CHAPTER V

ZOGOS

We all like to know what has happened recently, or what will probably

take place in the immediate future, and so we read the daily paper to

learn the news. Savages, after all, are not very different in many ways

from ourselves, and they, too, want to know what is going on. Although

our Murray Island friends had no written language, and consequently could

have no newspapers, they managed to invent a system for finding out about

things which appeared to answer their purpose admirably—at all events

they were very proud of it. The cynical might hazard a suggestion that

the news imparted by the Murray Island oracle was not appreciably more

fallible than that which appears in many of our newspapers.

I discovered the old Murray Island oracle ten years ago, and being

anxious to renew my acquaintance with _Tomog Zogo_, as it is called, we

went to have a look at it; but we found it dreadfully overgrown with

vegetation. I grubbed about for some time, but gave it up as hopeless

till we had some help; so we went on to visit some other relics of the

past. As we were going through the bush to see a garden _zogo_ stone that

had “come by itself” from Erub, thirty miles off, we came across a party

of men who had been collecting wood to burn the lime for the new church.

They were having a “spell” and eating in groups; then some of them began

to dance the Rotumah dance that they so often practised, and which they

intended to perform on the occasion of opening of the new church at Erub.

It was pleasingly unexpected to come suddenly upon a convivial group of

twenty to thirty men. We chatted, joked, and passed on.

Next morning I sent the sergeant, Jimmy Dei, and some policemen to cut

away the bamboos and undergrowth that obstructed _Tomog Zogo_, and

Ray and I spent a long afternoon in mapping it. We placed two long

bamboos east and west along each side of the large group of stones that

constitute the _zogo_. Then we tied taut strings across from the one to

the other bamboo at intervals of two feet. Next we marked on a sheet of

squared paper the positions of the bamboos and strings, each square of

the paper representing six square inches on the ground; there were thus

four squares between each two lines of string on the paper. Ray measured

the distance of every stone from the nearest bamboo and string, and thus

I was able to put down each stone on paper with a very fair degree of

accuracy.

The following afternoon we all went to the _zogo_; Bruce came too.

Strangely enough he had not previously seen or heard of this _zogo_. We

had with us the Mamoose, Enocha, Jimmy Dei, Ulai, and Kaige, all of whom

belonged to the _zogo_. We learnt the names of the stones, and then at

our request the _zogo_ men placed themselves in the right position and

attitude for consulting the _zogo_, and then they were photographed. It

was very suggestive to see the reverent affection the old men had for

the _zogo_, and they seemed gratified at the care with which it had been

cleaned and mapped.

This famous _zogo_ consists of a collection of stones, on each of

which was formerly placed a large shell, usually a great Fusus or a

helmet-shell; each stone, with its shell, represented a village or a

district of the island. A little way off was a single stone and shell

that stood for the whole island. Divination was accomplished by the

voices and movements of birds, lizards, insects, or the appearance of

natural objects. Anything that happened to the separate stone and shell

concerned all the inhabitants of the island; but anything that happened

to one of the grouped stones and shells related only to the man or men

who live in the house or district represented by that particular stone

and shell. There was thus a means for both analysis and synthesis.

At the eastern end of the group of stones were a large number of

giant-clam shells; many were concentrically arranged, and formerly there

were more of them, the smaller within the larger, so that the whole must

have looked like a huge white rosette, and safely ensconced in the centre

was a small star-shaped stone, the _zogo_ itself; the concentric clam

shells formed the “house of the _zogo_”. In other words, the small stone

was the oracle, the clam shells were its shrine. _Tomog Zogo_ acted as

_The Police News_, _The Hue and Cry_, and a morning newspaper, with a

little prophesying thrown in.

[Illustration: PLATE VII

THE SHRINE OF ZABARKER

TOMOG ZOGO]

A very limited number of men belonged to this _zogo_, and they consulted

it only at daybreak, “small fellow daylight.” Those who came to inquire

of the oracle would stand up in a particular spot and say, “Tomog Zogo,

you know everything, tell us the truth.” After they had asked the

definite question for which they required an answer, they sat down on

some leaves, with their legs crossed under them, with their closed fists

on their knees.

It is a fixed belief amongst most savage peoples that no one gets ill or

even dies from natural causes, but that all these misfortunes are due

to magic, and it is necessary to find out who perpetrated this evil.

