It is the bringing of the heavy machinery of State to bear on the

minutiæ of commerce which makes it impossible to compete with such

methods. One article after another is attacked, as opportunity offers;

British manufacture is killed; and Germany acquires a monopoly. No trade

is safe; its turn may not have come.

Much has been said about British manufacture of dyestuffs, and much

nonsense has been written about the lack of young British chemists to

help in their manufacture. There is no lack of able inventive young

British chemists. Owing to the unfairness of German competition by

methods just exemplified, a manufacturer, as a rule, does not care to

risk capital in the payment of a number of chemists for making "fine

chemicals." He finds "heavy chemicals" simpler. I do not wonder at his

decision, though I lament it. There are also other reasons. The duty on

methyl alcohol (for which no rebate is given) makes it impossible to

introduce economically methyl groups into dyes; the restrictions

incident on the use of duty-free alcohol do not commend themselves to

manufacturers; these constitute other obstacles in the way of the

British color maker. Lastly, our patent regulations are even yet not

what they might be, although an attempt has recently been made to

improve them. The British manufacturer is thus trebly handicapped.

Besides, the English competitor is at a disadvantage owing to what may

be termed systematic and fraudulent attacks, for which no redress has

been obtainable. Thus the manufacturers of Sheffield still complain, I

suppose justly, that German articles for foreign consumption bear the

words "Sheffield steel" stamped upon them. I myself have been approached

by a German swindler with the proposition that I should assist his firm

in infringing patents; he was surprised and pained to learn that I did

not consider his proposal an honorable one.

Nor are methods like these confined to business or manufacture; they

have greatly affected British shipping. Our shipping companies, in good

faith, have associated themselves with others in "conferences,"

apparently for the mutual advantage of all, forgetting that behind the

German companies lay the powerful mass of the German State. Tramp

steamers, and with them cheap freights to the East, have been

eliminated. The Royal Commission on Shipping Rings, which met some years

ago, referring to the system obtaining in Germany, and fostered by the

German Government, on charging through rates on goods from towns in the

interior to the port of destination, observed in its report: "Such rates

constitute a direct subsidy to the export trade of German manufacturers,

and an indirect subsidy to those German lines by whom alone they are

available. And as they are only rendered possible by the action of the

German Government, it appears to us that the British lines can in no way

be held responsible for the preferences which these rates afford to

German goods." Now, our Government pays large mail subsidies to many of

our shipping companies. Could these not be so utilized that it would

become impossible for Germans to capture our trade by indirect state

bounties?

These are a few examples (and your greater knowledge will enable you to

supplement them with many others) of the methods which have been

employed against us by Germans with the co-operation--nay, the active

support--of their State.

Of late a new factor has appeared. The German Imperial Chancellor made

his noteworthy (or notorious) remark about a "scrap of paper." And Dr.

von Bethmann-Hollweg, speaking in the Reichstag, acknowledged openly

that the German Nation had been guilty of a "wrong" to Belgium. This

breach of faith has the approval of the whole German people. Do they

realize what it means? Are they not aware that no treaty, political or

otherwise, with the German people is worth the paper it is written on?

That the country and its inhabitants have forfeited all claims to trust?

That no one, in future, should make a bargain with a German, knowing

that he is a dishonorable and dishonored man?... Germany has made many

blunders--an almost inconceivable number of blunders; but this

blundering crime is surely the culminating point of blunder. Did any

nation ever before deliberately throw away its political, commercial,

financial, and social credit to no purpose? To gain what? England as an

adversary, and the contempt of the whole civilized world. Her treatment

of the poor Belgian civilians has added to contempt, loathing and scorn.

Now, gentlemen, you see our problem. At, the end of this war we shall

have Germans again as trade rivals; if there is a German State our

German rivals will be backed by their State. They will, as they have

done before, steal our inventions, use trickery and fraud to oust us

from world markets, and we know now that we need not expect any bargain

to be binding. I am not a commercial man; science is supposed to be

above such trickery. Yet I read a few days ago, not as a single example,

but only as the last I happen to remember, an article by a

distinguished American professor, protesting with great moderation that

an important scientific generalization which he published in 1902 had

been annexed, without acknowledgment, by a versatile and adroit

professor in the University of Berlin--an acquaintance of my own--in the

year 1906; and it was not until 1910 that the latter was made to confess

his guilt, with much subterfuge and blustering.

