Conflicts with the Dutch
_Consequent_ on the union of the Crowns of Portugal and Spain
(1581-1640), the feuds, as between nations, diplomatically subsided,
although the individual antagonism was as rife as ever.
Spanish and Portuguese interests in the Moluccas, as elsewhere, were
thenceforth officially mutual. In the Molucca group, the old contests
between the once rival kingdoms had estranged the natives from their
ancient compulsory alliances. Anti-Portuguese and Philo-Portuguese
parties had sprung up amongst the petty sovereignties, but the
Portuguese fort and factory established in Ternate Island were held
for many years, despite all contentions. But another rivalry, as
formidable and more detrimental than that of the Portuguese in days
gone by, now menaced Spanish ascendancy.
From the close of the 16th century up to the year of the "Family
Compact" Wars (1763), Holland and Spain were relentless foes. To
recount the numerous combats between their respective fleets during
this period, would itself require a volume. It will suffice here to
show the bearing of these political conflicts upon the concerns of the
Philippine Colony. The Treaty of Antwerp, which was wrung from the
Spaniards in 1609, 28 years after the union of Spain and Portugal,
broke the scourge of their tyranny, whilst it failed to assuage
the mutual antipathy. One of the consequences of the "Wars of the
Flanders," which terminated with this treaty, was that the Dutch were
obliged to seek in the Far East the merchandise which had hitherto
been supplied to them from the Peninsula. The short-sighted policy
of the Spaniards in closing to the Dutch the Portuguese markets,
which were now theirs, brought upon themselves the destruction of
the monopolies which they had gained by the Union. The Dutch were
now free, and their old tyrant's policy induced them to establish
independently their own trading headquarters in the Molucca Islands,
whence they could obtain directly the produce forbidden to them in
the home ports. Hence, from those islands, the ships of a powerful
Netherlands Trading Company sallied forth from time to time to meet
the Spanish galleons from Mexico laden with silver and manufactured
goods. Previous to this, and during the Wars of the Flanders,
Dutch corsairs hovered about the waters of the Moluccas, to take
reprisals from the Spaniards. These encounters frequently took place
at the eastern entrance of the San Bernadino Straits, where the Dutch
were accustomed to heave-to in anticipation of the arrival of their
prizes. In this manner, constantly roving about the Philippine waters,
they enriched themselves at the expense of their detested adversary,
and, in a small degree, avenged themselves of the bloodshed and
oppression which for over sixty years had desolated the Low Countries.
The Philippine Colony lost immense sums in the seizure of its
galleons from Mexico, upon which it almost entirely depended for
subsistence. Being a dependency of New Spain, its whole intercourse
with the civilized world, its supplies of troops and European
manufactured articles, were contingent upon the safe arrival of the
galleons. Also the dollars with which they annually purchased cargoes
from the Chinese for the galleons came from Mexico. Consequently,
the Dutch usually took the aggressive in these sea-battles, although
they were not always victorious. When there were no ships to meet,
they bombarded the ports where others were being built. The Spaniards,
on their part, from time to time fitted out vessels to run down to
the Molucca Islands to attack the enemy in his own waters.
During the Governorship of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas (1590-93), the
native King of Siao Island--one of the Molucca group--came to Manila
to offer homage and vassalage to the representative of the King of
Spain and Portugal, in return for protection against the incursions
of the Dutch and the raids of the Ternate natives. Dasmarinas received
him and the Spanish priests who accompanied him with affability, and,
being satisfied with his credentials, he prepared a large expedition
to go to the Moluccas to set matters in order. The fleet was composed
of several frigates, 1 ship, 6 galleys, and 100 small vessels, all
well armed. The fighting men numbered 100 Spaniards, 400 Pampanga and
Tagalog arquebusiers, 1,000 Visaya archers and lancers, besides 100
Chinese to row the galleys. This expedition, which was calculated to
be amply sufficient to subdue all the Moluccas, sailed from Cavite
on October 6, 1593. The sailing ships having got far ahead of the
galleys, they hove-to off Punta de Azufre (N. of Maricaban Is.) to
wait for them. The galleys arrived; and the next day they were able
to start again in company. Meanwhile, a conspiracy was formed by the
Chinese galleymen to murder all the Spaniards. Assuming these Chinese
to be volunteers, their action would appear to be extremely vile. If,
however, as is most probable, they were pressed into this military
service to foreigners, it seems quite natural, that being forced to
bloodshed without alternative, they should first fight for their own
liberty, seeing that they had come to the Islands to trade.