Supposing, for example, someone in the island was sick, the friends of

the invalid would approach the men who belonged to _Tomog Zogo_, and

would ask them to find out who had brought this misfortune on their

friend. Next morning the _zogo_ men would start before sunrise, and would

ask the _zogo_, “Who made So-and-so sick? where does he live?”

Then the inquirers would sit down in a row and wait. By-and-by a lizard

might come out of one of the shells; this would indicate the house

where the man lived, and later, by means of careful inquiries in the

village, they would try to discover who he was. When they had satisfied

themselves, they would tell him to take his sorcery stone and to put it

in the sea. As the stone was cooled by the water, so the patient would

recover from his illness. Whether the man had made sorcery or not, he

would always own to it and do as he was told, partly to save trouble and

partly because he was pleased to have the reputation of being able to

perform this kind of magic.

The _Tomog Zogo_ was also consulted if a man was very ill, in order to

find out whether he would recover. If a dead lizard was seen, he would be

expected to die, and it is pretty certain he would do so.

It was the custom to attend the _zogo_ every morning to discover if

anything was going to happen. If a spider’s web was seen hanging on the

bushes, it would foretell the appearance of a white man’s ship coming

from the direction in which the web was hanging.

The appearance of a certain wild fowl would foretell the approach of a

canoe from that particular quarter whence the fowl emerged from the

bush, and its behaviour would indicate how soon the canoe might be

expected.

If a red spot was seen on a leaf it would mean a fight, and its position

would show whence the danger would come.

When an evil-smelling fungus sprung up within the area of stones there

would be a famine, or a scarcity of yams.

Should a stream of ants come from the bush to the northward of the

_zogo_, the diviners would expect a visit from the natives of the

mainland of New Guinea, and if the ants carried their cocoons (the

so-called “ants’ eggs”) in their mouths, it would mean that the men would

bring some sago with them.

If there was no “news,” nothing would happen.

Supposing the _zogo_ was consulted for a definite purpose and no answer

was vouchsafed. The men would sit watching patiently till the sun was

high, then they would consult together, and probably would agree that the

silence indicated a “big sick,” and that some sickness or epidemic was in

store for the island.

As an illustration of the power of _Tomog Zogo_ I was told the following

story:—

The first missionaries to this island were Mataika and his wife; they had

been brought from Lifu, in the Loyalty Islands, to Erub in 1872. Towards

the end of that year, in a canoe of his own making, Mataika crossed from

Darnley to convert the Murray Islanders. After Mataika had been there for

some time, he wanted fresh stores, and so he went to the headquarters of

the Mission, which were then at Somerset, Cape York.

Mataika was away such a long time that his wife became very anxious, and

feared that he was dead. Being unable to bear the suspense any longer,

she spoke to Obra, the father of Kaige the policeman, and said, “Very

good; you go to your _zogo_, and ask him where Mataika he stop. I think

him dead.” He said, “All right; to-morrow small daylight I go.”

On consulting _Tomog Zogo_ at daybreak next morning, Obra could not see

anything happen in the clearing in the direction of Somerset. After some

time two _kead_ birds came out from the bush which lay in the direction

of Erub and looked at Obra, and immediately they disappeared.

Obra came back and said to the anxious wife, “Mataika, he leave Somerset

long time ago; he go to Erub; close up he come.” Next morning Obra

went up the hill Gelam, and espied a canoe coming from Erub. He told

Mataika’s wife that her husband was on board, and sure enough he was,

with one other man and three boys.

On his arrival Mataika was informed what had been done, and he told the

natives to burn and break up all their other _zogos_, charms, and images.

“They all devil-devil; but good thing you keep _Tomog Zogo_; he speak

true. Ah! he all right; all same dream.”

I never heard whether this oracle was ever consulted again; at all

events, _Tomog Zogo_ has shared the fate of all the other _zogos_, and it

is now broken and partially destroyed.

When one remembers how many civilised nations have believed in and

consulted oracles, one need not be surprised if these people were

reluctant to give up their old sacred places. The wonder is that they

have so readily embraced the new faith and the new ideas.

The Mamoose promised to give us a private rehearsal of _Tomog Zogo_ the

next morning at daybreak. I was up in time, but he did not come. I had

a little talk with him later in the day, and the following morning he

arrived, and one or two of us went just before sunrise in the “old-time

fashion.” We told the Mamoose we were anxious for the speedy arrival of

the Mission vessel, the _Nieue_, and wanted to know when she was coming.

