THE NATIONAL PARK SERVICE
Although there were thirteen national parks in 1912, each received a
separate appropriation and had separate management. The business of
these playgrounds was scattered among three departments, and nowhere in
Washington was there a single official or desk wholly devoted to their
interest.[335] To this problem Stephen Tyng Mather brought high
intelligence, sound philosophy, and supreme endeavor. By 1915 he had
achieved administrative experience that ripened into wisdom equal to
undertake the preservation of America's scenic and recreational
heritage.
With this general proposition in mind, Mr. Mather made two visits to
Yellowstone during the season of 1915. There he carefully analyzed the
administrative policies and personnel. While it is only fair to state
that other federal officials were also planning a new national park
organization and procedure it was largely Mr. Mather's Yellowstone
report that provided the needed impetus. From then on he supplied the
energy, foresight, and devotion to effect a transition.
On August 25, 1916 the National Park Service Bill received President
Wilson's signature. This measure placed the control and general
supervision of the entire national park activity squarely into the hands
of a Director of National Parks. The bill was sponsored by Senator Reed
Smoot of Utah and Representative William Kent of California.
Thereafter, on October 1, 1916, the troops of U.S. Cavalry left Fort
Yellowstone for duty along the Mexican border. With C. A. Lindsley as
Acting Superintendent a fine ranger corps was organized of mountain
scouts and released soldiers. Shortly afterwards Congress reversed its
action and voted to deny the use of Department of the Interior funds for
protective purposes. This forced the return of the soldiers, and the
army resumed control on June 30, 1917.
During the next six months National Park Service officials, aided by the
army officers, gathered data which proved the inadvisability of
continuing the use of troops. It should be noted that the attitude of
the officers throughout was cogently expressed by Captain Harris:
And it is believed that to the extent in which the present method of
government and protection is an improvement upon former methods it is
due to the visible power and force of the National Government as
represented by the military garrison in the Park.
It is not to be inferred that the claim is made that a military
government is the only one practicable for the Park, or even that it
is the best adapted or most suitable. It is believed, however, that no
efficient protection can be given to the Park without the support of a
well-organized and disciplined police force of some description.[336]
In this spirit, the cost of a military garrison and its lack of
opportunities to drill were reviewed. It was clearly demonstrated that a
ranger force of a chief ranger, four assistants, twenty-five permanent
Park rangers of the first class, and twenty-five seasonal rangers would
constitute a "well-organized and disciplined police force" and something
else besides. It was also pointed out that the cost would be
considerably less. This effort resulted in a second withdrawal of the
troops in 1918. At the same time another ranger force was effected with
substantially the same personnel as developed in 1916.[337] In due time
the members of this new corps acquired a modest attitude of confidence
in their own capacity which still abides.
Mr. Mather assumed office as the first National Park Director on May 16,
1917. In a short time the fruits of his vision were disclosed. Under his
inspiring leadership the National Park program was steadily expanded.
Peace was made with, and a degree of cooperation obtained from, the
natural antagonists of the National Park Service. Several wealthy
citizens who had acquired vast private estates were induced to donate
portions thereof for the general public. Sportsmen who had observed the
diminution in numbers of wild creatures were converted to the idea of
refuges through self-interest. The positions of the lumber, grazing,
irrigation, and water-power interests were less yielding on this all-out
conservation issue. They would evidently favor a compromise. The general
public gradually responded to the suggestion that the country beautiful
was even more alluring than beautiful cities.[338]
In Secretary Lane's third annual report in 1919 the National Park
Service policy was announced under three broad principles:
First, that the National Parks must be maintained in absolutely
unimpaired form for the use of future generations as well as those of
our own time; Second, that they are set apart for the use,
observation, health, and pleasure of the people; and Third, that the
national interest must dictate all decisions affecting public or
private enterprise in the Parks.[339]
Since then the program has made steady progress. Its purposes and
policies have been enlarged and clarified. The acceptable qualities of
parkhood were defined. Such an area must be supremely significant,
having a national appeal whether scenic, archaeological, scientific, or
historical. Only such features of natural architecture were to be
included as would represent the highest accomplishment within its class.
For example, Grand Canyon of the Colorado exemplifies the most
extraordinary achievement of stream erosion, whereas Yellowstone is most
unique in the realm of thermal activity.[340]
The National Park represents the apex of the conservation program,
wherein the principle of optimum use is the dominating force. The twin
purposes of enjoyment plus conservation always remain uppermost.
Commercialization beyond actual requirements is not to be tolerated, and
to this end close supervision is maintained.
Natural species of animals and plants were to abide in normal
relationships, free from man's interference, except under urgent
circumstances such as were described in the discussion of wild life
control. The primitive appearance of Yellowstone forests is distasteful
to some people. It was a carping German traveler who said, "Look at your
dead trees and burned stumps in the woods ... and your streams are full
of driftwood. It is not cared for."[341] In that sense Yellowstone is
not a park but a wilderness full of the beauty of natural disorder. All
things remain as nature leaves them. No man disturbs landslide, log jam,
or wind-swept lodgepole avalanche.
The appearance of the trails, roads, bridges, buildings, and facilities
of all kinds is gradually being brought into harmony with the natural
environment. Under the guidance of landscape artists, structural design
and location are made conformable to maximum scenic advantages while at
the same time, being inconspicuous themselves. A few examples will
illustrate this trend toward artificial recession. In 1889 Captain
Boutelle complained against the statute which prescribed that no hotel
shall be erected within four hundred and forty yards of any object of
interest. He urged a reduction of one-half the distance.[342] Now, all
the accommodations in the immediate Grand Canyon area are being moved a
modest distance away, where they will still provide the services which
visitors need, but not intrude upon the natural scene. Another case is
afforded by the bear shows. Formerly they were provided in several
places; then modified to a less artificial presentation on Otter Creek.
In 1942 they were discontinued. It is truly exciting for thousands of
people to observe thirty or forty grizzlies jostle and cuff each other
around a "combination salad" platform. Still, the circumstance is highly
artificial, a sort of Roman holiday affair, and therefore inappropriate.
It is hoped that the Lord of all American wild life may be allowed to go
his way undisturbed, otherwise grizzlies may become "holdup bears and
bums." Such an eventuality, on a nocturnal basis of operation, is by no
means improbable. That development would consign this magnificent animal
to a precipitous disappearance from the earth.
Yellowstone's educational opportunities were early recognized and
utilized by the scientists. The passing of time has widened this
field-study interest. Supervised groups now come from all parts of
America, with individual scientists hailing from both home and abroad.
In fact, more than a hundred specialists have spent from a few weeks to
several years in the Park. The results of these efforts have run up the
volume of scientific titles to approximately five hundred.
By 1920 naturalist activity was in the course of development, the
outcome of an avowed purpose to facilitate the real enjoyment of the
people. To this work Director Mather brought especial perception, skill,
and even personal funds. In fact, he may be considered as the father of
the movement. It was in 1918, when visiting Lake Tahoe, that Mather
observed the activities of a young man named Harold Bryant, whom the
management had employed to interpret nature to their guests. Dr.
Bryant's work so impressed the Director that he took him to Yosemite
where his success with the public was immediate. Ranger-naturalists were
appointed in other parks, and later Dr. H. C. Bryant was placed in
charge of the educational branch of the service. Two notable
institutions quickly caught the vision and cooperated. In 1925 the
Yosemite School of Natural History was founded as a non-profit
scientific organization. Courses in botany, zoology, and geology were
given. Emphasis was placed on field work, and the final trip lasted two
weeks. The instructional staff was composed largely of University of
California professors, while the twenty trainees were chosen from a
hundred candidates.[343] In 1935 Yale University furthered the
naturalist incentive by providing a fellowship. Since 1937 two have been
granted. Yellowstone Park has taken advantage of these services.
After a decade of experimentation in field trips, fireside lectures, and
exhibits a Research and Education branch was created within the National
Park Service. This bureau outlined a policy of portraying certain phases
of the American scene in a correlated story. Laboratories were developed
in Berkeley, California; Fort Hunt, Virginia; and Washington, D. C. The
leading men in this program were H. C. Bryant, F. W. Miller, W. W.
Atwood, F. R. Oastler, A. F. Hall, H. C. Bumpus, and C. P. Russell.
In 1920, Superintendent Horace M. Albright, assisted by J. E. Haynes,
organized the naturalist program in Yellowstone. M. P. Skinner was the
first Park Naturalist. He was succeeded by Edmund J. Sawyer in 1924.
Four years later Dorr G. Yeager assumed the office; in 1932 Dr. C. Max
Bauer became Park Naturalist and served until 1946, when David de L.
Condon was advanced to the position.[344] All of these men have been
nature-wise and public-minded. As time passed two assistants to the
Chief Naturalist and thirty-five seasonal Park ranger-naturalists
completed this organization. Robert N. McIntyre became Chief Park
Naturalist in 1959.
[Illustration: W. S. Chapman
Park Ranger-Naturalist and tourist group.]
