provide him a horse to ride, and the

sooner he was ready the better for all. He then stripped, washed

himself in the pond, and began to dress in all his Indian finery,

which consisted of buckskin leggins, moccasins, and several shirts.

He then began to put on vests, one after another, and one of them

had the marks of a bullet, just above the pocket, with the stain of

blood. In the pocket was a one-dollar Tallahassee Bank note, and

the rascal had the impudence to ask me to give him silver coin for

that dollar. He had evidently killed the wearer, and was

disappointed because the pocket contained a paper dollar instead of

one in silver. In due time he was dressed with turban and

ostrich-feathers, and mounted the horse reserved for him, and thus

we rode back together to Fort Pierce. Major Childs and all the

officers received him on the porch, and there we had a regular

"talk." Coacoochee "was tired of the war." "His people were

scattered and it would take a 'moon' to collect them for

emigration," and he "wanted rations for that time," etc., etc.

All this was agreed to, and a month was allowed for him to get

ready with his whole band (numbering some one hundred and fifty or

one hundred and sixty) to migrate. The "talk" then ceased, and

Coacoochee and his envoys proceeded to get regularly drunk, which

was easily done by the agency of commissary whiskey. They staid at

Fort Pierce daring the night, and the next day departed. Several

times during the month there came into the post two or more of

these same Indians, always to beg for something to eat or drink,

and after a full month Coacoochee and about twenty of his warriors

came in with several ponies, but with none of their women or

children. Major Childs had not from the beginning the least faith

in his sincerity; had made up his mind to seize the whole party and

compel them to emigrate. He arranged for the usual council, and

instructed Lieutenant Taylor to invite Coacoochee and his uncle

(who was held to be a principal chief) to his room to take some

good brandy, instead of the common commissary whiskey. At a signal

agreed on I was to go to the quarters of Company A, to dispatch the

first-sergeant and another man to Lieutenant Taylor's room, there

to seize the two chiefs and secure them; and with the company I was

to enter Major Childs's room and secure the remainder of the party.

Meantime Lieutenant Van Vliet was ordered to go to the quarters of

his company, F, and at the same signal to march rapidly to the rear

of the officers' quarters, so as to catch any who might attempt to

escape by the open windows to the rear.

All resulted exactly as prearranged, and in a few minutes the whole

party was in irons. At first they claimed that we had acted

treacherously, but very soon they admitted that for a month

Coacoochee had been quietly removing his women and children toward

Lake Okeechobee and the Everglades; and that this visit to our post

was to have been their last. It so happened that almost at the

instant of our seizing these Indians a vessel arrived off the bar

with reenforcements from St. Augustine. These were brought up to

Fort Pierce, and we marched that night and next day rapidly, some

fifty miles, to Lake Okeechobee, in hopes to capture the balance of

the tribe, especially the families, but they had taken the alarm

and escaped. Coacoochee and his warriors were sent by Major Childs

in a schooner to New Orleans en route to their reservation, but

General Worth recalled them to Tampa Bay, and by sending out

Coacoochee himself the women and children came in voluntarily, and

then all were shipped to their destination. This was a heavy loss

to the Seminoles, but there still remained in the Peninsula a few

hundred warriors with their families scattered into very small

parcels, who were concealed in the most inaccessible hammocks and

swamps. These had no difficulty in finding plenty of food anywhere

and everywhere. Deer and wild turkey were abundant, and as for

fish there was no end to them. Indeed, Florida was the Indian's

paradise, was of little value to us, and it was a great pity to

remove the Seminoles at all, for we could have collected there all

the Choctaws, Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, in addition to the

Seminoles. They would have thrived in the Peninsula, whereas they

now occupy lands that are very valuable, which are coveted by their

white neighbors on all sides, while the Peninsula, of Florida still

remains with a population less than should make a good State.

During that and preceding years General W. S. Harney had penetrated

and crossed through the Everglades, capturing and hanging Chekika

and his band, and had brought in many prisoners, who were also

shipped West. We at Fort Pierce made several other excursions to

Jupiter, Lake Worth, Lauderdale, and into the Everglades, picking

up here and there a family, so that it was absurd any longer to

call it a "war." These excursions, however, possessed to us a

peculiar charm, for the fragrance of the air, the abundance of game

and fish, and just enough of adventure, gave to life a relish. I

had just returned to Lauderdale from one of these scouts with

Lieutenants Rankin, Ord, George H. Thomas, Field, Van Vliet, and

others, when I received notice of my promotion to be first

lieutenant of Company G, which occurred November 30, 1841, and I

was ordered to return to Fort Pierce, turn over the public property

for which I was accountable to Lieutenant H. S. Burton, and then to

join my new company at St. Augustine.

I reached St. Augustine before Christmas, and was assigned to

command a detachment of twenty men stationed at Picolata, on the

St. John's River, eighteen miles distant. At St. Augustine were

still the headquarters of the regiment, Colonel William Gates, with

Company E, Lieutenant Bragg, and Company G, Lieutenant H. B. Judd.