Commerce, indeed, is in Germany regarded as war; we now know it, and we

must meet war by war. How is that war to be waged?

I can see only two methods. One is recommended by a writer in The

Observer of the 10th inst., who acknowledges himself to have been a

lifelong free trader. His remedy is a 25 per cent. duty on all German

goods, and on German goods only, imported (or rather offered for import)

into Great Britain and her colonies, and also that German passenger

liners and freight boats should not be allowed to call at any one of the

ports of the empire. His reasons are fully stated in his letter; it is

signed "A City Merchant."

The other method is perhaps less apt to offend free trade

susceptibilities; it is to impose on what remains of our opponents at

the conclusion of this war free trade for a term of years. It remains to

be seen whether we shall be powerful enough to insist on this measure,

or to persuade our allies that it is one likely to fulfill the proposed

end. It is, so far as I see, the only other alternative.

Those who are thoroughly convinced of the benefits of free trade should

welcome this suggestion, unless, indeed, they think that such a blessing

is not deserved by Germany. On the other hand, they may comfort

themselves with the certain knowledge that no possible punishment

inflicted on the Germans could possibly be more galling and repulsive to

them. Doubtless, too, it would suit the books of our allies very well,

who could impose on German goods any duty they thought fit, and deposit

their surplus and inferior goods in Germany at a price which would defy

competition. But these are questions which I must leave to those more

conversant with the merits and demerits of free trade and protection

than I am.

Whatever view you take, you cannot but acknowledge that the situation

calls for early and anxious deliberation, and well-thought-out and firm

action; and it must be action taken as a nation--through our

Government--whatever the political complexion of the Government may be

at the close of the war. It is for you, as members of the Employers'

Parliamentary Association, to make up your minds what you wish to do;

above all, to agree, and to take steps to force the Government in power

to carry out your wishes.

BELGIUM.

By EDITH WHARTON.

[From King Albert's Book.]

_La Belgique regrette rien._

Not with her ruined silver spires,

Not with her cities shamed and rent,

Perish the imperishable fires

That shape the homestead from the tent.

Wherever men are stanch and free,

There shall she keep her fearless state,

And, homeless, to great nations be

The home of all that makes them great.

Desired Peace Terms for Europe

Outlined by Proponents for the Allies and for Germany

_The following forecast of the terms of peace which the Allies could

enforce upon Germany and Austria is made for The New York Times Current

History by a former Minister of France, one of the leading publicists of

the French Republic:_

The Allies will decline to treat with any member of the Hohenzollern or

Hapsburg family or any delegates representing them and will insist on

dealing with delegations representing the German and Austro-Hungarian

people elected by their respective Parliaments or by direct vote of the

people, if they so desire.

The Allies will facilitate in every possible way negotiations between

Austria-Hungary and Italy with a view to the latter obtaining the

southern part of the Tyrol, known as Trentino, and the Peninsula of

Istria, known as Trieste.

The 200 miles "strait" channel (Dardanelles, Sea of Marmora, and

Bosporus,) between Turkey in Europe and Turkey in Asia, is to be

declared free to the ships of all nations, and under the direction of an

international commission, which will also administer Turkey in Europe

and form a permanent court of arbitration for all questions which may

arise among Rumania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece. In

settling the status of Albania respect will be paid to the wishes of the

inhabitants.

Alsace and Lorraine, after rectifications of the French boundary line in

accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants, are to be annexed to

Belgium, whose permanent neutrality will be guaranteed by the powers.

Schleswig-Holstein is to be returned to Denmark and the Kiel Canal made

an international waterway, under either an international commission or a

company which will operate it as the Suez Canal is operated.

Poland is to be declared an autonomous State under the protection of

Russia, and its boundaries are to be restored as they were in 1715.

The Allies will also entertain a proposition for the restoration of the

independence of Hungary and the geographical integrity of the country as

it was in 1715.

The delegates representing the German people must pledge themselves that

military conscription shall be abolished among them for a period of

twenty-five years.

The status of all German colonies and protectorates is to be settled by

a joint commission appointed by the Governments of England, Japan, and

France.