Today Yellowstone's Naturalist Division stands as the symbol of
America's love for the great out-of-doors. Its philosophy is wise and
comprehensive. Its scientists have delved deeply for the facts. Still,
there is a spirit of self-abnegation among the personnel. They serve all
and sundry in every possible way, and yet they are pledged to the
preservation of the natural treasures. Their contribution to protection
of park values is shared with that of the ranger staff. The number of
public contacts runs into the hundreds of thousands annually. Wise,
indeed, is the tourist who avails himself of this free guide service.
The principal points of interest are visited over footpath or by auto
caravan. Daily schedules of these activities are posted, and an
illustrated lecture is held in an amphitheater each night. Many citizens
have expressed their satisfaction with this naturalist service:
He unravelled before our city-wearied eyes the skein of beauty nature
has hidden in this great preserve. With skillful phrase he repictured
for us the aeons during which the mountains were wrinkling and the
cobalt lakes were born. His keen eyes found us mountain sheep ... his
wide knowledge compassed the flowers and birds along the way. He knew
when and where to take us to see the beaver at work, and where the
water ouzel bubbled forth its cascade of song. He answered all our
questions with calm courtesy. Around the nightly campfire he brought
to us in song and story the romance and exuberance of the west....
The fire of his enthusiasm welded us to the National Park idea and
out-of-doors as nothing had ever done. We returned to the east
inspired by a new understanding of the greatness of America and the
magnificence of its beauty.[345]
In 1928 the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Foundation made a donation to be
used by the American Association of Museums in the Park. Under the
direction of Dr. Hermon C. Bumpus museums were erected at Old Faithful,
Madison, Norris and Fishing Bridge. The main museum at Mammoth was
improved and a number of roadside exhibits were established.[346]
Mission 66 was begun by the National Park Service in 1956. It is a
conservation program to assure full protection of irreplaceable scenic,
scientific and historic treasures and to develop and staff the Parks to
permit their wisest possible use for your enjoyment. Completion is
scheduled for 1966, the 50th anniversary of the establishment of the
National Park Service, hence Mission 66.
Under this program, new roads, bridges, campgrounds and other facilities
are being built. A fine new visitor center was opened in 1958 at Canyon
Village and a large number of attractive new roadside exhibits and signs
interpret the human and natural history of the great natural museum that
is Yellowstone.
During the score of years required to develop the naturalist branch, the
protective division was not marking time. In 1920 James McBride became
the first Chief Ranger. Since then Samuel Tilden Woodring, George F.
Baggley, Francis D. LaNoue, Maynard Barrows, Curtis K. Skinner and Otto
M. Brown have served. Nelson Murdock became Chief Ranger in 1960. Under
their supervision the character of the personnel has been gradually
changed. Originally a mountain scout and ex-soldier organization, it is
now composed of college graduates. These men divide their time and
effort between applying the principles of forest and wild life
management with those of public relations. Physically robust, mentally
alert, sociable and understanding, they properly exemplify the
traditional informality and hospitality of the West.
Of course there have always been a few political appointees present
among the seasonal Park rangers. This makes the group quite varied,
somewhat in keeping with the universality of the tourists themselves.
Many a city lad has had the time of his life in his fleeting role as a
"ninety-day wonder." Still there has always been a restraining influence
reaching out from the chief ranger's office. A young man is not allowed
to become too self-conscious over his uniform or badge of authority.
The Superintendent presides over the protective and naturalist divisions
and all other units of the National Park Service in Yellowstone. Only
four men have held this position since the army withdrew in 1918. C. A.
Lindsley was succeeded by Horace M. Albright in 1919. Mr. Albright
served for ten years, after which Roger W. Toll took office. Edmund B.
Rogers was appointed May 25, 1936, and served until November 1, 1956,
when Superintendent Lemuel A. Garrison succeeded him. The
superintendent's office is the nerve center of the Park. From there all
activities are co-ordinated. This official is also the liaison man with
the National Park Service; he makes all estimates and recommendations;
he contends for assistance from cooperating agencies, such as the
Civilian Conservation Corps, Emergency Relief Administration, and Public
Works Administration.[347] The Public Health Service, the Geological
Survey, and the Fish and Wildlife Service each lend cooperation in their
special fields. It is also his function to consider many letters of
introduction and requests for special favors. He is expected,
personally, to welcome numerous delegations and important national and
foreign personages. Information and courtesies flow from his presence
continuously. He must determine the bounds of concessionaires, hear
major complaints, oppose all invasions by mercenary interests, and, if
necessary, labor to expand the Park's boundaries.
[Illustration: Madison Junction Historical Museum.]
Beginning early in the twentieth century there were advocates of an
extension southward. Many people wanted to have the cathedral-like
Tetons incorporated in the Park. A campaign for a Greater Yellowstone
was launched, and in 1918 Representative Mondell introduced a measure
(H.R. 11661) providing for their incorporation.[348] However, the matter
was delayed, and the passing of time resulted in the establishment of
the Grand Teton National Park. A national park may only be created by an
act of Congress; whereas an executive order is sufficient for the
creation of a national monument or a moderate extension of a park
boundary. Through a proclamation issued by President Hoover on October
20, 1932, Yellowstone National Park acquired a triangular strip of 7,600
acres of land, now called the Stevens Creek area. It is located
northwest of Gardiner townsite, and it was enlarged to the extent of
nearly a thousand acres the next year. In affairs of this character the
National Park Service and the Superintendent work in close cooperation
with the Secretary of the Interior. Indeed, the superintendency of
Yellowstone is one of the ranking positions of its kind in the National
Park Service. His final obligation is to be sure that the original
objective "for the benefit and enjoyment of the people" is still the
chief and ever-constant purpose.
It has been pointed out that the fulfillment of this objective is rather
difficult, because various interests and groups have their own ideas
concerning the purposes and methods of administering national parks. For
example, in Idaho, there are some organizations that seek an Idaho
entrance to the Park on Fall River. They point to the fact that distance
and time would be appreciably reduced in reaching Old Faithful via this
route. Besides, they aver, such an entrance would traverse a beautiful
scenic area. These contentions are both valid and understandable. So is
the demand for landing strips and airport facilities within the
reservation boundaries.
The latter project, it is held, is identical to the position raised by
motorists in 1915. National Park officials have met these issues
squarely. Director Conrad L. Wirth and his Yellowstone representatives
have vetoed both proposals. "Surely," they reason, "the Park is for the
people, but if it is multisected by highways and airways, what will
become of the primitive areas?" Sizeable regions are essential for the
propagation and preservation of wild life. In addition, they point to
the fact that as of this date most people conceive of the parks as
havens of relative quiet and rest.
During the travel season of 1959, Yellowstone was host to 1,489,112
visitors. This multitude exceeded the total of all persons entering the
Park in the first half century of its existence. Facilitating their
enjoyment and at the same time preserving the domain as a pleasuring
ground for their descendants requires a good measure of understanding on
the part of the public, together with a high degree of understanding and
training upon the part of the officials.
Earth tremors are common in the Yellowstone region. The Hayden Survey
reported feeling severe shocks near Steamboat Point on Yellowstone Lake
in 1871. They named the site "Earthquake Camp." Other quakes have been
reported, mostly of a minor nature. At 11:38 p.m. on August 17, 1959, an
earthquake of magnitude 7.1 on the Richter Scale struck the Yellowstone
area. The epicenter of the quake was along the western boundary of the
Park in the vicinity of Grayling Creek.
The greatest earthquake damage took place in the Madison Canyon about 7
miles below Hebgen Dam and outside Yellowstone. A massive slide of about
80 million tons of earth and rock blocked the canyon and entombed a
number of campers along a half-mile stretch of the Madison River. This
natural dam has created Earthquake Lake, a feature that will attract
attention for years to come.
In Yellowstone National Park dangerous rock slides covered Park roads at
several points along the Madison, Firehole, and Gibbon rivers, and at
Golden Gate. Tall chimneys toppled from Old Faithful Inn and other Park
buildings, and there was structural damage to many roads and buildings.
The hot springs showed a greater change in this one night than had been
observed in the entire history of the Park. Close study of the thermal
features revealed that most springs had discharged water copiously
during the quake and aftershocks, and then ebbed below normal levels.
Investigation revealed that at least 298 springs and geysers had erupted
the night of the quake, and 160 of these were springs with no previous
record of eruption. Other changes occurred slowly. The Fountain Paint
Pot did not manifest unusual activity until several days after the
quake, but then encroached upon walks and parking areas. Most of the hot
springs became turbid, and even cold springs that fed the mountain
streams on the west side of the Park discharged an opaque mud which
discolored the creeks and rivers.
Equilibrium was gradually restored in the geyser basins. Some of the
earthquake changes were permanent, others transitory. All of them make
this chapter in the living geology of Yellowstone an intensely
interesting one for Park visitors to learn about.
Upon receiving reports about earthquake effects throughout the Park,
Superintendent Lon Garrison exclaimed, "The Lord had his arms around us.
We had 18,000 people inside Yellowstone that night, and not one person
was killed or badly hurt. Think what would have happened if the quake
had come during daylight--at Old Faithful Inn, for example, where the
chimney fell into the dining room."