All but the Chinese were asleep, and they fell upon the Spaniards in
a body. Eighteen of the troops and four slaves escaped by jumping
into the sea. The Governor was sleeping in his cabin, but awoke on
hearing the noise. He supposed the ship had grounded, and was coming
up the companion _en deshabille_, when a Chinaman clove his head with
a cutlass. The Governor reached his state-room, and taking his Missal
and the Image of the Virgin in his hand, he died in six hours. The
Chinese did not venture below, where the priests and armed soldiers
were hidden. They cleared the decks of all their opponents, made fast
the hatches and gangways, and waited three days, when, after putting
ashore those who were still alive, they escaped to Cochin China, where
the King and Mandarins seized the vessel and all she carried. On board
were found 12,000 pesos in coin, some silver, and jewels belonging
to the Governor and his suite. Thus the expedition was brought to an
untimely end. The King of Siao, and the missionaries accompanying him,
had started in advance for Otong (Panay Is.) to wait for the Governor,
and there they received the news of the disaster.
Amongst the most notable of the successful expeditions of the
Spaniards, was that of Pedro Bravo de Acuna, in 1606, which consisted
of 19 frigates, 9 galleys, and 8 small craft, carrying a total
of about 2,000 men, and provisions for a prolonged struggle. The
result was that they subdued a petty sultan, friendly to the Dutch,
and established a fortress on his island.
About the year 1607 the Supreme Court (the Governorship being vacant
from 1606 to 1608), hearing that a Dutch vessel was hovering off
Ternate, sent a ship against it, commanded by Pedro de Heredia. A
combat ensued. The Dutch commander was taken prisoner with several of
his men, and lodged in the fort at Ternate, but was ransomed on payment
of P50,000 to the Spanish commander. Heredia returned joyfully to
Manila, where, much to his surprise, he was prosecuted by the Supreme
Court for exceeding his instructions, and expired of melancholy. The
ransomed Dutch leader was making his way back to his headquarters
in a small ship, peacefully, and without threatening the Spaniards
in any way, when the Supreme Court treacherously sent a galley and
a frigate after him to make him prisoner a second time. Overwhelmed
by numbers and arms, and little expecting such perfidious conduct
of the Spaniards, he was at once arrested and brought to Manila. The
Dutch returned 22 Spanish prisoners of war to Manila to ransom him,
but whilst these were retained, the Dutch commander was nevertheless
imprisoned for life.
Some years afterwards a Dutch squadron anchored off the south point
of Bataan Province, not far from Punta Mariveles, at the entrance
to Manila Bay. Juan de Silva, the Governor (1609-16), was in great
straits. Several ships had been lost by storms, others were away,
and there was no adequate floating armament with which to meet the
enemy. However, the Dutch lay-to for five or six months, waiting to
seize the Chinese and Japanese traders' goods on their way to the
Manila market. They secured immense booty, and were in no hurry to
open hostilities. This delay gave de Silva time to prepare vessels to
attack the foe. In the interval he dreamt that Saint Mark had offered
to help him defeat the Dutch. On awaking, he called a priest, whom he
consulted about the dream, and they agreed that the nocturnal vision
was a sign from Heaven denoting a victory. The priest went (from
Cavite) to Manila to procure a relic of this glorious intercessor,
and returned with his portrait to the Governor, who adored it. In
haste the ships and armament were prepared. On Saint Mark's day,
therefore, the Spaniards sallied forth from Cavite with six ships,
carrying 70 guns, and two galleys and two launches, also well armed,
besides a number of small, light vessels to assist in the formation
of line of battle.
All the European fighting men in Manila and Cavite embarked--over
1,000 Spaniards--the flower of the Colony, together with a large
force of natives, who were taught to believe that the Dutch were
infidels. On the issue of this day's events perchance depended
the possession of the Colony. Manila and Cavite were garrisoned by
volunteers. Orations were offered in the churches. The Miraculous
Image of Our Lady of the Guide was taken in procession from the
Hermitage, and exposed to public view in the Cathedral. The Saints
of the different churches and sanctuaries were adored and exhibited
daily. The Governor himself took the supreme command, and dispelled
all wavering doubt in his subordinates by proclaiming Saint Mark's
promise of intercession. On his ship he hoisted the Royal Standard,
on which was embroidered the Image of the Blessed Virgin, with the
motto "_Mostrate esse Matrem_" and over a beautifully calm sea he
led the way to battle and to victory.
A shot from the Spanish heavy artillery opened the bloody combat. The
Dutch were completely vanquished, after a fierce struggle, which
lasted six hours. Their three ships were destroyed, and their flags,
artillery, and plundered merchandise, to the value of P300,000, were
seized. This famous engagement was thenceforth known as the Battle
of Playa Honda.