The ownership of Italy and Greece to the Aegean Islands, now in their

respective possessions, is to be confirmed by the powers and guarantees

shall be given that the said islands shall not be fortified.

The ownership of England to the Island of Cyprus is to be confirmed by

the powers and her protectorate over Egypt acknowledged.

The Mediterranean Sea is to be declared a "maritime area" to be policed

by England, France, and Italy.

_Here is the declaration of peace terms by the Central Committee for

National Patriotic Organization of England:_

Great Britain can never willingly make peace with Germany until the

power of Prussian militarism is completely destroyed and there is no

possibility of our children or our children's children being forced

again to fight for the national existence. As far as we are concerned,

this is a fight to a definite finish. We must either win all along the

line or we must be completely defeated and our empire destroyed. Our

allies fully share the same conviction. The thousands of lives already

lost, and, alas! still to be lost, will have been tragically wasted if

the German menace remains to terrorize Europe and to stunt the progress

of civilization. In order to convince public opinion that the only peace

worth having is a peace absolutely on our own terms, a Central Committee

for National Patriotic Organization has been formed from the members of

all the four political parties. The committee will, in addition, take

steps to lay a clear statement of the British case before neutral

countries. Both the tasks it has undertaken are of the first importance,

and it should have the support of every patriot.

GERMANY'S PROGRAM.

_Professor Ernst Haeckel, the militant German zoologist, supplies, in an

interview in the Berliner Tagesblatt, the following summary:_

Freedom from the tyranny of England to be secured as follows:

1. The invasion of the British piratical State by the German

Army and Navy and the occupation of London.

2. The partition of Belgium, the western portion as far as

Ostend and Antwerp to become a German Federal State; the

northern portion to fall to Holland, and the southeastern

portion to be added to Luxemburg, which also should become a

German Federal State.

3. Germany to obtain the greater part of the British colonies

and of the Congo State.

4. France to give up a portion of her northeastern provinces.

5. Russia to be reduced to impotency by the re-establishment

of the Kingdom of Poland, which should be united with

Austria-Hungary.

6. The Baltic Provinces of Russia to be restored to Germany.

7. Finland to become an independent kingdom and be united with

Sweden.

_An article by Georges Clemenceau, in L'Homme Enchaîné, reports the

following view of the German terms accredited to Count Bernstorff,

German Ambassador at Washington:_

One of my friends in America informs me of a curious conversation

between an influential banker and the German Ambassador, Count

Bernstorff. The banker, who had just handed over a substantial check for

the German Red Cross, asked Count Bernstorff what the Kaiser would take

from France after the victory.

The Ambassador did not seem the least surprised at this somewhat

premature question. He answered it quite calmly, ticking off the various

points on his fingers as follows:

1. All the French colonies, including the whole of Morocco,

Algeria, and Tunis.

2. All the country northeast of a straight line from

Saint-Valéry to Lyons, that is to say, more than one quarter

of French territory, including 15,000,000 inhabitants.

3. An indemnity of 10,000,000,000 francs, ($2,000,000,000.)

4. A tariff allowing all German goods to enter France free

during twenty-five years, without reciprocity for French goods

entering Germany. After this period the Treaty of Frankfurt

will again be applied.

5. The suppression of recruiting in France during twenty-five

years.

6. The destruction of all French fortresses.

7. France to hand over 3,000,000 rifles, 2,000 cannon, and

40,000 horses.

8. The protection of all German patents without reciprocity.

9. France must abandon Russia and Great Britain.

10. A treaty of alliance with Germany for twenty-five years.

_Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, late German Colonial Secretary of State, has

published an article in The Independent, in which this forecast

appears_:

1. Germany will not consider it wise to take any European territory, but

will make minor corrections of frontiers for military purposes by

occupying such frontier territory as has proved a weak spot in the

German armor.

2. Belgium belongs geographically to the German Empire. She commands the

mouth of the biggest German stream; Antwerp is essentially a German

port. That Antwerp should not belong to Germany is as much an anomaly as

if New Orleans and the Mississippi delta had been excluded from

Louisiana, or as if New York had remained English after the War of

Independence. Moreover, Belgium's present plight was her own fault. She

had become the vassal of England and France. Therefore, while "probably"

no attempt would be made to place Belgium within the German Empire

alongside Bavaria, Württemberg, and Saxony, because of her non-German

population, she will be incorporated in the German Customs Union after

the Luxemburg pattern.