Thus, out of Yellowstone's development under scouts, soldiers, and
rangers, has come invaluable experience for the good of the whole
nation. From its humble origin a service has evolved that now
administers more than one hundred and seventy-five national park service
areas. Perhaps the value of this program toward the enrichment of
American life cannot be assessed. However, something of its breadth has
been caught and cast in the bronze plaque at the Madison Junction
Museum:
Stephen Tyng Mather
July 4, 1867 Jan. 22, 1930
He laid the foundation of the National Park Service. Defining and
establishing the policy under which its areas shall be developed and
conserved unimpaired for future generations. There will never come an
end to the good that he has done.
Yellowstone is one of these irreducible frontiers which should never
vanish, but to find a frontier one must first have the spirit of a
frontiersman. Therefore within its confines are vast wilderness zones
into which people may still go who cherish the elemental conditions of
earth and its denizens. Here there may always be a pristine land,
reminiscent of the primitive environment of mankind. Here is a temporary
refuge for people distraught by the strain and turmoil of modern life.
It is becoming increasingly clear that the nation which leads the world
in feverish business activity requires playgrounds as well as workshops.
If America would maintain its industrial supremacy let her plan not only
the conservation of materials but of men.[349] Therefore, let them come
to Yellowstone and other national parks and achieve physical, mental,
and especially spiritual regeneration for all time to come. In
Yellowstone, the National Park Service will be on hand to so direct the
experience of the visitors to the end that even from afar and after many
years their memories will return again. And, as the deepening twilight
seems to bring the earth and the sky together, they may reflect upon a
land where white-robed columns of steam ascend from the fissures of
geysers long dead, like ghosts revisiting the scenes of their
activity.[350]
Such is the desire of all large and generous minds. They are in full
agreement with the glowing tribute of the Earl of Dunraven:
All honor then to the United States for having bequeathed as a free
gift to man the beauties and curiosities of Wonderland. It is an act
worthy of a great nation, and she will have her reward in the praise
of the present army of tourists no less than in the thanks of the
generations to come.[351]
And so, here is Yellowstone--The Gem of the Mountains. Is she not worthy
of the fullest measure of preservation, appreciation, and defense?
Surely, the Park is an incomparable heritage in the divine legacy that
is America. May her fountains never fail but go dancing eternally along,
shedding joy and inspiration upon the hearts of all who seek a certain
treasure.
[Illustration: W. S. Chapman
Park Ranger.]
Appendix I
YOUNG MEN CAMPING IN YELLOWSTONE WILDERNESS
An adaptation of Rudyard Kipling's
"The Feet of the Young Men"
By Merrill D. Beal
When Yellowstone Park is opened then the smokes of council rise,
Pleasant smokes 'ere yet twixt trail and trail they choose.
Then the ropes and girths are tested while they pack their last
supplies,
Now the young men head for camps beyond the Tetons!
Faith will lead them to those altars, hope will light them to that
shrine,
Pilot knobs will safely guide them to their goal.
They must go, go, go, away from home!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Away! The trail is clear before you,
When the old spring fret comes o'er you
And the Red Gods call for you!
They will see the beaver falling and hear the white swan calling,
They'll behold the fishhawk fumble as bald eagle takes a tumble to rob
him of his haul.
They will lie alone to hear the wild geese cry.
They may watch the blacktail mating as they work the chosen waters
where the mackinaw are waiting
And the cutthroats jumping crazy for the fly!
They must go, go, go, away from here!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Begone! The way is clear before you
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods call for you!
They will see the lakeside lilies where the bull moose meets the cow,
Or maybe silver grizzlies nurse the sow.
They must climb the blue-roofed Rockies and observe that windy rift
Where the baffling mountain eddies chop and change.
They will learn the long day's patience, belly down on talus drift,
And hear the thud of bison on the range.
It is there that they are going where the bighorn and the ewes lie,
To a trusty, nimble ranger that they know;
They have sworn an oath to keep it on the brink of Mitsiadazi
For the Red Gods call them out and they must go.
Let them go, go, go, away from home!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Be off! The trail is clear before you
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods make their medicine again.
"So it's onward ponies, sally, this is not the place to dally!"
For the young men's thoughts are turning to a camp of special
yearning,
Hidden in a hanging valley.
They must find that blackened timber, they must head that racing
stream,
With its raw, right-angled log jam at the end,
And a bar of sun-warmed gravel where a lad can bask and dream
To the click of shod canoe poles 'round the bend.
It is there that they are going with their rods and reels and traces,
With a silent, smoky packer that they know;
To their beds of fleecy fir-mat with the star light on their faces,
All are ready now to hold the evening show.
So they go, go, go, away from here!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
So long! The trail is clear before you,
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods call you forth and you must go!
In the afterglow of twilight, tales of wonder find their voice,
Trapping, fighting, robbing, poaching yield a choice:
There's John Colter's mighty run and Jim Bridger's towering fun,
There's Everts' five-week fast and Ed Trafton's crimson past.
There's George Cowan's rugged vim; there's Buckskin Charley,
Beaver Dick and Yankee Jim!
Nez Percé Joseph's flight and capture will fill each soul with rapture
In this camp of keen desire and pure delight.
Let them go, go, go, away from home!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Away! The trail is clear before you
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods mix their medicine again.
[Illustration: Photo by Jack Young
_Young men camping in Yellowstone_]
When the mountain yarns cease flowing and the night is in the glowing,
conversation wanes.
Then a sudden clap of thunder makes them huddle up the number to fend
against the rains.
When the fleeting squalls are over and the clouds ride high and fair,
They will hear the lodgepole crackle and inhale the pine-sap air.
Then bacon scent and wood smoke will attract an eager bear,
He will grunt and sniff and gurgle as he wends nocturnal rounds.
As darkness dims youth's vision, so sleep crowds out all sounds,
But the eerie detonation of the bull elk's morning call
Will waken them from slumber by a singing water fall.
Hence, they go, go, go, away from here!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Carry on! The trail is clear before you
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods call for you!
Unto each the voice and vision, unto each his hunch and sign,
Lonely geyser in a basin, misty sweat bath 'neath a pine.
Unto each a lad who knows his naked soul!
Unto each a rainbow arching through a window in the sky,
While the blazoned, bird-winged butterflies flap by.
It is there that they are going to a region that they know,
Where the sign betrays the badger and the shaggy buffalo.
Where the trail runs out in breccia midst rock forests row on row.
It is there life glides serenely without conduct that's unseemly,
In a land where thoughts and feelings overflow.
Quick! Ah, heave the camp kit over!
For the Red Gods call them forth and they must go.
Let them go, go, go, away from home!
On the summit of the world they're overdue.
Farewell! The trail is clear before you
When the old spring fret comes o'er you,
And the Red Gods mix their medicine once more.
Appendix II
THE PROBLEM OF "COLTER'S ROUTE IN 1807"
It may seem unfruitful at this time to attempt a solution of the problem
of John Colter's 1807 route of discovery in Yellowstone. Many people
require no proof of anything cited in the records of such great scouts
as Jedediah S. Smith, Kit Carson, and John Colter. Their integrity need
not be questioned. Still, it is within the province of the historian to
sift and test all of the evidence until the truth falls into place as
elements in a jigsaw puzzle. Even myths and legends should be examined
for any implications and bearing they might have upon a fact. It is in
this light that the following discussion of the Colter discovery problem
is presented. This case is entirely hypothetical, since no specific
reference to his route has been found anywhere among source material,
except as it is approximated upon the Map of 1814.
Beyond the known facts of Colter's journey in 1807, the Map of 1814, and
the "Colter's Hell" legend, there is a complete hiatus, or vacuum.
However, the Map of 1814 is certainly a tangible thing; let it tell its
own story: It is known that William Clark had a friend in Philadelphia
named Nicholas Biddle who arranged for the publication of _The Lewis and
Clark Journals_. In order to properly depict the journey, Mr. Biddle
secured the services of a prominent Philadelphia cartographer named
Samuel Lewis. Twice in 1810 Clark sent sheets of map material to Mr.
Biddle.[352] John Colter reached St. Louis in May, 1810. It is certain
that he called upon Clark and gave him information, if not sheets,
depicting his famous journey of 1807. This data was undoubtedly sent on
to Mr. Biddle, either as Colter drew it or as it was accurately redrawn
by Clark. At least one of Colter's sheets was incorporated in the final
Map of 1814.[353] The first, or eastern prairie, side of the Colter plat
traced his journey up Pryors Fork, about fifty miles west of Fort
Manuel, through Pryors Gap. Then he crossed over to Clarks Fork, which
he ascended, probably to Dead Indian Creek. From this creek Colter
crossed over a divide to the North Fork Shoshone River where he first
smelled sulphur. This he called Stinking Water River, most probably
referring to the present De Maris Mineral Springs near Cody, Wyoming.
On Stinking Water River he encountered the "Yep-pe Band of Snake Indians
1000 souls." This was evidently a clan of the Crow tribe. From these
Yep-pe Indians, denizens of both prairie and mountain, he undoubtedly
learned of the Yellowstone geysers and other marvels. This accounts for
his side trip which brought him back to the Yep-pe camp. It is likely
that some of these Indians directed Colter along another route in
returning to Manuel's Fort. Obviously they went down the North Fork
Shoshone, or Colter's Stinking Water River, to its junction with
Shoshone River. This, he followed to Gap Creek (now Sage Creek) which he
ascended to Pryors Gap.[354] By this alternate route Colter again
reached Pryors Fork where he crossed over to return to Fort Manuel.