The only buildings at Picolata were the one occupied by my

detachment, which had been built for a hospital, and the dwelling

of a family named Williams, with whom I boarded. On the other

hand, St. Augustine had many pleasant families, among whom was

prominent that of United States Judge Bronson. I was half my time

in St. Augustine or on the road, and remember the old place with

pleasure. In February we received orders transferring the whole

regiment to the Gulf posts, and our company, G, was ordered to

escort Colonel Gates and his family across to the Suwanee River, en

route for Pensacola. The company, with the colonel and his family,

reached Picolata (where my detachment joined), and we embarked in a

steamboat for Pilatka. Here Lieutenant Judd discovered that he had

forgotten something and had to return to St. Augustine, so

that I commanded the company on the march, having with me

Second-Lieutenant George B. Ayres. Our first march was to Fort

Russell, then Micanopy, Wacahoota, and Wacasassee, all which posts

were garrisoned by the Second or Seventh Infantry. At Wacasassee we

met General Worth and his staff, en route for Pilatka. Lieutenant

Judd overtook us about the Suwanee, where we embarked on a small

boat for Cedar Keys, and there took a larger one for Pensacola,

where the colonel and his family landed, and our company proceeded

on in the same vessel to our post--Fort Morgan, Mobile Point.

This fort had not been occupied by troops for many years, was very

dirty, and we found little or no stores there. Major Ogden, of the

engineers, occupied a house outside the fort. I was quartermaster

and commissary, and, taking advantage of one of the engineer

schooners engaged in bringing materials for the fort, I went up to

Mobile city, and, through the agency of Messrs. Deshon, Taylor,

and Myers, merchants, procured all essentials for the troops, and

returned to the post. In the course of a week or ten days arrived

another company, H, commanded by Lieutenant James Ketchum, with

Lieutenants Rankin and Sewall L. Fish, and an assistant surgeon

(Wells.) Ketchum became the commanding officer, and Lieutenant

Rankin quartermaster. We proceeded to put the post in as good

order as possible; had regular guard-mounting and parades, but

little drill. We found magnificent fishing with the seine on the

outer beach, and sometimes in a single haul we would take ten or

fifteen barrels of the best kind of fish, embracing pompinos,

red-fish, snappers, etc.

We remained there till June, when the regiment was ordered to

exchange from the Gulf posts to those on the Atlantic, extending

from Savannah to North Carolina. The brig Wetumpka was chartered,

and our company (G) embarked and sailed to Pensacola, where we took

on board another company (D) (Burke's), commanded by Lieutenant H.

S. Burton, with Colonel Gates, the regimental headquarters, and

some families. From Pensacola we sailed for Charleston, South

Carolina. The weather was hot, the winds light, and we made a long

passage but at last reached Charleston Harbor, disembarked, and

took post in Fort Moultrie.

Soon after two other companies arrived, Bragg's (B) and Keyes's

(K). The two former companies were already quartered inside of

Fort Moultrie, and these latter were placed in gun-sheds, outside,

which were altered into barracks. We remained at Fort Moultrie

nearly five years, until the Mexican War scattered us forever. Our

life there was of strict garrison duty, with plenty of leisure for

hunting and social entertainments. We soon formed many and most

pleasant acquaintances in the city of Charleston; and it so

happened that many of the families resided at Sullivan's Island in

the summer season, where we could reciprocate the hospitalities

extended to us in the winter.

During the summer of 1843, having been continuously on duty for

three years, I applied for and received a leave of absence for

three months, which I spent mostly in Ohio. In November I started

to return to my post at Charleston by way of New Orleans; took the

stage to Chillicothe, Ohio, November 16th, having Henry Stanberry,

Esq., and wife, as travelling companions, We continued by stage.

next day to Portsmouth, Ohio.

At Portsmouth Mr. Stanberry took a boat up the river, and I one

down to Cincinnati. There I found my brothers Lampson and Hoyt

employed in the "Gazette" printing-office, and spent much time with

them and Charles Anderson, Esq., visiting his brother Larz, Mr.

Longworth, some of his artist friends, and especially Miss Sallie

Carneal, then quite a belle, and noted for her fine voice,

On the 20th I took passage on the steamboat Manhattan for St.

Louis; reached Louisville, where Dr. Conrad, of the army, joined

me, and in the Manhattan we continued on to St. Louis, with a mixed

crowd. We reached the Mississippi at Cairo the 23d, and St. Louis,

Friday, November 24, 1843. At St. Louis we called on Colonel S. W.

Kearney and Major Cooper, his adjutant-general, and found my

classmate, Lieutenant McNutt, of the ordnance, stationed at the

arsenal; also Mr. Deas, an artist, and Pacificus Ord, who was

studying law. I spent a week at St. Louis, visiting the arsenal,

Jefferson Barracks, and most places of interest, and then became

impressed with its great future. It then contained about forty

thousand people, and my notes describe thirty-six good steamboats

receiving and discharging cargo at the levee.

I took passage December 4th in the steamer John Aull for New

Orleans. As we passed Cairo the snow was falling, and the country

was wintery and devoid of verdure. Gradually, however, as we

proceeded south, the green color came; grass and trees showed the

change of latitude, and when in the course of a week we had reached

New Orleans, the roses were in full bloom, the sugar-cane just

ripe, and a tropical air prevalent. We reached New Orleans

December 11, 1843, where I spent about a week visiting the

barracks, then occupied by the Seventh Infantry; the theatres,

hotels, and all the usual places of interest of that day.