We heard some birds twittering in the bushes, which Mamoose gravely

assured us meant a boat was approaching. After sitting a long time on

dew-bespangled dead leaves, we retired. The chief point of interest to me

was the fact that the steady-going old chief, who had long been a deacon

of the church, was still a believer in this famous _zogo_ to which he and

his ancestors belonged, and whilst he was sitting motionless in the old

spot and intently gazing at the _zogo_ and listening for the message from

the birds, the church bell was ringing summoning the people to the early

morning prayer-meeting.

Later in the day George Rotumah’s lugger came in and brought us a mail,

so the birds had not twittered in vain.

On the opposite side of Murray Island from the Mission Station is the

village of Las, perhaps the largest and most important village in the

island in former times. As it was the main centre of the ancient Malu

ceremonies, I thought it would be well for me to stay there for a day or

two. So in the afternoon of Wednesday, May 18th, Rivers and I walked over

along the new road, made by prison labour, that skirts the greater part

of the island. Rivers went with me, as he wanted to see if it would be

practicable to take some psychological apparatus over there to test those

people who would not, or could not, come across to us.

We had a pleasant walk. The faithful Pasi accompanied us, as did Gadodo,

Pasi’s cousin and our host. We found Gadodo had a large grass house

of the now usual South Sea type—that is, oblong, with one doorway and

no other opening. In the interior, along the end walls, were bamboo

stagings, about three to four feet from the ground, which served as

beds. All the houses of the eastern tribe of Torres Straits (_i.e._ Uga,

Erub, and the Murray Islands) were formerly circular and quite small.

There is only one beehive house remaining in Murray Island. After we had

dumped our swag, or, as some people would say, after we had deposited

our luggage in the house, we had the usual drink of coconut water, and

squatted on a mat by Mrs. Gadodo’s side to have a chat. Then we had a

walk along the sand beach. Our dinner consisted of a plate of boiled

sweet potatoes, bananas, and pumpkin, all mixed up together, with a

coconut for drink.

After the evening meal we sat on mats by the light of lamps in the

village inclosure, and yarned and played “cat’s cradle.” Soon the bell

sounded for prayers, and Enocha came with his service-book, and several

others gathered together. Pasi started the hymn, read the lesson, and

prayed, of course, all in Murray Island language.

Very soon after this the small boys arranged themselves round some

branched posts which had been planted in the sand so as to inclose an

oval space, and clamoured out for _tamar_. _Tamar_ is a sort of market

that was introduced here by Loyalty Islanders from Lifu and Mare, and

which appears now to be firmly established, though its popularity waxes

and wanes from time to time. I heard of it ten years before, but never

witnessed it, so I was very pleased at the present opportunity.

A crowd soon collected, made up chiefly of children, and a fire was lit

in the centre of the area. We sat apart, as this was our first appearance

at a _tamar_. There was a great deal of noise and fun going on. The game

is as follows. The players bring firewood (_i.e._ coconut-palm leaves

and other fuel) and food; the “master” (of ceremonies) goes round the

circle, standing in front of each player in turn. The latter holds up

the object he has brought, saying, “_Tamar_,” and mentions what he holds

up. The “master” asks, “Where did you get this?” And a reply is made

which is supposed to be a true answer, but as a laugh often followed,

I suspect some humbugging went on. This took some time. Then a prayer

was made!—why, I don’t know; it seemed very comical in a game—and then

“New man, new man!” was shouted out, and Pasi, Rivers, and I went into

a circle near the fire, and a small mat was placed there too. Several

brought us coconuts as a present, which were placed on the mat. Then

the “master” pointed a glowing fire-stick at me, and said words to this

effect: “You see this fire-stick; you go home and look after wife belong

you. If you do not bring firewood and food next time, you will be thrown

into the sea.” The _tamar_ concluded after Rivers had been similarly

introduced, and Rivers and I very shortly turned in, as we were very

tired; but Pasi stayed up, as he wanted to hear the small boys practise

their songs!

We were up early next morning, and got the local legend of the

disreputable Iruam from Pasi and Gadodo. Soon after an early breakfast

of wild sweet potatoes and green coconuts, and an attendance at morning

prayers, I took my camera and notebook, and went along the beach to pick

up some information of which I had previously gained clues.