From this examination it is obvious that the western boundary of
Colter's first map lies east of 110° longitude, and up to that point no
difficulty whatever is encountered with either the route or the map.
This line undoubtedly defines the west border of Colter's first sheet.
It became a part of the Map of 1814 without change. Hence, it is a
correct representation of the "Buffalo Bill country" around Cody,
Wyoming. Published in 1814, it could only have been the work of John
Colter, because no other white man had visited that area. Because of the
accuracy of Colter's first plat, or east portion of the map, his course
to the Yep-pe Indian camp can be followed like tracks in the snow. Just
so, the return route east of 110° can be identified as coming down
Sunlight Creek and back up Dead Indian Creek to the Yep-pe Indian camp.
From there he followed a shorter route, in returning to the eastern edge
of the map sheet, that is to say, the head of Pryors Fork.
[Illustration: M. D. Beal
Yellowstone section of Colter's route.]
[Illustration: Logic and a reasonable sense of procedure would
support this route as the trail of Colter's Yellowstone Discovery.
Conclusive proof is lacking.]
Thus, it is evident that the eastern courses of Colter's journey, both
going and coming, are accurately depicted on the Map of 1814. East of
110° it is an accurate and authentic mapping of the area, just such a
one as an intelligent trapper would make. Whatever is depicted
corresponds to actual geography. It is factual, tangible, verifiable,
and indisputable.
This part of the map proves that Colter did take an extended journey in
a southwesterly direction, but it does not prove that he discovered
Yellowstone Park. The dependable part of the map simply accounts for the
eastern part of the figure eight which is essential to describe the
complete journey.[355] The reliable part leads him only to the
southeastern border of Yellowstone Park and brings him back from farther
north along its eastern boundary.
The western portion of the dotted line on the Map of 1814 is purely
fictitious and encompasses an area far beyond that occupied by
Yellowstone Park. Indeed, this part of Colter's route winds among a
labyrinth of geographical unreality.[356] Therefore, Colter's route, as
represented by the western loop of the dotted line, is likewise invalid.
Here, then, is the problem of Colter's discovery: How could the map of
his exploration, which necessarily described a figure eight, be at once
so authentic in the east and so fictitious in the west? The Yellowstone
area of the Map of 1814 is certainly one of organized confusion, but it
does not follow that Colter drew that portion of the map as it appears.
Actual geography and common sense prove that a trapper on foot could not
possibly have seen both the Arkansas and Platte rivers. Just as surely,
geography and common sense attest that in traveling a normal western
loop of the figure eight he would have seen precisely what the map does
not depict, namely: Upper Yellowstone River, Snake River, Yellowstone
Lake, and the thermal areas at Thumb of Lake and near Hayden Valley.
Thus, by elimination, an obvious conclusion evolves, namely that the
western loop is not as Colter drew it. Instead of actuality, there is
fiction; nothing in this part of the map conforms to reality. That
geography only exists upon the Map of 1814. John Colter died in 1813 so
he never even saw the route as depicted, to say nothing of traveling
along it.
[Illustration: J. N. Barry
Western section of Colter's route.]
[Illustration: A true sketch of the Yellowstone Park area.]
[Illustration: Fictitious geography depicted on the map of 1814.
Note the complete incongruity between the real map and the guess
map.]
The failure of writers to recognize the fictitious character of this
portion of the Map of 1814 has led to a comical performance. They have
assigned to Colter the role of a human helicopter who hopped over
mountains and valleys visiting the drainage basins of all the river
systems within a radius of five hundred miles of the Yep-pe Indian
village. First they trail him on Teton River, Big Sandy, Gros Ventre,
and Greybull. Then they track him over South Pass, Teton Pass, and Union
and Twogwotee passes. These authors have never trudged the wilds of
which they write nor even measured them on a real map. Where, then, did
Colter travel? The answer to that problem largely depends upon a
rational interpretation of that fantastic map sheet. Perhaps an
investigation of the process by which the map was produced will offer a
clue.
As stated before, Clark sent map materials to Biddle, who in turn passed
them on to Samuel Lewis, a professional cartographer, to be worked into
a map of the Trans-Mississippi West. This was a very difficult
assignment because the sheets were of various scales, which necessitated
overlapping, crowding, and uncertainty as to latitudes and
longitudes.[357] The manner in which Lewis fitted them into a mosaic
represents a remarkable work of art. Deficiencies are largely
attributable to the inadequate data received, but in the case of
Colter's journey another element is involved.
In the course of compilation, between 1810 and 1814, Clark must have
sent a redrawing of the route of Colter's journey.[358] By way of
review, let it be remembered that Colter reached St. Louis in May of
1810. He called on Clark and evidently presented several sheets of
trapper map to him. This was the material which depicted his journey of
1807, and it seemed to be highly appreciated by Clark. That it was given
preference by Clark over the contemporary exploration of Zebulon M. Pike
simply substantiates the belief that Colter's journey made a profound
impression upon Clark at that time.[359] On December 20, 1810, Clark
apparently sent the original Colter sheets, or properly redrawn copies
of them, to Nicholas Biddle. Clark also inserted, or superimposed, two
rivers upon the Colter drawing. They were Clarks Fork and Bighorn
rivers.
It is important to remember that Clark had full confidence in Colter's
representation of his journey at this time, that is, December, 1810. The
following year Andrew Henry returned from his exploration of the Madison
and Snake river regions. He had seen only ordinary country. This report
seems to have destroyed Clark's belief in Colter's story of marvels. Not
wishing to deceive anyone by the delusions of a deranged trapper's mind,
Clark apparently directed Samuel Lewis to retain Colter's east plat,
that is, the Buffalo Bill country, but suppress the western section, the
Yellowstone Lake region. In lieu of Colter's depiction of the western
loop of his figure eight Clark evidently sent the draft that now appears
on the Map of 1814.
What possible reason can be assigned for this action? It is anybody's
guess; no one can now determine what Clark thought, but following is a
rational hypothesis: In the close of the year 1811, Andrew Henry and his
men returned from their trapping venture in the Upper Snake River basin.
They had skirted the western border of Wonderland along the line of the
Madison and Gallatin rivers and explored the sources of Henrys Fork of
the Snake River. Yet, Henry had not seen any hot springs, geysers, or
great lakes. No doubt Henry had heard trappers joke about "Colter's
Hell." Personally, he showed no confidence in it. Evidently both he and
Clark considered that Henry's and Colter's journeys overlapped.
Actually, the Gallatin Range intervened between them. It is reasonable,
therefore, that Henry's report and attitude affected Clark's original
belief in Colter's story. Where he first believed he now doubted.
Perhaps Clark concluded that Colter's terrible experiences had deranged
his mind. It is certain that Clark sent his new knowledge of the Henrys
Fork country to Biddle in 1812 because it appears on the Map of
1814.[360] It was undoubtedly at this time that Clark sent in his
redrawn, guesswork version of the western portion of Colter's map. No
one knows exactly what changes Clark made, but the Map of 1814 proves
conclusively that Clark did not depict the "Colter's Hell" country which
contains the wonders of Yellowstone Park as it was originally presented
to him.
It was a valid reaction for Clark to have become suspicious of Colter's
reliability, and the substitution of his own geographical speculation
for Colter's Yellowstone sketch was probably sincere. Clark was too
honest to depict the delusions of an "insane" man. Also he was very
anxious to have a reasonably complete and integrated map. The only
alternatives were to allow the Colter marvel sheet to appear or else to
mark a considerable area "unexplored." He was caught in the bonds of
uncertainty and made a compromise. The result was a sheet of bogus
geography which is entirely incongruous, not only with the facts, but
with Clark's uniformly excellent map work.[361]
Clark's choice of alternatives only complicated the problem of his
cartographer. Lewis no doubt recognized the vast discrepancies between
Colter's genuine depiction and Clark's counterfeit so he evidently
decided upon a compromise of his own. How this expert reconciled the
conflicting data of the two map sheets into one pattern is at once a
masterpiece in cartography and psychology. The technique he adopted
might be called "double entry map making." He used the Yellowstone Lake
part of Colter's sketch as an element for a concealed map; it appears as
a mountain range. Such a grotesque range cannot be found in any of the
surrounding territory, but when visualized as a lake it is amazing how
it conforms to what a trapper traveling a logical route would have seen
of Yellowstone Lake, namely, the South Arm and Thumb. Lewis shied away
from any clear-cut representation of the geyser region. However, besides
including the disguised lake portion of Colter's map, he did other
things to "poke fun" at Clark's speculations. He drew Lake Eustis in the
manner of a gargoyle. It must have been deliberately "satanized."
Nothing with such a preposterous shape was ever known among men. Why
didn't Clark revolt at this representation? Surely he never drew
anything like that himself. That is not all of Lewis' "fun making." He
drew still another lake and gave it the shape of a deformed piece of
liver. Its appearance is ridiculous in the other extreme,[362] but, as
if to add insult to injury, Mr. Lewis raised a question as to this
lake's legitimacy. Clark named it Biddle in honor of his patron,
Nicholas Biddle, whereas, upon the English version, the name appearing
is Riddle! Lewis was able to "get away" with this performance because
Clark did not see any proofs, only the published work.