On the 16th of December I continued on to Mobile in the steamer

Fashion by way of Lake Pontchartrain; saw there most of my personal

friends, Mr. and Mrs. Bull, Judge Bragg and his brother Dunbar,

Deshon, Taylor, and Myers, etc., and on the 19th of December took

passage in the steamboat Bourbon for Montgomery, Alabama, by way of

the Alabama River. We reached Montgomery at noon, December 23d,

and took cars at 1 p. m. for Franklin, forty miles, which we reached

at 7 p. m., thence stages for Griffin, Georgia, via La Grange and

Greenville. This took the whole night of the 23d and the day of

the 24th. At Griffin we took cars for Macon, and thence to

Savannah, which we reached Christmas-night, finding Lieutenants

Ridgley and Ketchum at tea, where we were soon joined by Rankin and

Beckwith.

On the 26th I took the boat for Charleston, reaching my post, and

reported for duty Wednesday morning, December 27, 1843.

I had hardly got back to my post when, on the 21st of January,

1844, I received from Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, at Marietta,

Georgia, an intimation that Colonel Churchill, Inspector-General of

the Army, had applied for me to assist him in taking depositions in

upper Georgia and Alabama; concerning certain losses by volunteers

in Florida of horses and equipments by reason of the failure of the

United States to provide sufficient forage, and for which Congress

had made an appropriation. On the 4th of February the order came

from the Adjutant-General in Washington for me to proceed to

Marietta, Georgia, and report to Inspector-General Churchill. I

was delayed till the 14th of February by reason of being on a

court-martial, when I was duly relieved and started by rail to

Augusta, Georgia, and as far as Madison, where I took the

mail-coach, reaching Marietta on the 17th. There I reported for

duty to Colonel Churchill, who was already engaged on his work,

assisted by Lieutenant R. P. Hammond, Third Artillery, and a

citizen named Stockton. The colonel had his family with him,

consisting of Mrs. Churchill, Mary, now Mrs. Professor Baird, and

Charles Churchill, then a boy of about fifteen years of age.

We all lived in a tavern, and had an office convenient. The duty

consisted in taking individual depositions of the officers and men

who had composed two regiments and a battalion of mounted

volunteers that had served in Florida. An oath was administered to

each man by Colonel Churchill, who then turned the claimant over to

one of us to take down and record his deposition according to

certain forms, which enabled them to be consolidated and tabulated.

We remained in Marietta about six weeks, during which time I

repeatedly rode to Kenesaw Mountain, and over the very ground where

afterward, in 1864, we had some hard battles.

After closing our business at Marietta the colonel ordered us to

transfer our operations to Bellefonte, Alabama. As he proposed to

take his family and party by the stage, Hammond lent me his

riding-horse, which I rode to Allatoona and the Etowah River.

Hearing of certain large Indian mounds near the way, I turned to

one side to visit them, stopping a couple of days with Colonel

Lewis Tumlin, on whose plantation these mounds were. We struck up

such an acquaintance that we corresponded for some years, and as I

passed his plantation during the war, in 1864, I inquired for him,

but he was not at home. From Tumlin's I rode to Rome, and by way

of Wills Valley over Sand Mountain and the Raccoon Range to the

Tennessee River at Bellefonte, Alabama. We all assembled there in

March, and continued our work for nearly two months, when, having

completed the business, Colonel Churchill, with his family, went

North by way of Nashville; Hammond, Stockton, and I returning South

on horseback, by Rome, Allatoona, Marietta, Atlanta, and Madison,

Georgia. Stockton stopped at Marietta, where he resided. Hammond

took the cars at Madison, and I rode alone to Augusta, Georgia,

where I left the horse and returned to Charleston and Fort Moultrie

by rail.

Thus by a mere accident I was enabled to traverse on horseback the

very ground where in after-years I had to conduct vast armies and

fight great battles. That the knowledge thus acquired was of

infinite use to me, and consequently to the Government, I have

always felt and stated.

During the autumn of 1844, a difficulty arose among the officers of

Company B, Third Artillery (John R. Yinton's), garrisoning Augusta

Arsenal, and I was sent up from Fort Moultrie as a sort of

peace-maker. After staying there some months, certain transfers of

officers were made, which reconciled the difficulty, and I returned

to my post, Fort Moultrie. During that winter, 1844-'45, I was

visiting at the plantation of Mr. Poyas, on the east branch of the

Cooper, about fifty miles from Fort Moultrie, hunting deer with his

son James, and Lieutenant John F. Reynolds, Third Artillery. We

had taken our stands, and a deer came out of the swamp near that of

Mr. James Poyas, who fired, broke the leg of the deer, which turned

back into the swamp and came out again above mine. I could follow

his course by the cry of the hounds, which were in close pursuit.

Hastily mounting my horse, I struck across the pine-woods to head

the deer off, and when at full career my horse leaped a fallen log

and his fore-foot caught one of those hard, unyielding pineknots

that brought him with violence to the ground. I got up as quick as

possible, and found my right arm out of place at the shoulder,

caused by the weight of the double-barrelled gun.

Seeing Reynolds at some distance, I called out lustily and brought

him to me. He soon mended the bridle and saddle, which had been

broken by the fall, helped me on my horse, and we followed the

coarse of the hounds. At first my arm did not pain me much, but it

soon began to ache so that it was almost unendurable. In about

three miles we came to a negro hut, where I got off and rested till

Reynolds could overtake Poyas and bring him back. They came at

last, but by that time the arm was so swollen and painful that I

could not ride. They rigged up an old gig belonging to the negro,

in which I was carried six miles to the plantation of Mr. Poyas,

Sr. A neighboring physician was sent for, who tried the usual

methods of setting the arm, but without success; each time making

the operation more painful. At last he sent off, got a set of

double pulleys and cords, with which he succeeded in extending the

muscles and in getting the bone into place. I then returned to

Fort Moultrie, but being disabled, applied for a short leave and

went North.