Again, in 1611, under de Silva, a squadron sailed to the Moluccas
and defeated the Dutch off Gilolo Island.
In 1617 the Spaniards had a successful engagement off the Zambales
coast with the Dutch, who lost three of their ships.
In July, 1620, three Mexican galleons were met by three Dutch vessels
off Cape Espiritu Santo (Samar Is.), at the entrance of the San
Bernadino Straits, but managed to escape in the dark. Two ran ashore
and broke up; the third reached Manila. After this, the Gov.-General,
Alonso Fajardo de Tua, ordered the course of the State ships to be
varied on each voyage.
In 1625 the Dutch again appeared off the Zambales coast, and Geronimo
de Silva went out against them. The Spaniards, having lost one man,
relinquished the pursuit of the enemy, and the Commander was brought
to trial by the Supreme Court.
In 1626, at the close of the Governorship of Fernando de Silva, a
Spanish Colony was founded on Formosa Island, but no supplies were sent
to it, and consequently in 1642 it surrendered to the Dutch, who held
it for 20 years, until they were driven out by the Chinese adventurer
Koxinga. And thus for over a century and a half the strife continued,
until the Dutch concentrated their attention on the development of
their Eastern Colonies, which the power of Spain, growing more and
more effete, was incompetent to impede.
In the middle of the 17th century the Tartars invaded China and
overthrew the Min Dynasty--at that time represented by the Chinese
Emperor Yunglic. He was succeeded on the throne by the Tartar
Emperor Kungchi, to whose arbitrary power nearly all the Chinese
Empire had submitted. Amongst the few Mongol chiefs who held out
against Ta-Tsing dominion was a certain Mandarin known by the name of
Koxinga, who retired to the Island of Kinmuen, where he asserted his
independence and defied his nation's conqueror. Securely established
in his stronghold, he invited the Chinese to take refuge in his
island and oppose the Tartar's rule. Therefore the Emperor ordered
that no man should inhabit China within four leagues of the coast,
except in those provinces which were undoubtedly loyal to the new
Government. The coast was consequently laid bare; vessels, houses,
plantations, and everything useful to man, were destroyed in order to
cut off effectually all communications with lands beyond the Tartar
Empire. The Chinese from the coast, who for generations had earned a
living by fishing, etc., crowded into the interior, and their misery
was indescribable.
Koxinga, unable to communicate with the mainland of the Empire,
turned his attention to the conquest of Formosa Island, at the time
in the possession of the Dutch. According to Dutch accounts the
European settlers numbered about 600, with a garrison of 2,200. The
Dutch artillery, stores, and merchandise were valued at P8,000,000,
and the Chinese, who attacked them under Koxinga, were about 100,000
strong. The settlement surrendered to the invaders' superior numbers,
and Koxinga established himself as King of the Island. Koxinga had
become acquainted with an Italian Dominican missionary named Vittorio
Riccio, whom he created a Mandarin, and sent him as Ambassador to
the Governor of the Philippines. Riccio therefore arrived in Manila
in 1662, the bearer of Koxinga's despatches calling upon the Governor
to pay tribute, under threat of the Colony being attacked by Koxinga
if his demand were refused.
The position of Riccio as a European friar and Ambassador of a
Mongol adventurer was as awkward as it was novel. He was received
with great honour in Manila, where he disembarked, and rode to the
Government House in the full uniform of a Chinese envoy, through
lines of troops drawn up to salute him as he passed. At the same time,
letters from Formosa had also been received by the Chinese in Manila,
and the Government at once accused them of conniving at rebellion. All
available forces were concentrated in the capital; and to increase
the garrison the Governor published a decree, dated May 6, 1662,
ordering the demolition of the forts of Zamboanga, Yligan (Mindanao
Is.), Calamianes and Ternale [35] (Moluccas).
The only provincial fort preserved was that of Surigao (then called
Caraga), consequently in the south the Mahometans became complete
masters on land and at sea for half a year.
The troops in Manila numbered 100 cavalry and 8,000
infantry. Fortifications were raised, and redoubts were constructed
in which to secrete the Treasury funds. When all the armament was in
readiness, the Spaniards incited the Chinese to rebel, in order to
afford a pretext for their massacre.