[Illustration: J. N. Barry
"Double-entry" map of Yellowstone.]
[Illustration: Samuel Lewis' "Double-entry" map. An attempt to
reconcile Colter's draft of the Yellowstone country with Clark's
obvious assumptions.]
[Illustration: When segregated these "concealed" elements give a
logical representation of what Colter undoubtedly saw, namely the
southwest arm and thumb of Yellowstone Lake.]
Remembering that Samuel Lewis was employed to reproduce a map conforming
to data and specifications furnished by Clark, what more could he do to
manifest his skepticism, if not displeasure, over the incorporation of
fictitious geography upon this super-important map of the West?
Remember, Lewis was a professional cartographer; he had seen, and had
already drawn, Colter's sheet of real country. On the original draft the
southwest Arm and Thumb of Lake Yellowstone undoubtedly appeared. Now he
was asked to redraw it into counterfeit geography. Disturbed by the
substitution of Clark's sheet of "Gulliver's geography" for Colter's
journey, he disguised a lake in a mountain range, drew a gargoylian lake
(Eustis), and raised the enigma of Biddle-Riddle.[363] After all,
cartography is simply a scientific refinement of pictography, or
storytelling. The message of Samuel Lewis, as revealed in the
Yellowstone segment of the Map of 1814, might reasonably be: "This
portion of the map is bogus. I do not know what the true conditions are.
Colter's data appears all right; Clark's later information says it
isn't. It's all a Riddle; I leave a clue." Against this background, with
the fiction cut away, it may now be possible to explore the problem of
Colter's route through the Yellowstone country.
Did Colter make a western loop trip beyond the Yep-pe Indian camp? Of
that there can be no doubt. Clark's representation does not impugn
Colter's word in respect to the reality of the journey itself but only
as to where he went and what he saw. If an approximation of his route
can be reproduced, the question of what he saw will automatically fall
into place like the pieces of a jigsaw puzzle. The problem, then, is to
correctly reconstruct the west loop of the figure eight. This procedure
has become possible by reason of the proposition that has been
established in this discussion, particularly when it is remembered that
Colter knew his way around and could be relied upon to make a proper
orientation to the total environment. Now his course can be followed by
segregating another feature from what has been referred to as "Lewis'
Concealed Colter Map."
[Illustration: J. N. Barry
A section of fictitious geography.
A larger section of the Map of 1814 showing Samuel Lewis' ingenious
combination of Colter's data, Clark's guesses and the Cartographer's
own obvious design to pose a gumption test for students of Western
geographic exploration.]
West of longitude 110° it will be noted that two features stand out in
bold relief, namely, a mitten-shaped mountain labeled FOSSIL (probably
the Trident) and the crude outline of South Arm and Thumb of Yellowstone
Lake. These two landmarks may be used as guide posts in following
Colter's reconstructed loop through Yellowstone. Colter's authentic east
loop journey, already described, brought him approximately to the 110°
meridian. Colter's mitten-shaped landmark lies about seventy-five miles
due west of the border on his second map sheet, but Clark's dotted line
depicts Colter's route fifty miles south of the mountain shaped like a
mitten and marked FOSSIL. It is valid to inquire how Colter could
discern its shape or know of its fossils from that distance. His Indian
friends knew nothing about fossils. The dotted line does not cross or
even skirt this mountain. To reach the "Fossil Mountain" from Salt Fork,
Colter could ascend by Elk-Wapiti or Fishhawk creeks. Each meets the
requirements of direction and distance, and there is a good chance that
somewhere along one of these routes a large petrified fish, or something
like a fish, was seen then and may be eventually found. Such a discovery
would remove all doubt about the direction in which he traveled.[364]
[Illustration: Western section of Coulter's route.
Logic and a reasonable sense of procedure would support this route
as the trail of Coulter's Yellowstone discovery. Conclusive proof is
lacking.]
From the "Fossil Mountain" Colter probably descended Pass Creek to
Thorofare Creek, which he followed to the Upper Yellowstone River. Then
he might have ascended either Falcon, Lynx, or Atlantic creeks,
preferably the latter, to Two Ocean Pass. Crossing the Continental
Divide, he would then descend Pacific Creek, skirting Big Game Ridge,
and cross the South Fork of Snake River, within the present confines of
the Park. Thence he could go along Chicken Ridge, from where he would
frequently view South Arm, headed toward Flat Mountain Arm. After
crossing Solution Creek he would strike West Thumb.[365] The validity of
this itinerary is wholly sustained by the genuine features of this area
as they appear upon the Map of 1814. Indeed, the route seems obvious and
indisputable in view of the actual conditions existing. On a crude map,
where there are numerous, similar streams, various combinations are, of
course, possible.
Leaving West Thumb, Colter would have circled the lake to its outlet and
followed it to the Hayden Valley thermal area. Dragons Mouth and Mud
Volcano were undoubtedly features that contributed to the vivid
impression he carried away and transmitted to others. Even the "Hot
Spring Brimstone" characterization on the Map of 1814 mildly suggests
explosive thermal activity. The phrase also suggests that Colter mapped
a geyser basin.[366]
Colter's return route from the area near the outlet of Yellowstone River
supplies the final link in the figure eight. To reach the Yep-pe Indian
camp he might have veered to the northeast, crossed Yellowstone River at
the ford below Mud Volcano, and ascended Pelican Creek or one of the
tributaries of the Lamar River. After crossing the Absarokas he
evidently descended one of the creeks that empty into Clarks Fork. No
one on earth can be certain about this part of his journey. There is no
reference anywhere, and the Map of 1814 gives no clue. Still he did
reach a tributary of Clarks Fork which he followed to its junction with
Dead Indian Creek, thence to the Yep-pe band.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
In the preparation of the first four chapters the use of explorer and
trapper journals was imperative. The _Journals of Lewis and Clark_,
Patrick Gass's _Journal_, and Robert Stuart's _Discovery of the Oregon
Trail_ are basic.
Trapper activities and Indian life are effectively treated by Stallo
Vinton in _John Colter_; Alexander Ross, _The Fur Hunters of the Far
West_; Hiram Chittenden, _The American Fur Trade_; John Neihardt, _The
Splendid Wayfaring_; J. Cecil Alter, _Jim Bridger, Trapper,
Frontiersman, Scout and Guide_; Bernard De Voto, _Across the Wide
Missouri_; and Robert Vaughn, _Then and Now_. A correct conception of
original Indian life and character will reward the student of Rudolph
Kurz's _Journal_ and Washington Irving's two volumes: _The Adventures of
Captain Bonneville_ and _Astoria_. George Catlin's monumental treatise
on _North American Indians_ is also a classic on that subject.
Important in the field of writings dealing with the partial and final
discovery of Yellowstone are Nathaniel P. Langford, _Discovery of
Yellowstone Park 1870_, together with the shorter accounts of his
companions as recorded in Louis C. Crampton's _Early History of
Yellowstone National Park and Its Relations to National Park Policies_.
The Yellowstone explorations of James Stuart and Walter W. DeLacy and
others are found in _Contributions to the Historical Society of
Montana_, volumes one to five inclusive.
John G. White's scholarly manuscript entitled "A Souvenir of Wyoming"
contains much material of a provocative character. Nice points of detail
are raised concerning John Colter's route and other trapper visitations.
The chapter on "Travel and Accommodations--New Businesses" was the
result of a search through the standard magazines covering the half
century from 1870 to 1920. The State College of Washington collection
was found adequate for this survey.
It would be impossible to write the story of the Park's administration
without a review of all the _Annual Reports of the Acting
Superintendents, and Superintendents of Yellowstone National Park_. The
Park Library has a complete file from 1872 to the present time. In
addition, the _Reports of the Secretary of the Interior_ and the
_Reports of the Director of National Parks_, covering the same period,
were essential cross references in this effort. A complete set of these
reports is available at the State College of Washington. A perusal of
the soldier (scout) diaries in the Park Library gave the substance for
the discussion of that interesting phase.
Among guide books _The Haynes Guide_ is in a class by itself. It is not
only an invaluable hand book to the casual tourist, but it is an
excellent encyclopedia for research.
The Earl of Dunraven's _Hunting in the Yellowstone_ affords an excellent
narrative from the standpoint of measuring the progress of all phases of
Park activity.
_Yellowstone Nature Notes_ is the best source for those sprightly
experiences that make life so interesting and pleasant in the Park.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MANUSCRIPT MATERIAL
Anderson, E. C. Diary 1909. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Anderson, Henry. Diary 1910, 1911. Park Library.
Brown, Jesse R. Diary 1909, 1910. Park Library.
Burgess, Felix. Diary 1898, 1899. Park Library.
Cook, C. W. "Remarks of C. W. Cook, Last Survivor of the Original
Explorers of the Yellowstone Park Region." Park Library.
Dorrity, Mrs. James. "Story of the Battle of Bear's Paw." M. D. Beal
Collection, Idaho State College, Pocatello, Idaho.
Fitzgerald, S. M. Diary 1907. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Graham, S. D. Diary 1906, 1907, 1908. Park Library.