I started January 25,1845; went to Washington, Baltimore, and

Lancaster, Ohio, whence I went to Mansfield, and thence back by

Newark to Wheeling, Cumberland, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New

York, whence I sailed back for Charleston on the ship Sullivan,

reaching Fort Moultrie March 9, 1845.

About that time (March 1, 1845) Congress had, by a joint

resolution, provided for the annexation of Texas, then an

independent Republic, subject to certain conditions requiring the

acceptance of the Republic of Texas to be final and conclusive. We

all expected war as a matter of course. At that time General

Zachary Taylor had assembled a couple of regiments of infantry and

one of dragoons at Fort Jessup, Louisiana, and had orders to extend

military protection to Texas against the Indians, or a "foreign

enemy," the moment the terms of annexation were accepted. He

received notice of such acceptance July 7th, and forthwith

proceeded to remove his troops to Corpus Christi, Texas, where,

during the summer and fall of 1845, was assembled that force with

which, in the spring of 1846, was begun the Mexican War.

Some time during that summer came to Fort Moultrie orders for

sending Company E, Third Artillery, Lieutenant Bragg, to New

Orleans, there to receive a battery of field-guns, and thence to

the camp of General Taylor at Corpus Christi. This was the first

company of our regiment sent to the seat of war, and it embarked on

the brig Hayne. This was the only company that left Fort Moultrie

till after I was detached for recruiting service on the 1st of May,

1846.

Inasmuch as Charleston afterward became famous, as the spot where

began our civil war, a general description of it, as it was in

1846, will not be out of place.

The city lies on a long peninsula between the Ashley and Cooper

Rivers--a low, level peninsula, of sand. Meeting Street is its

Broadway, with King Street, next west and parallel, the street of

shops and small stores. These streets are crossed at right angles

by many others, of which Broad Street was the principal; and the

intersection of Meeting and Broad was the heart of the city, marked

by the Guard-House and St. Michael's Episcopal Church. The

Custom-House, Post-Office, etc., were at the foot of Broad Street,

near the wharves of the Cooper River front. At the extremity of

the peninsula was a drive, open to the bay, and faced by some of

the handsomest houses of the city, called the "Battery." Looking

down the bay on the right, was James Island, an irregular triangle

of about seven miles, the whole island in cultivation with

sea-island cotton. At the lower end was Fort Johnson, then simply

the station of Captain Bowman, United States Engineers, engaged in

building Fort Sumter. This fort (Sumter) was erected on an

artificial island nearly in mid-channel, made by dumping rocks,

mostly brought as ballast in cotton-ships from the North. As the

rock reached the surface it was levelled, and made the foundation

of Fort Sumter. In 1846 this fort was barely above the water.

Still farther out beyond James Island, and separated from it by a

wide space of salt marsh with crooked channels, was Morris Island,

composed of the sand-dunes thrown up by the wind and the sea,

backed with the salt marsh. On this was the lighthouse, but no

people.

On the left, looking down the bay from the Battery of Charleston,

was, first, Castle Pinckney, a round brick fort, of two tiers of

guns, one in embrasure, the other in barbette, built on a marsh

island, which was not garrisoned. Farther down the bay a point of

the mainland reached the bay, where there was a group of houses,

called Mount Pleasant; and at the extremity of the bay, distant six

miles, was Sullivan's Island, presenting a smooth sand-beach to the

sea, with the line of sand-hills or dunes thrown up by the waves

and winds, and the usual backing of marsh and crooked salt-water

channels.

At the shoulder of this island was Fort Moultrie, an irregular

fort, without ditch or counterscarp, with a brick scarp wall about

twelve feet high, which could be scaled anywhere, and this was

surmounted by an earth parapet capable of mounting about forty

twenty-four and thirty-two pounder smooth-bore iron guns. Inside

the fort were three two-story brick barracks, sufficient to quarter

the officers and men of two companies of artillery.

At sea was the usual "bar," changing slightly from year to year,

but generally the main ship-channel came from the south, parallel

to Morris Island, till it was well up to Fort Moultrie, where it

curved, passing close to Fort Sumter and up to the wharves of the

city, which were built mostly along the Cooper River front.

Charleston was then a proud, aristocratic city, and assumed a

leadership in the public opinion of the South far out of proportion

to her population, wealth, or commerce. On more than one occasion

previously, the inhabitants had almost inaugurated civil war, by

their assertion and professed belief that each State had, in the

original compact of government, reserved to itself the right to

withdraw from the Union at its own option, whenever the people

supposed they had sufficient cause. We used to discuss these

things at our own mess-tables, vehemently and sometimes quite

angrily; but I am sure that I never feared it would go further than

it had already gone in the winter of 1832-'33, when the attempt at

"nullification" was promptly suppressed by President Jackson's

famous declaration, "The Union must and shall be preserved!" and by

the judicious management of General Scott.

Still, civil war was to be; and, now that it has come and gone, we

can rest secure in the knowledge that as the chief cause, slavery,

has been eradicated forever, it is not likely to come again.