Two junk masters were seized, and the Chinese population was menaced;
therefore they prepared for their own defence, and then opened the
affray, for which the Government was secretly longing, by killing
a Spaniard in the market-place. Suddenly artillery fire was opened
on the Parian, and many of the peaceful Chinese traders, in their
terror, hanged themselves; many were drowned in the attempt to reach
the canoes in which to get away to sea; some few did safely arrive
in Formosa Island and joined Koxinga's camp, whilst others took
to the mountains. Some 8,000 to 9,000 Chinese remained quiet, but
ready for any event, when they were suddenly attacked by Spaniards
and natives. The confusion was general, and the Chinese seemed to
be gaining ground; therefore the Governor sent the Ambassador Riccio
and a certain Fray Joseph de Madrid to parley with them. The Chinese
accepted the terms offered by Riccio, who returned to the Governor,
leaving Fray Joseph with the rebels; but when Riccio went back with
a general pardon and a promise to restore the two junk masters,
he found that they had beheaded the priest. A general carnage of
the Mongols followed, and Juan de la Concepcion says [36] that the
original intention of the Spaniards was to kill every Chinaman,
but that they desisted in view of the inconvenience which would have
ensued from the want of tradesmen and mechanics. Therefore they made
a virtue of a necessity, and graciously pardoned in the name of His
Catholic Majesty all who laid down their arms.
Riccio returned to Formosa Island, and found Koxinga preparing for
warfare against the Philippines, but before he could carry out his
intentions he died of fever. The chiefs successor, of a less bellicose
spirit, sent Riccio a second time to Manila, and a treaty was agreed
to, re-establishing commercial relations with the Chinese. Shortly
after Koxinga's decease a rebellion was raised in Formosa; and
the Island, falling at length into the hands of a Tartar party,
became annexed to China under the new dynasty. Then Riccio was
called upon to relate the part he had taken in Koxinga's affairs,
and he was heard in council. Some present were in favour of invading
the Philippines in great force because of the cruel and unwarranted
general massacre of the Chinese in cold blood; but Riccio took pains
to show how powerful Spain was, and how justified was the action of
the Spaniards, as a measure of precaution, in view of the threatened
invasion of Koxinga. The Chinese party was appeased, but had the
Tartars cared to take up the cause of their conquered subjects,
the fate of the Philippines would have been doubtful.
The rule of the Governors-General of the Islands was, upon
the whole, benignant with respect to the natives who manifested
submission. Apart from the unconcealed animosity of the monastic party,
the Gov.-General's liberty of action was always very much locally
restrained by the Supreme Court and by individual officials. The
standing rule was, that in the event of the death or deprivation of
office of the Gov.-General, the Civil Government was to be assumed
by the Supreme Court, and the military administration by the senior
magistrate. Latterly, in the absence of a Gov.-General, from any cause
whatsoever, the sub-inspector of the forces became Acting-Gov.-General.
Up to the beginning of the last century the authority of the King's
absolute will was always jealously imposed, and the Governors-General
were frequently rebuked for having exercised independent action,
taking the initiative in what they deemed the best policy. But Royal
Decrees could not enforce honesty; the peculations and frauds on the
part of the secular authorities, and increasing quarrels and jealousies
amongst the several religious bodies, seemed to annihilate all prospect
of social and material progress of the Colony. As early as the reign
of Philip III. (1598-1621) the procurators of Manila had, during three
years, been unsuccessfully soliciting from the mother country financial
help for the Philippines to meet official discrepancies. The affairs
of the Colony were eventually submitted to a special Royal Commission
in Spain, the result being that the King was advised to abandon this
possession, which was not only unproductive, but had become a costly
centre of disputes and bad feeling. However, Fray Hernando de Moraga,
a missionary from the Philippines, happened to be in the Peninsula
at the time, and successfully implored the King to withhold his
ratification of the recommendation of the Commission. His Majesty
avowed that even though the maintenance of this Colony should exhaust
his Mexican Treasury, his conscience would not allow him to consent
to the perdition of souls which had been saved, nor to relinquish
the hope of rescuing yet far more in these distant regions.
During the first two centuries following the foundation of the Colony,
it was the custom for a Royal Commission to be appointed to inquire
into the official acts of the outgoing Governor before he could leave
the Islands--_Hacerle la residencia_, as it was called.
Whilst on the one hand this measure effectually served as a check
upon a Governor who might be inclined to adopt unjustifiable means
of coercion, or commit defalcations, it was also attended with many
abuses; for against an energetic ruler an antagonistic party was
always raised, ready to join in the ultimate ruin of the Governor
who had aroused their susceptibilities by refusing to favour their
nefarious schemes. Hence when a _prima facie_ case was made out
against a Governor, his inexperienced successor was often persuaded
to consent to his incarceration whilst the articles of impeachment
were being investigated.
Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera (1635-44) had been Governor of Panama
before he was appointed to the Philippines. During his term of office
here he had usually sided with the Jesuits on important questions
taken up by the friars, and on being succeeded by Diego Fajardo,
he was brought to trial, fined P 25,000, and put into prison. After
five years' confinement he was released by Royal Order and returned
to Spain, where the King partially compensated him with the Government
of the Canary Islands.
Juan Vargas (1678-84) had been in office for nearly seven years,
and the Royal Commissioner who inquired into his acts took four years
to draw up his report. He filled 20 large volumes of a statement of
the charges made against the late Governor, some of which were grave,
but the majority of them were of a very frivolous character. This is
the longest inquiry of the kind on record.
Acting-Governor Jose Torralba (1715-17) was arrested on the
termination of his Governorship and confined in the Fortress of
Santiago, charged with embezzlement to the amount of P 700,000. He
had also to deposit the sum of P 20,000 for the expenses of the
inquiry commission. Several other officials were imprisoned with him
as accomplices in his crimes. He is said to have sent his son with
public funds on trading expeditions around the coasts, and his wife
and young children to Mexico with an enormous sum of money defrauded
from the Government. Figures at that date show, that when he took the
Government, there was a balance in the Treasury of P 238,849, and
when he left it in two years and a half, the balance was P 33,226,
leaving a deficit of P 205,623, whilst the expenses of the Colony
were not extraordinary during that period. Amongst other charges,
he was accused of having sold ten Provincial Government licences
(_encomiendas_), many offices of notaries, scriveners, etc., and
conceded 27 months' gambling licences to the Chinese in the Parian
without accounting to the Treasury. He was finally sentenced to pay
a fine of P 100,000, the costs of the trial, the forfeiture of the
P 20,000 already deposited, perpetual deprivation of public office,
and banishment from the Philippine Islands and Madrid. When the
Royal Order reached Manila he was so ill that his banishment was
postponed. He lived for a short time nominally under arrest, and was
permitted to beg alms for his subsistence within the city until he
died in the Hospital of San Juan de Dios in 1736.
The defalcations of some of the Governors caused no inconsiderable
anxiety to the Sovereign. Pedro de Arandia, in his dual capacity of
Gov.-General and Chief Justice (1754-59), was a corrupt administrator
of his country's wealth. He is said to have amassed a fortune of P
25,000 during his five years' term of office, and on his death he
left it all to pious works (_vide_ "Obras pias").
Governor Berenguer y Marquina (1788-93) was accused of bribery,
but the King absolved him.
In the last century a Governor of Yloilo is said to have absconded in
a sailing-ship with a large sum of the public funds. A local Governor
was then also _ex-officio_ administrator; and, although the system
was afterwards reformed, official extortion was rife throughout the
whole Spanish administration of the Colony, up to the last.
A strange drama of the year 1622 well portrays the spirit of the
times--the immunity of a Gov.-General in those days, as well as
the religious sentiment which accompanied his most questionable
acts. Alonso Fajardo de Tua having suspected his wife of infidelity,
went to the house where she was accustomed to meet her paramour. Her
attire was such as to confirm her husband's surmises. He called
a priest and instructed him to confess her, telling him that he
intended to take her life. The priest, failing to dissuade Fajardo from
inflicting such an extreme penalty, took her confession and proffered
her spiritual consolation. Then Fajardo, incensed with jealousy,
mortally stabbed her. No inquiry into the occurrence seems to have
been made, and he continued to govern for two years after the event,
when he died of melancholy. It is recorded that the paramour, who was
the son of a Cadiz merchant, had formerly been the accepted _fiance_
of Fajardo's wife, and that he arrived in Manila in their company. The
Governor gave him time to confess before he killed him, after which
(according to one account) he caused his house to be razed to the
ground, and the land on which it stood to be strewn with salt. Juan
de la Concepcion, however, says that the house stood for one hundred
years after the event as a memorial of the punishment.
In 1640 Olivarez, King Philip IV.'s chief counsellor, had succeeded by
his arrogance and unprecedented policy of repression in arousing the
latent discontent of the Portuguese. A few years previously they had
made an unsuccessful effort to regain their independent nationality
under the sovereignty of the Duke of Braganza. At length, when a call
was made upon their boldest warriors to support the King of Spain in
his protracted struggle with the Catalonians, an insurrection broke
out, which only terminated when Portugal had thrown off, for ever,
the scourge of Spanish supremacy.