Harlan, W. B. "The Fiasco at Fort Fizzle--1936." M. D. Beal Collection.
Holmes, W. H. Extracts from the Diary 1872, 1878. Park Library, Mammoth,
Wyoming.
Langford, Nathaniel P. Diary, Second Trip to Yellowstone 1872. Park
Library.
Little, Raymond G. Diary 1911, 1912. Park Library.
Louck, D. J. Journal in Manuscript. State Historian's Office, Laramie,
Wyoming.
Martin, Louis. Diary 1900, 1901. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Mason, John E. Diary 1909. Park Library.
Matlock, Jesse M. "Dictation." M. D. Beal Collection.
Morrison, James. Diary 1897, 1898, 1899. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
McBride, James. Diary 1908, 1909, 1910, 1911, 1912. Park Library.
Peale, A. C. Diary of Field Operations, U. S. Geological Survey 1872.
(Three volumes.) Park Library.
Phillips, Ulrich B. "Lectures on Early America." (Notes taken by the
author at the University of California in 1933.)
Rubin, Walter. Diary 1911. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Shambow, Louie. "Story of the Battle of Bear's Paw." M. D. Beal
Collection.
Titus, N. C. "Story of Colonel Miles' Attack on the Nez Percé Camp." M.
D. Beal Collection.
Thompson, Captain. U. S. A. "Memorandum of a Trip from Fort Ellis,
Montana Territory to Yellowstone Park." (Sept. 1882.) Park
Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Trischman, Harry. Diary 1909, 1910, 1912. Park Library, Mammoth,
Wyoming.
Wall, M. J. Diary. Park Library.
White, John G. "A Souvenir of Wyoming." (One of eight typed copies of a
trip made in 1916.) Park Library.
White, Mable McClain. "Dictation." M. D. Beal Collection.
Wilson, Charley. Diary 1910. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Wilson, James. Diary 1907, 1908. Park Library.
Whittaker, George. Diary 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900. Park Library.
PRINTED JOURNALS, DIARIES AND AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
Bradbury, John. _Travels in the Interior Of America, 1809, 1810, and
1811._ London: Sherwood Neeley, and Jones, 1819.
Carson, Kit. _Autobiography._ Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1935.
_Contributions_, Historical Society of Montana, I, II, III, IV, V.
Helena, Montana: Rocky Mountain Publishing Co., 1876.
Dunraven, The Earl of. _Hunting in the Yellowstone._ New York: The
Macmillan Co., 1925.
Egan, Howard. _Pioneering the West._ Egan Estate. Richmond, Utah.
Ferris, Warren A. _Life in the Rocky Mountains, 1830-35._ Salt Lake
City: Rocky Mountain Book Shop, 1940.
Folsom, David E. _The Folsom-Cook Exploration of the Upper Yellowstone._
St. Paul: H. L. Collins Co., 1894.
Gass, Patrick. _Journal._ Edited by James K. Hosmer, Chicago: A. C.
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Guie, Heister D. and McWhorter, L. V., editors. _Adventures in Geyser
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Langford, Nathaniel P. _The Discovery of Yellowstone Park 1870._ St.
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Larocque, Francis Antoine. _Journal._ Sources of Northwest History, No.
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McWhorter, Lucullus V. _Yellow Wolf: His Own Story._ Caldwell, Idaho:
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Norton, Harry J. _Wonderland Illustrated, or Horse Back Rides._ Virginia
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Ross, Alexander. _The Fur Hunters of the Far West._ London: Smith, Elder
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ARTICLES IN MAGAZINES AND PERIODICALS
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(July, 1917).
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Northwest History_, No. 8, University of Montana, Missoula.
Rollins, Alice W. "The Three Tetons," _Harper's_, LXXIV (May, 1887).
Russell, Carl P. "Rendezvous Period of American Fur Trade," _Oregon
Historical Quarterly_, XLII (March, 1941).
Russell, Carl P. "Scientists and Scientific Investigations in
Yellowstone National Park," Department of the Interior, 1933.
Sedgwick, Henry D. "On Horse Back Through Yellowstone," _World's Work_,
VI (June, 1903).
Smith, George O. "The Nation's Playgrounds," _Review of Reviews_, XL
(July, 1909).
Staffer, Alvin P. and Porter, Charles W. "The National Park Service
Program of Conservation for Areas and Structures of National
Historical Significance," _The Mississippi Valley Historical
Review_, XXX, 1 (June, 1943).
Warner, Charles D. "The Yellowstone National Park," _Harper's_, XCIV
(January, 1897).
GOVERNMENT REPORTS AND PUBLICATIONS
Barlow, J. W. and Heap, D. P. _Report of Barlow and Heap 1871_.
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872.
_Congressional Globe._ 42 Congress, 2nd Session, 1871-72. Part I,
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1872.
_Congressional Record._ 43 Congress, Session I, Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1874.
_Laws and Regulations_ relating to the Yellowstone National Park,
Wyoming, by the Secretary of the Interior. Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1908.
Ludlow, William. _Report to the War Department 1875._ Washington, D.C.,
1876.
Mather, Stephen T. "Report of the Director of the National Park
Service," _Report of the Department of Interior 1918_. Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1918.
Norris, P. W. _Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone
National Park._ Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1878, 1879, 1880, 1881.
_Reports of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park._
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1885 to 1915.
_Reports of the Secretary of the Interior._ Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1872 to 1941.
_Reports of the Superintendents of Yellowstone National Park._
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1917 to 1943.
_Rules, Regulations and Instructions_ for the officers and enlisted men
of the United States Army, and of the scouts doing duty in the
Yellowstone National Park. Department of Interior, Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1907.
Sherman, W. T. and Sheridan, P. H. _Reports of Inspection Made in the
Summer of 1877._ Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,
1878.
_Yellowstone National Park Bulletins._ Department of the Interior,
Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1914, 1915, 1916,
1918, 1923, 1939, 1940, 1941.
SPECIAL BOOKS AND BULLETINS
Allen, Eugene T. and Day, Arthur L. _Hot Springs of the Yellowstone
National Park._ Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1935.
Alter, J. Cecil. _James Bridger, Trapper, Frontiersman, Scout and
Guide._ Salt Lake City: Shepard Book Co., 1925.
Arnold, Ross R. _Indian Wars in Idaho._ Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton
Printers, 1929.
Bennett, Hugh H. "Thomas Jefferson Soil Conservationist." _U.S.
Department of Agriculture_, No. 548. Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1944.
Catlin, George. _North American Indians_, I, II. Philadelphia: Leary
Stuart and Co., 1913.
Crampton, Louis C. _Early History of Yellowstone National Park and Its
Relations to National Park Policies._ Washington, D.C.: United
States Printing Office, 1923.
DeSmet, P. J. _Oregon Missions and Travels Over the Rocky Mountains._
New York: Edward Dreneger, 1847.
De Voto, Bernard. _Across the Wide Missouri._ Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Co., 1947.
Drew, Benjamin. _Souvenir List of Yellowstone Park Holdup Victims._ Park
Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
Fee, Chester Anders. _Chief Joseph, the Biography of a Great Indian._
New York: Wilson-Erickson, 1936.
Freeman, Lewis R. _Down the Yellowstone._ New York: Dodd, Mead and Co.,
1922.
Goad, Edgar F. "Bandelier, Scholar of the Mesas." Washington, D.C.:
_Department of Interior Information Service_, 1940.
Haines, Francis. _Red Eagles of the Northwest._ Portland, Oregon: The
Scholastic Press, 1939.
Harris, Burton. _John Colter, His Years in the Rockies._ New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1952.
Hebard, Grace R. and Brininstool, E. A. _The Bozeman Trail._ Cleveland,
Ohio: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1922.
Hemishunmeres, Mourning Dove. _Coyote Stories._ Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton
Printers, 1933.
Hornaday, William T. _Our Vanishing Wild Life._ New York: New York
Zoological Society, 1913.
Huth, Hans. Yosemite, _The Story of an Idea._ Reprint from the _Sierra
Club Bulletin_, March, 1948.
Kieley, James F. _A Brief History of the National Park Service._
Washington, D.C.: United States Department of Interior, 1940.
Lillard, Richard G. _The Great Forest._ New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948.
Linderman, Frank B. _Blackfeet Indians._ St. Paul: Brown, Bigelow, 1935.
Lowie, Robert H. _The Crow Indians._ New York: Farrar and Rinehart,
1935.
Mickey, Karl B. _Man and Soil._ Chicago: International Harvester Co.,
1945.
Mulford, Walter. _Forest Influences._ New York: McGraw Hill Book Co.,
1948.
Neihardt, John G. _The Splendid Wayfaring._ New York: Macmillan Co.,
1920.
Norton, Harry J. _Wonderland, or Horseback Rides Through Yellowstone
National Park._ Virginia City, Montana, 1873.
Rees, John E. _Idaho, Its Meaning, Origin and Application._ Portland,
Oregon: Ivey Press, 1917.
Remington, Fredrick. _Pony Tracks._ New York: Harper and Bros., 1895.
Shields, G. O. _Battle of the Big Hole._ New York: Rand, McNally Co.,
1889.
Story, Isabelle F. _Glimpses of Our National Parks._ Washington, D.C.:
United States Printing Office, 1941.