CHAPTER II.

EARLY RECOLLECTIONS of CALIFORNIA.

1846-1848.

In the spring of 1846 I was a first lieutenant of Company C,1,

Third Artillery, stationed at Fort Moultrie, South Carolina. The

company was commanded by Captain Robert Anderson; Henry B. Judd was

the senior first-lieutenant, and I was the junior first-lieutenant,

and George B. Ayres the second-lieutenant. Colonel William Gates

commanded the post and regiment, with First-Lieutenant William

Austine as his adjutant. Two other companies were at the post,

viz., Martin Burke's and E. D. Keyes's, and among the officers were

T. W. Sherman, Morris Miller, H. B. Field, William Churchill,

Joseph Stewart, and Surgeon McLaren.

The country now known as Texas had been recently acquired, and war

with Mexico was threatening. One of our companies (Bragg's), with

George H. Thomas, John F. Reynolds, and Frank Thomas, had gone the

year previous and was at that time with General Taylor's army at

Corpus Christi, Texas.

In that year (1846) I received the regular detail for recruiting

service, with orders to report to the general superintendent at

Governor's Island, New York; and accordingly left Fort Moultrie in

the latter part of April, and reported to the superintendent,

Colonel R. B. Mason, First Dragoons, at New York, on the 1st day of

May. I was assigned to the Pittsburg rendezvous, whither I

proceeded and relieved Lieutenant Scott. Early in May I took up my

quarters at the St. Charles Hotel, and entered upon the discharge

of my duties. There was a regular recruiting-station already

established, with a sergeant, corporal, and two or three men, with

a citizen physician, Dr. McDowell, to examine the recruits. The

threatening war with Mexico made a demand for recruits, and I

received authority to open another sub-rendezvous at Zanesville,

Ohio, whither I took the sergeant and established him. This was

very handy to me, as my home was at Lancaster, Ohio, only

thirty-six miles off, so that I was thus enabled to visit my

friends there quite often.

In the latter part of May, when at Wheeling, Virginia, on my way

back from Zanesville to Pittsburg, I heard the first news of the

battle of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, which occurred on the

8th and 9th of May, and, in common with everybody else, felt

intensely excited. That I should be on recruiting service, when my

comrades were actually fighting, was intolerable, and I hurried

on to my post, Pittsburg. At that time the railroad did not

extend west of the Alleghanies, and all journeys were made by

stage-coaches. In this instance I traveled from Zanesville to

Wheeling, thence to Washington (Pennsylvania), and thence to

Pittsburg by stage-coach. On reaching Pittsburg I found many

private letters; one from Ord, then a first-lieutenant in Company

F, Third Artillery, at Fort McHenry, Baltimore, saying that his

company had just received orders for California, and asking me to

apply for it. Without committing myself to that project, I wrote

to the Adjutant-General, R. Jones, at Washington, D. C., asking him

to consider me as an applicant for any active service, and saying

that I would willingly forego the recruiting detail, which I well

knew plenty of others would jump at. Impatient to approach the

scene of active operations, without authority (and I suppose

wrongfully), I left my corporal in charge of the rendezvous, and

took all the recruits I had made, about twenty-five, in a steamboat

to Cincinnati, and turned them over to Major N. C. McCrea,

commanding at Newport Barracks. I then reported in Cincinnati, to

the superintendent of the Western recruiting service, Colonel

Fanning, an old officer with one arm, who inquired by what

authority I had come away from my post. I argued that I took it

for granted he wanted all the recruits he could get to forward to

the army at Brownsville, Texas; and did not know but that he might

want me to go along. Instead of appreciating my volunteer zeal, he

cursed and swore at me for leaving my post without orders, and told

me to go back to Pittsburg. I then asked for an order that would

entitle me to transportation back, which at first he emphatically

refused, but at last he gave the order, and I returned to

Pittsburg, all the way by stage, stopping again at Lancaster, where

I attended the wedding of my schoolmate Mike Effinger, and also

visited my sub-rendezvous at Zanesville. R. S. Ewell, of my class,

arrived to open a cavalry rendezvous, but, finding my depot there,

he went on to Columbus, Ohio. Tom Jordan afterward was ordered

to Zanesville, to take charge of that rendezvous, under

the general War Department orders increasing the number of

recruiting-stations. I reached Pittsburg late in June, and found

the order relieving me from recruiting service, and detailing my

classmate H. B. Field to my place. I was assigned to Company F,

then under orders for California. By private letters from

Lieutenant Ord, I heard that the company had already started from

Fort McHenry for Governor's Island, New York Harbor, to take passage

for California in a naval transport. I worked all that night, made

up my accounts current, and turned over the balance of cash to the

citizen physician, Dr. McDowell; and also closed my clothing and

property returns, leaving blank receipts with the same gentleman for

Field's signature, when he should get there, to be forwarded to the

Department at Washington, and the duplicates to me. These I did not

receive for more than a year. I remember that I got my orders about

8 p. m. one night, and took passage in the boat for Brownsville, the

next morning traveled by stage from Brownsville to Cumberland,

Maryland, and thence by cars to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New

York, in a great hurry lest the ship might sail without me. I found

Company F at Governor's Island, Captain C. Q. Tompkins in command,

Lieutenant E. O. C. Ord senior first-lieutenant, myself

junior first-lieutenant, Lucien Loeser and Charles Minor the

second-lieutenants.