The Duke of Braganza was crowned King of Portugal under the title
of John IV., and every Portuguese colony declared in his favour,
except Ceuta, on the African coast. The news of the separation
of Portugal from Spain reached Manila in the following year. The
Gov.-General at that time--Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera--at once
sent out an expedition of picked men under Juan Claudio with orders
to take Macao,--a Portuguese settlement at the mouth of the Canton
River, about 40 miles west of Hongkong. The attempt miserably failed,
and the blue-and-white ensign continued to wave unscathed over the
little territory. The Governor of Macao, who was willing to yield,
was denounced a traitor to Portugal, and killed by the populace. Juan
Claudio, who was taken prisoner, was generously liberated by favour
of the Portuguese Viceroy of Goa, and returned to Manila to relate
his defeat. [37]
The Convent of Santa Clara was founded in Manila in 1621 by Geronima
de la Asuncion, who, three years afterwards, was expelled from the
management by the friars because she refused to admit reforms in the
conventual regulations. The General Council subsequently restored
her to the matronship for 20 years. Public opinion was at this
time vividly aroused against the superiors of the convents, who,
it was alleged, made serious inroads on society by inveigling the
marriageable young women into taking the veil and to live unnatural
lives. The public demanded that there should be a fixed limit to
the number of nuns admitted. An ecclesiastic of high degree made
strenuous efforts to rescue three nuns who had just been admitted,
but the abbess persistently refused to surrender them until her
excommunication was published on the walls of the nunnery.
In 1750 a certain Mother Cecilia, who had been in the nunnery of Santa
Catalina since she was 16 years of age, fell in love with a Spaniard
who lived opposite, named Francisco Antonio de Figueroa, and begged
to be relieved of her vows and have her liberty restored to her. The
Archbishop was willing to grant her request, which was, however,
stoutly opposed by the Dominican friars. On appeal being made to the
Governor, as viceregal patron, he ordered her to be set at liberty. The
friars nevertheless defied the Governor, who, to sustain his authority,
was compelled to order the troops to be placed under arms, and the
commanding officer of the artillery to hold the cannons in readiness
to fire when and where necessary. In view of these preparations, the
friars allowed the nun to leave her confinement, and she was lodged in
the College of Santa Potenciana pending the dispute. Public excitement
was intense. The Archbishop ordered the girl to be liberated, but as
his subordinates were still contumacious to his bidding, the Bishop
of Cebu was invited to arbitrate on the question, but he declined
to interfere, therefore an appeal was remitted to the Archbishop of
Mexico. In the meantime the girl was married to her lover, and long
afterwards a citation arrived from Mexico for the woman to appear
at that ecclesiastical court. She went there with her husband, from
whom she was separated whilst the case was being tried, but in the
end her liberty and marriage were confirmed.
During the Government of Nino de Tabora (1626-32), the High Host
and sacred vessels were stolen from the Cathedral of Manila. The
Archbishop was in consequence sorely distressed, and walked barefooted
to the Jesuits' convent to weep with the priests, and therein find
a solace for his mental affliction. It was surmised that the wrath
of God at such a crime would assuredly be avenged by calamities on
the inhabitants, and confessions were made daily. The friars agreed
to appease the anger of the Almighty by making public penance and
by public prayer. The Archbishop subjected himself to a most rigid
abstinence. He perpetually fasted, ate herbs, drank only water,
slept on the floor with a stone for a pillow, and flagellated his own
body. On Corpus Christi day a religious procession passed through the
public thoroughfares solemnly exhorting the delinquents to restore
the body of Our Saviour, but all in vain. The melancholy prelate,
weak beyond recovery from his self-imposed privations, came to the
window of his retreat as the _cortege_ passed in front of it, and
there he breathed his last.
As in all other Spanish colonies, the Inquisition had its secret
agents or commissaries in the Philippines. Sometimes a priest would
hold powers for several years to inquire into the private lives and
acts of individuals, whilst no one knew who the informer was. The
Holy Office ordered that its _Letter of Anathema_, with the names in
full of all persons who had incurred pains and penalties for heresy,
should be read in public places every three years, but this order
was not fulfilled. The _Letter of Anathema_ was so read in 1669,
and the only time since then up to the present day was in 1718.
During the minority of the young Spanish King Charles II. the regency
was held by his mother, the Queen-Dowager, who was unfortunately
influenced by favourites, to the great disgust of the Court and
the people. Amongst these sycophants was a man named Valenzuela, of
noble birth, who, as a boy, had followed the custom of those days,
and entered as page to a nobleman--the Duke del Infantado--to learn
manners and Court etiquette.