Soon after starting I heard about an ancient fighting custom associated

with _Ziriam Zogo_, at a place called Meket. There was a turtle-shell

mask, which no woman was allowed to see, that was kept in a hole in the

rock. I asked Pasi to sketch the mask for me in the sand; then I asked

another man to do so. Of course I did not let either look at the other

man’s representation until they had finished. As I found they differed, I

made further inquiries, and found that an old man named Wano, who lived

closed by, knew all about the ceremony; so he was fetched, and he drew a

diagram on the sand. By dint of much questioning and pantomimic action,

I found out something about the ceremony and the character of the mask.

This consisted of a turtle-shell face, with pearl-shell eyes surmounted

by a turtle-shell crescent about three feet across, decorated on each

horn with a black-tipped feather of the white Torres Straits pigeon and

two seed rattles. Attached to the chin of the mask was a rope about six

feet long, to which a large number of human lower jawbones were tied.

Before I left Murray Island Wano made a rough wooden model of the mask

for me.

After a fight a number of men would come here with bows and arrows and

clubs, especially with the former. The men formed a circle and danced

with appropriate shooting gestures; two men painted red and wearing

dance-petticoats danced in crouching attitudes in the centre, and all

sang a weird song. One of the central dancers would wear the mask and

would carry in his right hand a club, and in his left a bleeding,

decapitated human head. The other man supported the rope of human

jawbones.

At the back of my old friend Mamai’s house at Warwe was a shrine of

stones and shells, on which were two stones called _Zabarker_. Zabarker

was formerly a woman who came from New Guinea, and Mamai told me her

short, but not very edifying story. She is now a somewhat pyramidal black

stone resting on a saucer-shaped stone of granite, which represents her

canoe. The upper stone is a piece of the local lava, but the granite

occurs only in the western islands, some hundred and twenty miles or more

away, or in the hill of Mabudauan, in New Guinea, also about the same

distance from Murray Island. I now find there are quite a number of these

foreign stones in the island, which evidently point to some forgotten

migration from, or former intercourse with, the western islands.

A little further along the coast is the ancient and efficacious _Wag

Zogo_, at the small cape called Tur Pit. In a sandy-bottomed recess in

a block of lava on the foreshore lie an oval and a spherical granitic

boulder, named respectively _Neiu_ and _Sager_. Some four or five men

used to take a number of plants called _geribe_ and coconut leaves, which

they pointed repeatedly at the stones, and “a big wind” would immediately

come from the south-east. As long as the leaves remained there, so long

would the wind continue. Here again we find foreign stones, which I was

informed came from New Guinea. I asked if they could make a south-east

wind during the north-west monsoon, but I was informed that the ceremony

could only be done during the south-east season. In this, as in other

cases, I found that the impossible was never attempted. A rain charm

would not be made when there was no expectation of rain coming, or a

south-east wind raised during the wrong season.

The sun beat fiercely on the sand beach, and the heat and glare, combined

with the talking and excitement, tired us much, so we went back to Las

and lay down for an hour or two in the cool, dark house. After another

meal of boiled yams and a coconut drink, I went along the shore in the

opposite direction and photographed an oblong stone on the beach, that

was once a man named _Iruam_, who deservedly came to a bad end.

An old dancing-ground, _Dam_, associated with the Malu ceremonies, was

next visited. It was situated to the north-east of Las in the bush, a few

yards from the beach. This was overgrown by vegetation, so we set to work

and cleared it. A quadrangular area of shells, mostly the large Fusus,

amongst which were five stones, was laid bare. This had a general N.N.W.

to S.S.E. direction. At right angles to this group of shells was a series

of stones, arranged like a fish-hook, extending for a distance of about

fourteen feet. About fifteen feet to the south-east was another stone,

_Zugared_. Three of the stones were foreign; all the remainder were, I

believe, local stones—two of them were blocks of coral.

When this particular ceremony was carried on, a taboo was put for some

distance on each side of the sand beach to warn off all unauthorised

persons. The four officiating men mixed the ashes of a scented root with

oil in a couple of shells; two of them held the shells while the other

two anointed the initiates between the first two toes and on the knee

and shoulder of the right side. Four men next held a large Fusus shell

in each hand, the first two stood side by side, the second two crouched

behind them, and a number of pairs of men crouched behind these; this

double row formed up between _Zugared_ and the other stones. On the

opposite side of the island stones the _kersi_ clung in fright round the

three _zogole_, who stood close together.