The company had been filled up to one hundred privates, twelve

non-commissioned officers, and one ordnance sergeant (Layton),

making one hundred and thirteen enlisted men and five officers.

Dr. James L. Ord had been employed as acting assistant surgeon to

accompany the expedition, and Lieutenant H. W. Halleck, of the

engineers, was also to go along. The United States store-ship

Lexington was then preparing at the Navy-Yard, Brooklyn, to carry

us around Cape Horn to California. She was receiving on board the

necessary stores for the long voyage, and for service after our

arrival there. Lieutenant-Commander Theodorus Bailey was in

command of the vessel, Lieutenant William H. Macomb executive

officer, and Passed-Midshipmen Muse, Spotts, and J. W. A.

Nicholson, were the watch-officers; Wilson purser, and Abernethy

surgeon. The latter was caterer of the mess, and we all made an

advance of cash for him to lay in the necessary mess-stores. To

enable us to prepare for so long a voyage and for an indefinite

sojourn in that far-off country, the War Department had authorized

us to draw six months' pay in advance, which sum of money we

invested in surplus clothing and such other things as seemed to us

necessary. At last the ship was ready, and was towed down abreast

of Fort Columbus, where we were conveyed on board, and on the 14th

of July, 1846, we were towed to sea by a steam-tug, and cast off:

Colonel R. B. Mason, still superintendent of the general recruiting

service, accompanied us down the bay and out to sea, returning with

the tug. A few other friends were of the party, but at last they

left us, and we were alone upon the sea, and the sailors were busy

with the sails and ropes. The Lexington was an old ship, changed

from a sloop-of-war to a store-ship, with an after-cabin, a

"ward-room," and "between-decks." In the cabin were Captains

Bailey and Tompkins, with whom messed the purser, Wilson. In the

ward-room were all the other officers, two in each state-room; and

Minor, being an extra lieutenant, had to sleep in a hammock slung

in the ward-room. Ord and I roomed together; Halleck and Loeser

and the others were scattered about. The men were arranged in

bunks "between-decks," one set along the sides of the ship, and

another, double tier, amidships. The crew were slung in hammocks

well forward. Of these there were about fifty. We at once

subdivided the company into four squads, under the four lieutenants

of the company, and arranged with the naval officers that our men

should serve on deck by squads, after the manner of their watches;

that the sailors should do all the work aloft, and the soldiers on

deck.

On fair days we drilled our men at the manual, and generally kept

them employed as much as possible, giving great attention to the

police and cleanliness of their dress and bunks; and so successful

were we in this, that, though the voyage lasted nearly two hundred

days, every man was able to leave the ship and march up the hill to

the fort at Monterey, California, carrying his own knapsack and

equipments.

The voyage from New York to Rio Janeiro was without accident or any

thing to vary the usual monotony. We soon settled down to the

humdrum of a long voyage, reading some, not much; playing games,

but never gambling; and chiefly engaged in eating our meals

regularly. In crossing the equator we had the usual visit of

Neptune and his wife, who, with a large razor and a bucket of

soapsuds, came over the sides and shaved some of the greenhorns;

but naval etiquette exempted the officers, and Neptune was not

permitted to come aft of the mizzen-mast. At last, after sixty

days of absolute monotony, the island of Raza, off Rio Janeiro, was

descried, and we slowly entered the harbor, passing a fort on our

right hand, from which came a hail, in the Portuguese language,

from a huge speaking-trumpet, and our officer of the deck answered

back in gibberish, according to a well-understood custom of the

place. Sugar-loaf Mountain, on the south of the entrance, is very

remarkable and well named; is almost conical, with a slight lean.

The man-of-war anchorage is about five miles inside the heads,

directly in front of the city of Rio Janeiro. Words will not

describe the beauty of this perfect harbor, nor the delightful

feeling after a long voyage of its fragrant airs, and the entire

contrast between all things there and what we had left in New York.

We found the United Staten frigate Columbia anchored there, and

after the Lexington was properly moored, nearly all the officers

went on shore for sight-seeing and enjoyment. We landed at a wharf

opposite which was a famous French restaurant, Farroux, and after

ordering supper we all proceeded to the Rua da Ouvador, where most

of the shops were, especially those for making feather flowers, as

much to see the pretty girls as the flowers which they so

skillfully made; thence we went to the theatre, where, besides some

opera, we witnessed the audience and saw the Emperor Dom Pedro, and

his Empress, the daughter of the King of Sicily. After the

theatre, we went back to the restaurant, where we had an excellent

supper, with fruits of every variety and excellence, such as we had

never seen before, or even knew the names of. Supper being over,

we called for the bill, and it was rendered in French, with

Brazilian currency. It footed up some twenty-six thousand reis.

The figures alarmed us, so we all put on the waiters' plate various

coins in gold, which he took to the counter and returned the

change, making the total about sixteen dollars. The millreis is

about a dollar, but being a paper-money was at a discount, so as

only to be worth about fifty-six cents in coin.

The Lexington remained in Rio about a week, during which we visited

the Palace, a few miles in the country, also the Botanic Gardens, a

place of infinite interest, with its specimens of tropical fruits,

spices; etc., etc., and indeed every place of note. The thing I

best recall is a visit Halleck and I made to the Corcovado, a high

mountain whence the water is conveyed for the supply of the city.