The Duke went to Italy as Spanish ambassador, and took Valenzuela
under his protection. He was a handsome and talented young fellow,
learned for those times,--intelligent, well versed in all the generous
exercises of chivalry, and a poet by nature. On his return from Italy
with the Duke, his patron caused him to be created a Cavalier of the
Order of Saint James. The Duke shortly afterwards died, but through
the influence of the Dowager-Queen's confessor--the notorious Nitard,
also a favourite--young Valenzuela was presented at Court, where he
made love to one of the Queen's maids-of-honour--a German--and married
her. The Prince, Don Juan de Austria, who headed the party against
the Queen, expelled her favourite (Nitard) from Court, and Valenzuela
became Her Majesty's sole confidential adviser. Nearly every night,
at late hours, the Queen went to Valenzuela's apartment to confer
with him, whilst he daily brought her secret news gleaned from the
courtiers. The Queen created him Marquis of San Bartolome and of
Villa Sierra, a first-class Grandee of Spain, and Prime Minister. He
was a most perfect courtier; and it is related of him that when a
bull-fight took place, he used to go to the royal box richly adorned
in fighting attire, and, with profound reverence, beg Her Majesty's
leave to challenge the bull. The Queen, it is said, never refused him
the solicited permission, but tenderly begged of him not to expose
himself to such dangers. Sometimes he would appear in the ring as a
cavalier, in a black costume embroidered with silver and with a large
white-and-black plume, in imitation of the Queen's half mourning. It
was much remarked that on one occasion he wore a device of the sun with
an eagle looking down upon it, and the words, "_I alone have licence_."
He composed several comedies, and allowed them to be performed at his
expense for the free amusement of the people. He also much improved
the city of Madrid with fine buildings, bridges, and many public
works to sustain his popularity amongst the citizens.
The young King, now a youth, ordered a deer hunt to be prepared in
the Escorial grounds; and during the diversion His Majesty happened
to shoot Valenzuela in the muscle of his arm, whether intentionally or
accidentally is not known. However, the terrified Queen-mother fainted
and fell into the arms of her ladies-in-waiting. This circumstance was
much commented upon, and contributed in no small degree to the public
odium and final downfall of Valenzuela in 1684. At length Don Juan de
Austria returned to the Court, when the young King was of an age to
appreciate public concerns, and he became more the Court favourite
than ever Valenzuela or Nitard had been during the Dowager-Queen's
administration. Valenzuela fell at once from the exclusive position
he had held in royal circles and retired to the Escorial, where, by
order of Don Juan de Austria, a party of young noblemen, including Don
Juan's son, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, the Marquis of Valparaiso,
and others of rank, accompanied by 200 horsemen, went to seize the
disfavoured courtier. He was out walking at the time of their arrival,
but he was speedily apprised of the danger by his bosom friend, the
Prior of Saint Jerome Monastery. The priest hid him in the roof of the
monastery, where, being nearly suffocated for want of ventilation,
a surgeon was sent up to bleed him and make him sleep. The search
party failed to find the refugee, and were about to return, when the
surgeon treacherously betrayed the secret to them, and Valenzuela
was discovered sleeping with arms by his side. He was made prisoner,
confined in a castle, degraded of all his honours and rank, and finally
banished by Don Juan de Austria to the furthermost Spanish possession
in the world--the Philippines,--whilst his family was incarcerated
in a convent at Talavera in Spain.
When the Pope heard of this violation of Church asylum in the Escorial
committed by the nobles, he excommunicated all concerned in it;
and in order to purge themselves of their sin and obtain absolution,
they were compelled to go to church in their shirts, each with a rope
around his neck. They actually performed this penance, and then the
Nuncio accredited to the Spanish Court, Cardinal Mellini, relieved
them of their ecclesiastical pains and penalties.
Valenzuela was permitted to establish a house within the prison of
Cavite, where he lived for several years as a State prisoner and
exile. When Don Juan de Austria died, the Dowager-Queen regained
in a measure her influence at Court, and one of the first favours
she begged of her son, the King, was the return of Valenzuela to
Madrid. The King granted her request, and she at once despatched a
ship to bring him to Spain, but the Secretary of State interfered
and stopped it. Nevertheless, Valenzuela, pardoned and liberated,
set out for the Peninsula, and reached Mexico, where he died from
the kick of a horse.
In 1703 a vessel arrived in Manila Bay from India, under an Armenian
captain, bringing a young man 35 years of age, a native of Turin,
who styled himself Monseigneur Charles Thomas Maillard de Tournon,
Visitor-General, Bishop of Savoy, Patriarch of Antioch, Apostolic
Nuncio and Legate _ad latere_ of the Pope. He was on his way to China
to visit the missions, and called at Manila with eight priests and
four Italian families.