Finally all went and jumped in the sea; after swimming about for a short

time the _kersi_ were rubbed with coconut oil and painted in a particular

manner and given a pigeon’s feather to wear. The boys were shown the

stones and told their names, and were informed that they were placed

there by Malu. There can be little doubt that these stones formed a kind

of map, or chart, for the instruction of the youths, and to impress upon

them the wanderings of Malu on his voyage to Murray Island. I could not

help recalling a parallel instance to this that occurred during my

former visit to Murray Island, when the white missionary was instructing,

by means of a map, the young native teachers in the three journeys of St.

Paul.

We next went up the hill to Gazir, where, in a thicket of bamboos, the

first of the Malu ceremonies was held. These ceremonies have already

been dealt with. There is no doubt that if reliable information is to

be obtained on sacred customs, one must go to the very spot where the

ceremony took place in order to gain it, for not only does a right

comprehension often depend on a knowledge of local conditions, but the

place itself, by the association of ideas, recalls incidents to the

narrator’s memory.

On our way back we met Seligmann, who had come across to join us. We

had the usual meal of boiled yams and coconuts. Prayers were followed

by another _tamar_, which was a little better than that of the night

before. Pasi and I joined the circle, and Seligmann was left outside.

When the “master” came round to me I showed a piece of firewood, which

I threw into the fire, then I said “_Tamar_ ⸺” (the native name for the

variety of cooked yam Pasi had given me; I have forgotten what it was).

The “master” said, “Who gave it you?” and I said, “My wife in England

cooked it for me,” at which there was a laugh. Then I held up a coconut

Gadodo had given me, and lastly some tobacco, a piece of which I gave to

the “master.” Thus I fulfilled the injunction laid upon me the previous

night, and I was not ducked in the sea. When the round was finished a

prayer was offered, and Seligmann was next admitted as Rivers and I

previously had been. After this preliminary ceremony a sort of auction,

or market, is supposed to take place; but these were very small _tamars_,

and very little trading was done. Bruce tells me that at large _tamars_

a great deal of buying and selling may occur, and good prices are often

realised. As in some other matters, the natives overdo _tamar_, and

rivalry in buying food results in the paralysing of ordinary routine

daily work.

After _tamar_ I persuaded Enocha and another man to sing to me. Both

belonged to the _zŭgareb_, or “drum” clan, the members of which used

formerly to beat the drum and sing the songs at the ceremonies; they

were, in fact, the bards of the islands. One quite beautiful mournful

couplet was a funeral dirge for a deceased Malu initiate.

Another Malu chant, which ran as follows—“O welwa, O lelelewar, O

welwatamera, O gulabatamera, O wei—wei, wei—wei,” etc., sounded most

pathetic, and led one to expect a suitable meaning; but the translation,

so far as I could make out, is—“O feathers! O yams! O feathered

stone-club! O dry banana leaf!”

We were then interrupted by a “play.” The people from our side of the

island had come over to give a return performance, and with them had come

Ontong, our cook. Two of the men had painted their faces a bright pale

red, and one or two lads and lassies had only one side of the face so

ruddled. They had but one song, the sole words of which were—

“Oh you must be a lover of the Lord,

Or you won’t go to heaven when you die.”

This was sung _ad nauseam_. Usually they sang it “You mussa be,”

which sounded like “You mustn’t be.” To this song various tricks were

performed, and the serious polka which I have already described was

danced to a very simple tune. The tricks consisted of string puzzles,

turning round under one’s arm, the hand of which was resting on a stick,

and the following well-known riddle: “Add five to six and make nine.” Six

strokes [Illustration] were made in the sand, and the spokesman said the

village would belong to him if no one could guess it. He then came up to

me, and in a loud whisper said it was not meant for me, and besought me

not to disclose the answer. Of course I did not dream of giving the show

away. No one gave the answer, which, of course, was the addition of five

strokes [Illustration] to the others to make NINE. I was not sure whether

the hosts did not know the answer, or whether those who did were too

polite to give it. There was also a sham boxing-match. I found afterwards

the Las people did not think very much of the performance.

After refreshments most of the visitors returned to their homes, and we

retired to bed.

I spent most of the next morning in photographing _Dam_ and in completing

my notes on the ceremony there performed. I also took a group of Gadodo

and his friends, as well as some views of the village of Las. We rested

in the middle of the day and got more information. Gadodo gave me some

stone fire- and rain-charms. When I first went to Las I showed them some

photos I had taken ten years before, and they were continually asking to

see them again; I also showed one or two prints of _zogos_ that I had

recently photographed at Dauar; and the photos of my wife and children,

which I always carry about with me, were, as usual, hailed with great

enthusiasm.