Topping, E. S. _Chronicles of the Yellowstone._ St. Paul: Pioneer Press
Co., 1888.
Van Tassell, Chas. _Truthful Lies._ Bozeman, Montana, 1921.
Victor, Frances Fuller. _The River of the West._ Hartford, Conn.:
Columbian Book Co., 1871.
Vinton, Stallo. _John Colter, Discoverer of Yellowstone Park._ New York:
Edward Eberstadt, 1926.
Wagner, Glendolin and Allen, William. _Blankets and Moccasins._
Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1933.
Wellman, Paul I. _The Trampling Herd._ New York: Carrick and Evans,
Inc., 1939.
GENERAL SECONDARY REFERENCES
Adams, James Truslow. _The Epic of America._ Boston: Little Brown and
Co., 1933.
Bancroft, H. H. _History of Washington, Montana and Idaho._ San
Francisco: The History Company, 1896.
Beal, M. D. _History of Southeastern Idaho._ Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton
Printers, 1942.
Brockett, L. P. _Our Western Empire._ San Francisco: William Garretson
and Co., 1881.
Chittenden, Hiram M. _The American Fur Trade._ New York: Press of the
Pioneers, 1935.
Chittenden, Hiram M. _Yellowstone National Park._ Palo Alto, California:
Stanford University Press, 1933.
Clark, Dan Elbert. _The West in American History._ New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell Co., 1937.
Driggs, Howard R. _Westward America._ New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons,
1942.
Gardiner, Dorothy. _West of the River._ New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co.,
1941.
Guptill, A. B. _Practical Guide to Yellowstone National Park._ St. Paul:
F. Jay Haynes and Bro., 1890.
Hafen, LeRoy, and Rister, Carl C. _Western America._ New York:
Prentice-Hall, 1941.
Haupt, Herman. _The Yellowstone National Park._ St. Paul: J. M.
Stoddart, 1883.
Haynes, Jack Ellis. _Haynes Guide._ St. Paul: Haynes, Inc., 1943.
Hockett, Homer Co. _Political and Social Growth of the United States
1492-1852._ New York: The Macmillan Co., 1933.
Irving, Washington. _Astoria._ New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.
Kipling, Rudyard. _American Notes._ Issued in several editions. One
chapter contains an account of a trip through Yellowstone in 1889.
Nevins, Allen. _Frémont: Pathmaker of the West._ New York: D. Appleton
Century Co., 1939.
Paxson, Frederick L. _The Last American Frontier._ New York: Macmillan
Co., 1922.
Sanders, Helen F. _History of Montana._ Chicago: The Lewis Publishing
Co., 1913.
Walgamott, C. S. _Six Decades Back._ Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers,
1936.
Yellowstone Park Scrap Books I, II, III. Park Library, Mammoth, Wyoming.
FOOTNOTES
[1]The forests are composed principally of conifers. Of these the
lodgepole pine predominates. It has a shallow root system, and as a
result the area is conspicuous by the amount of fallen timber.
[2]A frontiersman's characterization of the climate in the Park. The
statement is usually attributed to James Stuart.
[3]John E. Rees, _Idaho Chronology, Nomenclature, Bibliography_
(Portland, Oregon: Ivey Press, 1917), p. 61.
[4]Teton and Snowy ranges, although partly integrated with Yellowstone,
actually lie beyond the south and north borders respectively.
[5]The plateaus are Buffalo, Mirror, Two Ocean, Pitchstone, Madison, and
Central. The ranges are Gallatin, Washburn, and Absaroka. The ridges
include the Big Game, Chicken, Speciman, and Crowfoot. The Red
Mountains form a unit by themselves in the south-central area.
[6]These are Electric, Pollux, Atkins, and Eagle peaks, and Schurz and
Humphreys mountains.
[7]Warm River originates west of the Park, but Firehole is the best
example of a really warm river. It does not freeze over in
temperatures 50° below zero. There are literally thousands of hot
springs in Yellowstone. Dr. A. C. Peale estimated three thousand,
while Dr. Arnold Hague said the number probably exceeded twenty-five
hundred.
[8]Reference to this stream is made again in relation to the "Overland
Astorians" in Chapter II. See also, Dee Linford's "Wyoming Stream
Names," _Annals of Wyoming_, XV, 2 (April, 1943), 165-70.
[9]These sources are the Firehole and Gibbon, respectively.
[10]This is the lowest temperature ever recorded on an official United
States Weather Bureau thermometer in Continental United States.
[11]John E. Rees, _op. cit._, p. 61.
[12]Homer C. Hockett, _Political and Social Growth of the United States
1492-1852_ (New York: Macmillan Co., 1933), p. 368.
[13]_Ibid._, p. 369.
[14]_Ibid._, p. 371.
[15]Fridtjof Nansen, "The Norsemen in America," _The Geographical
Journal_, XXXVIII, 6 (Dec. 1911), 558.
[16]Reuben G. Thwaites, _Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark
Expedition 1804-1806_ (New York: Dodd Mead and Co., 1905), p. 262.
Clark reached Yellowstone River on July 15, 1806.
[17]Francis Antoine Larocque, _Journal_ (Sources of Northwest History
No. 20, University of Montana), p. 20. Dee Linford says the name
Yellowstone was used by David Thompson in 1798, but that Americans
did not learn about the river until about 1805. See "Wyoming Stream
Names," _Annals of Wyoming_, XV, 3 (July, 1943), 269.
[18]Patrick Gass, _Journal_ (Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1904), p. 253. In
1832 a steamboat named the "Yellowstone" arrived at Fort Union.
[19]P. Koch, "Discovery of Yellowstone National Park," _Magazine of
American History_, II (June, 1884), 498.
[20]Just how far Coronado penetrated the Rockies is a disputed point. It
is certain that Verendrye reached Pierre, South Dakota. Some contend
that he came as far as the Little Bighorn River. It is probable that
some of Henry's men were free trappers, which accounts for the fact
that they split in groups when the fort was abandoned.
[21]Others to participate in this discovery were Milton Mangum, Clifford
Mangum, John T. Elliott, Budge Elliott, William Thornock, and David
Beal.
[22]Robert Stuart, _The Discovery of the Oregon Trail_ (New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935), p. CXXXVI. Etienne Provot and Thomas
Fitzpatrick have both been credited with the discovery of South
Pass. Certainly the latter's visit in 1824 marks the date of
effective discovery.
[23]W. J. Ghent, "A Sketch of John Colter," _Wyoming Annals_, X, 3
(July, 1938).
[24]Stallo Vinton, _John Colter, Discoverer of Yellowstone Park_ (New
York: Edward Eberstadt, 1926), p. 27.
[25]W. J. Ghent, _op. cit._ The copious journals of Lewis, Clark and
Sergeant Ordway make repeated mention of Colter, and Whitehouse
names him six times. Floyd does not mention him by name nor does
Gass, although the latter refers to him specifically.
[26]Reuben G. Thwaites, _op. cit._, V, 314.
[27]Stallo Vinton, _op. cit._, p. 24.
[28]_Ibid._, p. 43. Colter's strange behavior in turning back to the
wilderness after three successive starts toward home, is analyzed by
C. H. Heffelfinger in his article, "The Man Who Turned Back," _The
Washington Historical Quarterly_, XXVI, 3 (July, 1935).
[29]_Ibid._, p. 45. Lisa had a son named "Remon" for whom the fort was
named, but different documents bear the name Raymond, Manuel, and
Lisa.
[30]Judge Henry M. Brackenridge (1786-1871) was educated in Missouri and
Maryland. As a lawyer, he specialized in international affairs and
served as a federal judge in New Orleans. In 1810 he made a trip up
the Missouri in the company of Manuel Lisa. Six years later (1814)
Brackenridge's account of this journey was published. On page 91, of
_Views of Louisiana_, we find the first reference to Colter's
wilderness journey. Obviously the source of this information was
Manuel Lisa since he asked Colter to make the trip. That Colter
started on such a journey is indisputable. Where he went, what he
saw, and how he returned are matters of opinion. Brackenridge
confuses Colter's return from this trip with that of another one.
[31]_Ibid._, p. 91.
[32]John Colter's discovery of Yellowstone has caught the imagination of
many people. Probably a hundred authors have written about it. Each
one disagrees with the other, until poor Colter has been turned into
a human grasshopper, hopping around from place to place without
either rhyme or reason.
[33]Stallo Vinton, _op. cit._, p. 195.
[34]Some writers tell that an early winter overtook him, and he was
obliged to make snowshoes. This is probably an error. He undoubtedly
secured a horse from the Yep-pe Indians.
[35]This particular story is verified by the fact that members of the
Wilson Price Hunt Expedition called on Colter at his farm near St.
Louis to get information upon this specific point. See Reuben G.
Thwaites, "Bradbury's Travels in the Interior of America in the
years 1809-1811," _Early Western Travels_, 1748-1840, V, xliv.
[36]The Map of 1814 does not disclose anything unusual. It merely
designates "Boiling Spring" and "Hot Springs Brimstone," which were
widespread and general.
[37]Washington Irving, _The Adventures of Captain Bonneville_ (New York:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1843), p. 252. The first edition was entitled,
_Rocky Mountain Scenes and Adventures_.