Following the custom established with foreign ships, the custodian
of the Fort of Cavite placed guards on board this vessel. This act
seems to have aroused the indignation of the exalted stranger, who
assumed a very haughty tone, and arrogantly insisted upon a verbal
message being taken to the Governor (Domingo Sabalburco) to announce
his arrival. In Manila these circumstances were much debated, and
at length the Governor instructed the custodian of Cavite Fort to
accompany the stranger to the City of Manila. On his approach a salute
was fired from the city battlements, and he took up his residence in
the house of the Maestre de Campo. There the Governor went to visit him
as the Pope's legate, and was received with great arrogance. However,
the Governor showed no resentment; he seemed to be quite dumfounded by
the Patriarch's dignified airs, and consulted with the Supreme Court
about the irregularity of a legate arriving without exhibiting the
_regium exequatur_. The Court decided that the stranger must be called
upon to present his Papal credentials and the royal confirmation of
his powers with respect to Spanish dominions, and with this object a
magistrate was commissioned to wait upon him. The Patriarch treated
the commissioner with undisguised contempt, expressing his indignation
and surprise at his position being doubted; he absolutely refused to
show any credentials, and turned out the commissioner, raving at him
and causing an uproarious scandal. At each stage of the negotiations
with him the Patriarch put forward the great authority of the Pope,
and his unquestionable right to dispose of realms and peoples at his
will, and somehow this ruse seemed to subdue everybody; the Governor,
the Archbishop, and all the authorities, civil and ecclesiastical, were
overawed. The Archbishop, in fact, made an unconditional surrender to
the Patriarch, who now declared that all State and religious authority
must be subordinate to his will. The Archbishop was ordered by him
to set aside his Archiepiscopal Cross, whilst the Patriarch used his
own particular cross in the religious ceremonies, and left it in the
Cathedral of Manila on his departure. He went so far as to cause
his master of the ceremonies to publicly divest the Archbishop of
a part of his official robes and insignia, to all which the prelate
meekly consented. All the chief authorities visited the Patriarch,
who, however, was too dignified to return their calls. Here was,
in fact, an extraordinary case of a man unknown to everybody, and
refusing to prove his identity, having absolutely brought all the
authority of a colony under his sway! He was, as a matter of fact,
the legate of Clement XI.
The only person to whom he appears to have extended his friendship was
the Maestre de Campo, at the time under ecclesiastical arrest. The
Maestre de Campo was visited by the Patriarch, who so ingeniously
blinded him with his patronage, that this official squandered
about P20,000 in entertaining his strange visitor and making him
presents. The Patriarch in return insisted upon the Governor and
Archbishop pardoning the Maestre de Campo of all his alleged misdeeds,
and when this was conceded he caused the pardon to be proclaimed in
a public Act. All the Manila officials were treated by the Patriarch
with open disdain, but he created the Armenian captain of the vessel
which brought him to Manila a knight of the "Golden Spur," in a public
ceremony in the Maestre de Campo's house in which the Gov.-General
was ignored.
From Manila the Patriarch went to China, where his meddling with
the Catholic missions met with fierce opposition. He so dogmatically
asserted his unproved authority, that he caused European missionaries
to be cited in the Chinese Courts and sentenced for their disobedience;
but he was playing with fire, for at last the Emperor of China, wearied
of his importunities, banished him from the country. Thence he went
to Macao, where, much to the bewilderment of the Chinese population,
he maintained constant disputes with the Catholic missionaries until he
died there in 1710 in the Inquisition prison, where he was incarcerated
at the instance of the Jesuits.
When King Philip V. became aware of what had occurred in Manila,
he was highly incensed, and immediately ordered the Gov.-General
to Mexico, declaring him disqualified for life to serve under the
Crown. The senior magistrates of the Supreme Court were removed from
office. Each priest who had yielded to the legate's authority without
previously taking cognisance of the _regium exequatur_ was ordered
to pay P1,000 fine. The Archbishop was degraded and transferred
from the Archbishopric of Manila to the Bishopric of Guadalajara in
Mexico. In spite of this punishment, it came to the knowledge of the
King that the ex-Archbishop of Manila, as Bishop of Guadalajara, was
still conspiring with the Patriarch to subvert civil and religious
authority in his dominions, with which object he had sent him P1,000
from Mexico, and had promised a fixed sum of P1,000 per annum, with
whatever further support he could afford to give him. Therefore the
King issued an edict to the effect that any legate who should arrive
in his domains without royal confirmation of his Papal credentials
should thenceforth be treated simply with the charity and courtesy
due to any traveller; and in order that this edict should not be
forgotten, or evaded, under pretext of its having become obsolete,
it was further enacted that it should be read in full on certain days
in every year before all the civil and ecclesiastical functionaries.