We started to take a walk, and passed along the aqueduct, which

approaches the city by a aeries of arches; thence up the point of

the hill to a place known as the Madre, or fountain, to which all

the water that drips from the leaves is conducted by tile gutters,

and is carried to the city by an open stone aqueduct.

Here we found Mr. Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, the United States

minister to Brazil, and a Dr. Garnett, United States Navy, his

intended son-in-law. We had a very interesting conversation, in

which Mr. Wise enlarged on the fact that Rio was supplied from the

"dews of heaven," for in the dry season the water comes from the

mists and fogs which hang around the Corcovado, drips from the

leaves of the trees, and is conducted to the Madre fountain by

miles of tile gutters. Halleck and I continued our ascent of the

mountain, catching from points of the way magnificent views of the

scenery round about Rio Janeiro. We reached near the summit what

was called the emperor's coffee-plantation, where we saw

coffee-berries in their various stages, and the scaffolds on which

the berries were dried before being cleaned. The coffee-tree

reminded me of the red haw-tree of Ohio, and the berries were

somewhat like those of the same tree, two grains of coffee being

inclosed in one berry. These were dried and cleaned of the husk by

hand or by machinery. A short, steep ascent from this place

carried us to the summit, from which is beheld one of the most

picturesque views on earth. The Organ Mountains to the west and

north, the ocean to the east, the city of Rio with its red-tiled

houses at our feet, and the entire harbor like a map spread out,

with innumerable bright valleys, make up a landscape that cannot be

described by mere words. This spot is universally visited by

strangers, and has often been described. After enjoying it

immeasurably, we returned to the city by another route, tired but

amply repaid by our long walk.

In due time all had been done that was requisite, and the Lexington

put to sea and resumed her voyage. In October we approached Cape

Horn, the first land descried was Staten Island, white with snow,

and the ship seemed to be aiming for the channel to its west,

straits of Le Maire, but her course was changed and we passed

around to the east. In time we saw Cape Horn; an island rounded

like an oven, after which it takes its name (Ornos) oven. Here we

experienced very rough weather, buffeting about under storm

stay-sails, and spending nearly a month before the wind favored our

passage and enabled the course of the ship to be changed for

Valparaiso. One day we sailed parallel with a French sloop-of-war,

and it was sublime to watch the two ships rising and falling in

those long deep swells of the ocean. All the time we were followed

by the usual large flocks of Cape-pigeons and albatrosses of every

color. The former resembled the common barn-pigeon exactly, but

are in fact gulls of beautiful and varied colors, mostly

dove-color. We caught many with fishing-lines baited with pork.

We also took in the same way many albatrosses. The white ones are

very large, and their down is equal to that of the swan. At last

Cape Horn and its swelling seas were left behind, and we reached

Valparaiso in about sixty days from Rio. We anchored in the open

roadstead, and spent there about ten days, visiting all the usual

places of interest, its foretop, main-top, mizzen-top, etc.

Halleck and Ord went up to Santiago, the capital of Chili, some

sixty miles inland, but I did not go. Valparaiso did not impress

me favorably at all. Seen from the sea, it looked like a long

string of houses along the narrow beach, surmounted with red banks

of earth, with little verdure, and no trees at all. Northward the

space widened out somewhat, and gave room for a plaza, but the mass

of houses in that quarter were poor. We were there in November,

corresponding to our early spring, and we enjoyed the large

strawberries which abounded. The Independence frigate, Commodore

Shubrick, came in while we were there, having overtaken us, bound

also for California. We met there also the sloop-of-war levant,

from California, and from the officers heard of many of the events

that had transpired about the time the navy, under Commodore Sloat,

had taken possession of the country.