3. Belgian neutrality, having been proved an impossibility, must be

abolished. Therefore the harbors of Belgium must be secured for all time

against British or French invasion.

4. Great Britain having bottled up the North Sea, a mare liberum must be

established. England's theory that the sea is her boundary, and all the

sea her territory down to the three-mile limit of other powers, cannot

be tolerated. Consequently the Channel coasts of England, Holland,

Belgium, and France must be neutralized even in times of war, and the

American and German doctrine that private property on the high seas

should enjoy the same freedom of seizure as private property does on

land must be guaranteed by all nations. This condition Herr Dernburg

accompanies by an appeal to the United States duly to note, and Britain

is making commercial war upon Germany.

5. All cables must be neutralized.

6. All Germany's colonies are to be returned. Germany, in view of her

growing population, must get extra territory capable of population by

whites. The Monroe Doctrine bars her from America, therefore she must

take Morocco, "if it is really fit for the purpose."

7. A free hand must be given to Germany in the development of her

commercial and industrial relations with Turkey "without interference."

This would mean a recognized sphere of German influence from the Persian

Gulf to the Dardanelles.

8. There must be no further development of Japanese influence in

Manchuria.

9. All small nations, such as Finland, Poland, and the Boers in South

Africa, if they support Germany, must have the right to frame their own

destinies, while Egypt is to be returned, if she desires it, to Turkey.

These conditions, Herr Dernburg concludes, would "fulfill the peaceful

aims which Germany has had for the last forty-four years." They show, in

his opinion, that Germany has no wish for world dominion or for any

predominance in Europe incommensurate with the rights of the 122,000,000

Germans and Austrians.

THE BRITISH VOLUNTEERS.

By KATHERINE DRAYTON MAYRANT SIMONS, JR.

We are coming, Mother, coming

O'er the seas--your Younger Sons!

From the mighty-mouthed Saint Lawrence

Or where sacred Ganges runs,

We are coming for your blessing

By a ritual of guns!

We are coming, Mother, coming

On the way our fathers came!

For their spirits rise to beckon

At the whisper of your name;

And we come that you may knight us

By your accolade of flame!

We are coming, Mother, coming!

For the death is less to feel

Than to hear you call unanswered?

'Tis the Saxon's old appeal,

And we come to prove us worthy

By its ordeal of steel!

Chronology of the War

Showing Progress of Campaigns on All Fronts and Collateral Events from

Jan. 31, 1915, up to and Including Feb. 28, 1915.

Continued from the last Number.

CAMPAIGN IN EASTERN EUROPE

Feb. 1--Russians retake Borjimow trenches and capture men of Landsturm;

severe cold hampers operations in Galicia.

Feb. 2--Germans advance, with heavy losses, southward toward the Vistula

and eastward between Bejoun and Orezelewo.

Feb. 3--Russians again pour into Hungary as Austrians yield important

positions; German position north of the Vistula is insecure.

Feb. 4--Von Hindenburg hurls 50,000 men at Russian lines near Warsaw.

Feb. 5--Russians reported to have killed 30,000 Germans under Gen.

Mackensen; Russians recapture Gumine.

Feb. 6--General German offensive is looked for; Russians shift troops in

East Galicia and Bukowina.

Feb. 7--Germans rush reinforcements to East Prussia; second line of

trenches pierced by Russians near Borjimow; Austrians resume attacks on

Montenegrin positions on the Drina.

Feb. 8--Russian cavalry sweeps northward toward East Prussia; Russians

move their right wing forward in the Carpathians but retire in Bukowina;

Germans shift 600,000 troops from Poland to East Prussia, using motor

cars; Italians say that 15,000 Germans died in attempting to take

Warsaw.

Feb. 9--Austro-German forces attack Russians at three points in the

Carpathians; Russians begin the evacuation of Bukowina, where Austrians

have had successes; Russians make a wedge in East Prussia across

Angorapp River.