DAUAR

It will be remembered that the neighbouring island of Dauar consists

mainly of two hills. The geologist recognises in these parts of an

ancient volcano, but the natives have a different opinion concerning

their origin. Two women of Dauar, named Pepker and Ziaino, had a race in

the making of mud-pies with the object of deciding who could make the

largest heap. Ziaino was soon tired, and called out, “You no finish? I

finish now.” And that is why Kebe Dauar is such a small hill. I will

conclude the story in the words in which it was told to me. “Him (Pepker)

he sing out, ‘I no finish now.’ Make him, make him, make him that hill.

He finish, he sing out, ‘I finish now.’” Pepker is now a rude stone

figure, nearly a foot in height, and at the present time, together with

several other “Lot’s wife” stones, is in the collection at Cambridge.

[Illustration: PLATE VIII

THE ISLANDS OF WAIER AND DAUAR FROM THE BEACH OF MER, WITH A FISH SHRINE

IN THE FOREGROUND

U ZOGO, THE COCONUT SHRINE OF DAUAR]

We paid several visits to Dauar, but, not to be tedious, I will only

describe one. We sailed across in the early morning with Pasi, Smoke

and his wife, and one or two others. On landing we were met by Keriba,

and after knocking down and eating a little wild fruit, which, by the

way, was scarcely worth the effort, we sat in the welcome shade of

some umbrageous trees close to the beach and listened to a couple of

legends of local heroes told by Keriba. One related to an old man named

Iriam Moris, whose appetite and capacity would be the envy of the most

“aldermanic” of City fathers. On one occasion he ate four large shellfuls

of small fish, an immense king-fish, which was really a metamorphosed

lad named Geigi, and he finished off with the fish-trap, cooking-stones,

firewood and ashes—in fact, all he could lay hands on; and in the terse

jargon of that part of the world: “He kaikai (_i.e._ eat) so much, he

can’t walk about; he lay like a stone. He say ‘I feel good now’”! Later

Geigi’s mother killed Iriam Moris and resuscitated her son. During this

narration we were sitting on a slightly convex rock that was all but

covered with sand, but was none other than the “big belly” of Iriam

Moris.

[Illustration: FIG. 5. PEPKER, THE HILL-MAKER]

We walked through beautiful and luxuriant “scrub” and native gardens and

visited a zogo in a garden in the saddle between the two hills. The whole

of the low land of the island has been more or less cultivated, so there

is no old jungle anywhere; but it is all the owners of the land can do

to prevent the rampant vegetation from overrunning their gardens of yams

and sweet potatoes or smothering the bananas. It requires a more facile

pen than I can wield and a better knowledge of plants than I possess to

adequately describe such scenes. As is usually the case in most of the

uncultivated tropical districts I have seen, there were but few flowers,

and these were of no special beauty; but this is partly made up for by

the varied form and hue of the green foliage and by the bold contrasts

of light and shade that result from vertical sunshine. The smooth broad

leaves of the bananas above and of aroids below give the eye welcome

“areas of repose” amid the multiplicity of detail and the unceasing

struggle for mastery that almost oppresses one in tropical vegetation.

[Illustration: FIG. 6. ZIAI NEUR ZOGO.

A Therapeutic Shrine.]

The _zogo_, which was one object of our walk, was called _Ziai Neur_,

that is, “the girl of the south-west,” but why this was her name I could

not discover. The _zogo_ consisted of two images, male and female,

roughly carved out of vesicular lava. When a man has a “bad sick”

they take the fluid of a green coconut and wet the image with it, and

the patient gets well. After Wilkin had photographed them, I tried to

purchase them from a man named Billy who had been working in a garden

close by, and came to see what we were about. Billy refused to part with

them. Pasi quietly told me that as this garden belonged to Billy’s wife

and not to him, I should deal with the lady directly, and consequently

Billy had nothing to do with it. The next day Pasi communicated with her,

and the woman was willing to let me have the _zogo_; but the man was

obdurate, and they had a quarrel over it. Eventually I had to forego

the transaction, as it did not answer my purpose to have any unfriendly

feeling springing up with regard to ourselves or our work.