All the necessary supplies being renewed in Valparaiso, the voyage

was resumed. For nearly forty days we had uninterrupted favorable

winds, being in the "trades," and, having settled down to sailor

habits, time passed without notice. We had brought with us all the

books we could find in New York about California, and had read them

over and over again: Wilkes's "Exploring Expedition;" Dana's "Two

Years before the Mast;" and Forbes's "Account of the Missions." It

was generally understood we were bound for Monterey, then the

capital of Upper California. We knew, of course, that General

Kearney was enroute for the same country overland; that Fremont was

therewith his exploring party; that the navy had already taken

possession, and that a regiment of volunteers, Stevenson's, was

to follow us from New York; but nevertheless we were impatient to

reach our destination. About the middle of January the ship began

to approach the California coast, of which the captain was duly

cautious, because the English and Spanish charts differed some

fifteen miles in the longitude, and on all the charts a current of

two miles an hour was indicated northward along the coast. At last

land was made one morning, and here occurred one of those accidents

so provoking after a long and tedious voyage. Macomb, the master

and regular navigator, had made the correct observations, but

Nicholson during the night, by an observation on the north star,

put the ship some twenty miles farther south than was the case by

the regular reckoning, so that Captain Bailey gave directions to

alter the course of the ship more to the north, and to follow the

coast up, and to keep a good lookout for Point Pinos that marks the

location of Monterey Bay. The usual north wind slackened, so that

when noon allowed Macomb to get a good observation, it was found

that we were north of Ano Nuevo, the northern headland of Monterey

Bay. The ship was put about, but little by little arose one of

those southeast storms so common on the coast in winter, and we

buffeted about for several days, cursing that unfortunate

observation on the north star, for, on first sighting the coast,

had we turned for Monterey, instead of away to the north, we would

have been snugly anchored before the storm. But the southeaster

abated, and the usual northwest wind came out again, and we sailed

steadily down into the roadstead of Monterey Bay. This is shaped

somewhat like a fish hook, the barb being the harbor, the point

being Point Pinos, the southern headland. Slowly the land came out

of the water, the high mountains about Santa Cruz, the low beach of

the Saunas, and the strongly-marked ridge terminating in the sea in

a point of dark pine-trees. Then the line of whitewashed houses of

adobe, backed by the groves of dark oaks, resembling old

apple-trees; and then we saw two vessels anchored close to the

town. One was a small merchant-brig and another a large ship

apparently dismasted. At last we saw a boat coming out to meet us,

and when it came alongside, we were surprised to find Lieutenant

Henry Wise, master of the Independence frigate, that we had left at

Valparaiso. Wise had come off to pilot us to our anchorage. While

giving orders to the man at the wheel, he, in his peculiar fluent

style, told to us, gathered about him, that the Independence had

sailed from Valparaiso a week after us and had been in Monterey a

week; that the Californians had broken out into an insurrection;

that the naval fleet under Commodore Stockton was all down the

coast about San Diego; that General Kearney had reached the

country, but had had a severe battle at San Pascual, and had been

worsted, losing several officers and men, himself and others

wounded; that war was then going on at Los Angeles; that the whole

country was full of guerrillas, and that recently at Yerba Buena

the alcalde, Lieutenant Bartlett, United States Navy, while out

after cattle, had been lassoed, etc., etc. Indeed, in the short

space of time that Wise was piloting our ship in, he told us more

news than we could have learned on shore in a week, and, being

unfamiliar with the great distances, we imagined that we should

have to debark and begin fighting at once. Swords were brought

out, guns oiled and made ready, and every thing was in a bustle

when the old Lexington dropped her anchor on January 26, 1847, in

Monterey Bay, after a voyage of one hundred and ninety-eight days

from New York. Every thing on shore looked bright and beautiful,

the hills covered with grass and flowers, the live-oaks so serene

and homelike, and the low adobe houses, with red-tiled roofs and

whitened walls, contrasted well with the dark pine-trees behind,

making a decidedly good impression upon us who had come so far to

spy out the land. Nothing could be more peaceful in its looks than

Monterey in January, 1847. We had already made the acquaintance of

Commodore Shubrick and the officers of the Independence in

Valparaiso, so that we again met as old friends. Immediate

preparations were made for landing, and, as I was quartermaster and

commissary, I had plenty to do. There was a small wharf and an

adobe custom-house in possession of the navy; also a barrack of two

stories, occupied by some marines, commanded by Lieutenant Maddox;

and on a hill to the west of the town had been built a two-story

block-house of hewed logs occupied by a guard of sailors under

command of Lieutenant Baldwin, United States Navy. Not a single

modern wagon or cart was to be had in Monterey, nothing but the old

Mexican cart with wooden wheels, drawn by two or three pairs of

oxen, yoked by the horns. A man named Tom Cole had two or more of

these, and he came into immediate requisition. The United States

consul, and most prominent man there at the time, was Thomas O.

Larkin, who had a store and a pretty good two-story house occupied

by his family. It was soon determined that our company was to land

and encamp on the hill at the block-house, and we were also to have

possession of the warehouse, or custom-house, for storage. The

company was landed on the wharf, and we all marched in full dress

with knapsacks and arms, to the hill and relieved the guard under

Lieutenant Baldwin. Tents and camp-equipage were hauled up, and

soon the camp was established. I remained in a room at the

customhouse, where I could superintend the landing of the stores

and their proper distribution. I had brought out from New York

twenty thousand dollars commissary funds, and eight thousand

dollars quartermaster funds, and as the ship contained about six

months' supply of provisions, also a saw-mill, grist-mill, and

almost every thing needed, we were soon established comfortably.

We found the people of Monterey a mixed set of Americans, native

Mexicans, and Indians, about one thousand all told. They were kind

and pleasant, and seemed to have nothing to do, except such as

owned ranches in the country for the rearing of horses and cattle.

Horses could be bought at any price from four dollars up to

sixteen, but no horse was ever valued above a doubloon or Mexican

ounce (sixteen dollars). Cattle cost eight dollars fifty cents for

the best, and this made beef net about two cents a pound, but at

that time nobody bought beef by the pound, but by the carcass.

Game of all kinds--elk, deer, wild geese, and ducks--was abundant;

but coffee, sugar, and small stores, were rare and costly.

There were some half-dozen shops or stores, but their shelves were

empty. The people were very fond of riding, dancing, and of shows

of any kind. The young fellows took great delight in showing off

their horsemanship, and would dash along, picking up a half-dollar

from the ground, stop their horses in full career and turn about on

the space of a bullock's hide, and their skill with the lasso was

certainly wonderful. At full speed they could cast their lasso

about the horns of a bull, or so throw it as to catch any

particular foot. These fellows would work all day on horseback in

driving cattle or catching wildhorses for a mere nothing, but all

the money offered would not have hired one of them to walk a mile.

The girls were very fond of dancing, and they did dance gracefully

and well. Every Sunday, regularly, we had a baile, or dance, and

sometimes interspersed through the week.