Feb. 10--Fierce fighting in the Carpathian passes; Russians are

retreating from Bukowina.

Feb. 11--Russians fall back in Mazurian Lake district; they still hold

Czernowitz.

Feb. 12--Von Hindenburg, as a result of a several days' battle, wins a

great victory over the Tenth Russian Army in the Mazurian Lake region,

part of the operations taking place under the eyes of the Kaiser; more

than 50,000 prisoners are taken, with fifty cannon and sixty machine

guns; the Russians retreat in disorder across the frontier, their loss

in killed and wounded being estimated at 30,000; a second line of

defense is being strengthened by the Russians; Paris announces the

complete failure of German offensive in Poland.

Feb. 14--Russians check Germans in Lyck region; battle raging in

Bukowina; Albanians invade Servia and force Servians to retreat from the

frontier.

Feb. 15--Russian lines hold in the north; Austrians state that Bukowina

has been entirely evacuated by the Russians; Germans retake Czernowitz.

Feb. 16--Germans occupy Plock and Bielsk; Russians fall back in North

Poland; Austrians win in Dukla Pass; Servians drive back Albanian

invaders.

Feb. 17--Germans prepare for attack along whole Russian front; cholera

and typhus gain headway in Poland.

Feb. 18--Belgrade bombarded; Germans try to cut off Warsaw.

Feb. 19--Germans abandon march to Niemen; they march toward Plonsk from

two directions; they occupy Tauroggen.

Feb. 20--Germans repulsed at Ossowetz; Russians bombard Przemysl;

Germans capture French Hospital Corps in East Prussia.

Feb. 21--Russians force fighting from East Prussia to Bukowina.

Feb. 22--Russians make progress in Galicia and the Carpathians; it is

said that German and Austrian armies are being merged.

Feb. 23--Russians force Germans back along the Bobr; Germans assemble

greater forces at Przanysz; Russians destroy two Austrian brigades

between Stanislau and Wyzkow; Austrians repulsed near Krasne.

Feb. 24--Russians have successes in the Carpathians near Uzrok Pass.

Feb. 25--Germans besiege Ossowetz; Russians gain in the Carpathians and

again invade Bukowina; Russian wedge splits Austrian Army in the

Carpathians; fighting on Stanislau Heights.

Feb. 26--Fighting in progress on a 260-mile front; battle in north sways

to East Prussian frontier; Germans retire in Przanysz region; Germans

claim capture of eleven Russian Generals in Mazurian Lake battle; snow

and intense cold hinder operations in Bukowina.

Feb. 27--Germans retire in the north; Russians recapture Przanysz;

German battalion annihilated on the Bobr; Russians advance in Galicia

and claim recapture of Stanislau and Kolomea; stubborn fighting north of

Warsaw.

Feb. 28--Russians are attacking along whole front; Germans checked in

North Poland and many taken prisoners; General Brusiloff's army is

claimed by the Russians to have thus far captured 188,000 Austrians.

CAMPAIGN IN WESTERN EUROPE.

Feb. 1--Germans evacuate Cernay and burn Alsatian towns as French

advance.

Feb. 3--Germans try to retake Great Dune; Allies make gains in Belgium;

fighting at Westende.

Feb. 5--Allies are making a strong offensive movement in Belgium.

Feb. 7--British take German trenches at Guinchy.

Feb. 9--Germans again bombard Rheims, Soissons, and other places;

fighting on skis is occurring in Alsace.

Feb. 14--Germans are making preparations for an offensive movement in

Alsace.

Feb. 16--French forces gain in Champagne and advance on a two-mile

front; fighting in La Bassée.

Feb. 18--Allies make offensive movements; Germans give up Norroy.

Feb. 23--Germans use Austrian twelve-inch howitzers for bombardment of

Rheims.

Feb. 26--French gain on the Meuse.

Feb. 28--Germans advance west of the Vosges, forcing French back four

miles on a thirteen-mile front; French gain in Champagne, taking many

trenches.

CAMPAIGN IN AFRICA.

Feb. 3--Portugal is sending reinforcements to Angola, much of which is

in German hands, although there has been no declaration of war between

Portugal and Germany; some of the anti-British rebels in South Africa

surrender.

New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 April-September, 1915 · 第 26 / 28 段