Most of the shrines we visited on this and other occasions looked at

first sight like confused masses of shells and stones. The preliminary

business was to cut down overhanging branches, creepers, and the

undergrowth generally, then to clear away the dead leaves and other

rubbish. When this was done a certain amount of order became apparent.

Occasionally a few stones required to be placed upright, or broken ones

put together. The best view for the photograph had to be carefully

chosen, and further clearing of the foliage was generally necessary;

sometimes branches of trees a little way off had to be lopped if they

cast distracting shadows. Usually little twigs, leaves, or tiny plants

had to be removed from the ground or from between the stones and shells,

so as not to unnecessarily complicate the picture.

As a rule it is worth while to find out the best time of day to

photograph any particular object; usually, however, these shrines were so

placed that the time of day made very little difference.

Very rarely did I turn a carved stone round so as to bring out its

carving more effectively; occasionally I shifted shells a little, so

as to make them show up better, but only when these originally had no

definite position. Attention to small details such as these are necessary

to produce intelligible photographs, but care must be exercised not to

overdo it or in any way to modify the object or shrine.

When all was ready the photograph was taken generally by Wilkin; and we

sat down, and a native told me the “storia” connected with it. This I

wrote down as nearly as I could in his own words, or at all events with

some phrases verbatim. It was most interesting to hear these yarns on the

spot, told by natives who believed in them. In some cases we have brought

away the chief stone so that it can be exhibited in the museum along

with a photograph of it _in situ_. We could not always buy the stone, as

sometimes the natives were not willing to part with it, and never did we

take anything without permission or without full payment.

We crossed the island and came out in the bay named Sauriad, which

is mentioned in the chief legend of these islands as being where Malu

fled after he had been entrapped on the sand spit. At one spot, named

Orme, there is the important _U zogo_, or coconut shrine. Only old men

officiated here; they rubbed themselves with the fluid from a coconut,

and this made the palms productive. The _zogo_ now consists of a few

large clam shells on some rocks. One large _kaper_ tree had a great Fusus

stuck into it, round which the bark had partially grown; under a smaller

zom tree were two large blocks of stone, on which were one or two giant

clam shells. I do not know if there was anything further. We visited two

other _zogos_, but there was nothing of interest about them or anything

worth photographing.

The most satisfactory translation of the word _zogo_ is “holy” or

“sacred”; or a holy or sacred spot such as an oracle or a shrine

for magical rites; or a potent object or charm. As in all primitive

religions, holiness is not an ethical idea; indeed, as Robertson Smith

points out in his _Religion of the Semites_, “at the Canaanite shrines

the name of ‘holy’ was specially appropriated to a class of degraded

wretches devoted to the most shameful practices of a corrupt religion.”

_Zogo_ does not mean “tabooed” or “prohibited,” as the Miriam word for

that idea is _gelar_.

When walking along a sand beach at the western end of the island we saw,

close in shore, very dense shoals of small fish, locally called _tup_.

At one spot two small sharks were preying on them, and wherever a shark

swam there was a band of clear water, and the yellow sand could be seen

beneath; elsewhere the water was solidly black with fish. It reminded

me of a certain town and gown row in my undergraduate days, when the

market-place was a dense mass of men, mainly undergraduates, but wherever

the proctors moved there was always a clear space around them.

We photographed the tracks of a turtle where she had gone up the sand

beach to lay her eggs, and had returned to the sea. We prodded the sand

about the apex of the converging tracks in the orthodox fashion, with a

pointed stick, but could not find the nest.

When we had worked our way round to the side of the island from which we

had started we found that Mrs. Canoe had laid out some banana leaves on

the sand in an inclosure round her house. On this native tablecloth she

had placed four heaps of coconut chips and a central heap of warm roasted

green bananas, and four green coconuts were prepared for us to drink

from. We much enjoyed this _al fresco_ repast.

WAIER

I knew from various legends and other information that the island of

Waier was of some importance, so I arranged for a visit there, and as

part of the island belonged to our friend Smoke I endeavoured to get him

to act as cicerone. We sailed across to Dauar, where Smoke was working in

his garden, and we waited some time in vain for him to come to us.

Eventually Smoke’s elder brother, Keriba, consented to accompany us, and

as he is an old man and had officiated at the zogos we could not have

done better. His first excuse was that already that morning he had been

round Waier fishing and was tired, which was doubtless true.

We waded across the reef which joins Dauar and Waier, as it was then

low tide, and went round the southern side of this extinct crater. As I

have already mentioned, Waier is a remarkable island, consisting of a

crescentic, greatly fissured wall of volcanic ash, with the upper edge

pinnacled and battlemented like an old castle. In the hollow of the

crescent is a narrow sand beach, behind which, close to the rocks, is a

little vegetation.

As we went along Keriba pointed out the interesting places, and gave us

names of the prominent rocks and objects. It was stimulating to see the

old sacred places, many of which Wilkin and I photographed, and to hear

what happened there. Keriba seemed a little nervous about touching or

interfering with some of the _zogos_, but when he saw us tidying them,

and removing overgrowing grass and weeds, he too gave a hand.

The first one we came to was _Zab Zogo_, which consists merely of a few

giant clam shells within a recess in the cliff, and protected by a row of

stones. This gives good fishing, but only for a small kind of fish, which

is speared at night by the light of torches made of dry coconut leaves.

Close by is a longish oblong rock on the beach, which is called

_Geigi-baur_, _i.e._ “Geigi’s fish-spear.” Geigi was a hero of Waier who

lived with his mother Nageg, about whom there are legends. Later in the

day I was shown a flat rock on the sand beach in the bay of Waier, which

was the mother’s mat. Geigi ultimately became a “king-fish,” and his

mother a “trigger-fish.” Seligmann had already collected a specimen of

the lady, and the “king-fish” is well known. One of the string puzzles

represents Geigi, and another Nageg.

Shortly after we had rounded the southern point of Waier, and were

walking along the bay, we came to a black stone about fifteen inches in

length lying broken in the grass, on a heap of stones and shells at the

foot of the cliff. We stuck it upright and cleared away the weeds, in

order to get a photograph of the gentleman, who is named _Waipem_, but

who after all has no particular shape, though a little pit on each side

of the head does duty for the eyes. Formerly the men who belonged to this

_zogo_ erected in front of the image three bamboos like a football goal,

on the crossbar of which was hung various kinds of fruit, and “man think

inside himself, ‘If we give you plenty fruit I think you give us plenty

turtle.’” They would then go to the two points of the island and look out

for the turtles, which would be sure to come. This little ceremony was

only performed about January—that is, during the turtle season.

In a small cave a little further on were two slabs, which represented two

women called _Au kosker_ (“big women”). Their heads had fallen off; one

had been much battered by the sea, but the other was in a better state

of repair, and some white paint indicated the eyes, nose, and mouth. We

replaced this head, but could not repair the other, which we placed by

the side of the body. After a lot of trouble we focussed the camera and

gave it an exposure of half an hour or so. When Wilkin developed it in

the evening we found to our surprise that we had a fairly good negative.

So far as I could make out, all the _Au kosker_ ever did was to come out

in the night-time and dance in a circle on the sand beach, waving and

crossing their arms. Waiad used to look at them and beat a drum; after

that the two ladies retired to their cave.

I had previously heard about Waiad, and took this opportunity of finding

out more about him. Whatever he was supposed to be in ancient times,

Waiad was until recently represented by a turtle-shell human effigy about

four feet in height that was kept in a cave high up in the _Au kes_, the

large central fissure of Waier. At the time of the Waiad ceremony the

fraternity assembled on the sand spit, which is also called Waier, and

yarned about the lads (_kersi_) who were about to be initiated. Most of

the men then walked round the southern side of the island to the tabooed

ground. Three sacred men (_zogole_) took Waiad from his cave and placed

him on a small column-like stone, which was pointed out to us. The stone

is now overshadowed by vegetation, and there are still to be seen the

great Fusus shells that radiated from it; but formerly the place was

clear, and Waiad could be seen from afar. A _zogole_ stood on each side

of the image.

The lads who were to be initiated into this zogo were brought from the

sand spit round by the north side of the island and hidden behind a

great mass of rock that had fallen from the cliff. When the proper time

came two men were sent by the _zogole_ to fetch the _kersi_, who came

kneeling and laden with presents of coconuts, bananas, and yams. Each

_kersi_ had in his mouth a large white shell painted red, which protruded

from his lips. The boys had to traverse some eighty or ninety yards on

their knees from their hiding-place to the shrine of Waiad. These Waiad

ceremonies lasted for a fortnight, during which time there was more or

less continuous singing and drum-beating.

Head-hunters, black, white, and brown · 第 5 / 21 章