[38]It is a remarkable thing that historical research has not more
satisfactorily probed the Colter problem. Obviously his journey is
so obscure as to warrant scientific investigation.
[39]Its legend reads: "A Map of Lewis and Clark's Track, Across the
Western Portion of North America, From the Mississippi to the
Pacific Ocean; By Order of the Executive of the United States in
1804, 5, 6. Copied by Samuel Lewis from the Original Drawing of Wm.
Clark."
[40]There are two fictitious lakes on the Map of 1814 of such grotesque
shape as to arouse one's skepticism. One of them has a shape that
resembles a gargoyle.
[41]The date of this communication was December 20, 1810.
[42]Colter's first sheet is readily identifiable, and part of another
sheet may be segregated with the use of imagination and
understanding.
[43]Many writers have failed to identify Gap and Sage as the same creek.
They also befuddle Wind and Shoshone rivers. There is no evidence
that Colter ever heard the name Bighorn River.
[44]The figure eight results from the fact that he went to the Yep-pe
camp, left it, came back, and left it again at the appropriate
angles.
[45]In 1941, Paul J. Shamp, a U.S. forester, reported the discovery of
numerous petrifications in the vicinity of Pass and Scatter creeks
in the Thorofare country. This is the line of Colter's route.
[46]Colter did not see Southeast Arm of Yellowstone Lake. He probably
supposed the Upper Yellowstone flowed into South Arm. Hence, his
conception of Yellowstone River would have been ten miles farther
west than it is. Neither could he have visualized the serpentine
character of Snake River, since he knew it at only one place.
[47]Colter may have reached Chicken Ridge by Fishhawk, Mountain, or Lynx
creeks or via Falcon, Mink, or Crooked streams. It must be
remembered that this map sheet has been much messed up. It is
impossible to know what has been erased; yet, enough of Colter's map
remains to provide a logical basis for the above itinerary. It is
relatively unimportant which creeks he negotiated to reach Chicken
Ridge. The vitally important fact is that he drew a sketch of South
Arm from that angle which added to the Thumb makes an accurate map
of what a trapper would have seen of Yellowstone Lake.
[48]J. Neilson Barry has made the most intensive study of the Map of
1814. It is his opinion that Colter drew other map sheets besides
the one of the Buffalo Bill country. He also has hope that these
sheets may be discovered among the Lewis-Clark-Biddle papers.
[49]In E. Willard Smith's journal entry for December 20, 1839, there is
an item that suggests a possible clue to mystery of Colter's
petrified fish story: "There is a story told by an Arapahoe Chief of
a petrified buffalo standing in the lake ... in a perfect state of
preservation, and they worship it as a great medicine charm....
Nothing would induce this Indian to tell where this sacred buffalo
is to be found. Great presents were offered him in vain." It is
possible that Colter saw something he was not free to divulge. See
"An Excerpt From the Journal of Willard E. Smith," _Annals of
Wyoming_, XV, 3 (July, 1943), 287-97.
[50]John G. White, "A Souvenir of Wyoming," Vol. I, p. 56. This is a
fine work of research in manuscript. It was written in 1916. There
are five volumes in the Yellowstone Park library. The time of this
Indian episode was in the autumn of 1808.
[51]_Ibid._
[52]Upon the details of this episode, the three basic authorities on
this period of Western adventure, are in agreement. They are Henry
M. Brackenridge, _Views of Louisiana_; Thomas James, _Three Years
Among the Indians and Mexicans_; and John Bradbury, _Travels In the
Interior of America_.
[53]Concerning Colter's part in this battle, Henry M. Brackenridge
wrote, "On his return a party of Indians in whose company he
happened to be was attacked and he was lamed by a severe wound in
his leg; Notwithstanding which he returned to the establishment
entirely alone and without assistance." This incident is almost
invariably associated with Colter's return from the discovery of
Yellowstone Park. The error logically arises from the compressed
character of the Brackenridge narrative. Perhaps the facts were not
clear in his own mind. Actually he has confused two different
experiences.
[54]P. Koch, "The Discovery of Yellowstone National Park," _Magazine of
American History_, II (June, 1884), 499.
[55]Hiram M. Chittenden, _Yellowstone National Park_ (Palo Alto:
Stanford University Press, 1933), pp. 22-31.
[56]Frank Triplett, "Colter's Race for Life," _Conquering the
Wilderness_, No. 16, Chapter 10, Washington State College Library;
Pullman, Washington. This plant is also called "ground-apple." It is
an edible root found in that region.
[57]W. J. Ghent, _op. cit._, p. 113.
[58]John G. White, "A Souvenir of Wyoming," I, 28. This fact is affirmed
by James in his _Three Years Among the Indians and Mexicans_.
[59]W. J. Ghent, _op. cit._, p. 115.
[60]Stallo Vinton, _op. cit._, p. 110.
[61]W. J. Ghent, _op. cit._, p. 115. The evidence is not conclusive as
to whether or not Colter gave his account to Bradbury and
Brackenridge in person. It is certain that he had personal dealings
with Thomas James, and it is certain that he spent a half day in
conversation with members of Hunt's party on May 18, 1811. See
"Robert Stuart's Narratives" in Philip Ashton Rollin's _The
Discovery of the Oregon Trail_ (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons,
1935), p. CV.
[62]_Ibid._, p. 66. It should be pointed out that Colter did not say
"everywhere."
[63]Rudolph Kurz, _Journal_ (Washington, D. C.: United States Government
Printing Office, 1937), p. 37.
[64]Frank B. Linderman, _Blackfeet Indians_ (St. Paul: Brown, Bigelow,
1935), p. 9.
[65]_Ibid._, p. 12.
[66]Elizabeth Spalding, _Memories of The West_ (Portland, Oregon: March
Printing Company), p. 78.
[67]Robert Vaughn, _Then and Now_ (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Tribune
Printing Co., 1900), p. 197.
[68]Mourning Dove, _Coyote Stories_ (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers,
1933). p. 46.
[69]Rudolph Kurz, _op. cit._, p. 154.
[70]_Ibid._, p. 34.
[71]Alexander Ross, _The Fur Hunters of The Far West_ (London: Smith,
Elder & Co., 1855), p. 249.
[72]H. M. Chittenden, _The American Fur Trade_ (New York: Press of the
Pioneers, 1935), II, 877.
[73]P. Koch, "The Discovery of Yellowstone National Park," _Magazine of
American History, II_ (June, 1884), 497.
[74]Helen F. Sanders, _History of Montana_ (Chicago: Lewis Publishing
Co., 1913), I, 681.
[75]_Contributions_, Historical Society of Montana (Helena, Montana:
Rocky Mountain Publishing Co., 1876), I, 168.
[76]Indian reservations nearest the Park are the Crow at Hardin,
Montana; Shoshone, Fort Washakie, Wyoming; and Bannock, Fort Hall,
Idaho. Other agencies are located at Fort Peck, Poplar, Tongue
River, and Lame Deer, all in Montana. The Blackfeet and Flathead
reservations are near Glacier Park.
[77]Alexander Ross, _op. cit._, p. 48.
[78]John G. Neihardt, _The Splendid Wayfaring_ (New York: Macmillan
Company, 1920), pp. 265-6.
[79]Alexander Ross, _op. cit._, pp. 228-9.
[80]Francis Fuller Victor, _The River of the West_ (Hartford: Columbian
Book Co., 1871), pp. 64-5.
[81]Cecil Alter, _James Bridger, Trapper, Frontiersman, Scout and Guide_
(Salt Lake City: Shepard Book Co., 1925), p. 355.
[82]Helen F. Sanders, _op. cit._, p. 141.
[83]Earl of Dunraven, _Hunting in the Yellowstone_ (New York: Macmillan
Co., 1925), pp. 184-5.
[84]Frances Fuller Victor, _op. cit._, p. 238.
[85]F. A. Wislizenus, _A Journey To The Rocky Mountains In 1839_, (St.
Louis: Missouri Historical Society, 1912), pp. 87-8.
[86]Alexander Ross, _op. cit._, II, 236.
[87]C. Max Bauer, "Notes on Indian Occupancy," _Yellowstone Nature
Notes_. XII, 6 (June, 1935), 1.
[88]P. W. Norris, _Annual Report 1879_ (Washington D. C.: Government
Printing Office, 1880), p. 10.
[89]P. W. Norris, _Annual Report 1880_, p. 605.
[90]Some of these places were specifically listed: Bunsen Peak, Willow
Creek, Stinking Water Pass east of Yellowstone Lake, Barlow Fork of
Snake River, Bridgers Lake, and, the best one of all, three miles
below Mary Lake. See _Fifth Annual Report 1881_, p. 36.
[91]P. W. Norris, _Fifth Annual Report 1881_, pp. 32-8.
[92]_Ibid._, p. 38.
[93]P. W. Norris, _Annual Report 1878_, p. 982.
[94]Experienced rangers who have reported these finds to the author
include David deL. Condon, Lee L. Coleman, John W. Jay, John Bauman,
Rudolf L. Grimm, Wayne Replogle, Lowell G. Biddulph, George Marler,
and William Sanborn.
[95]William E. Kearns, "A Nez Percé Chief Revisits Yellowstone,"
_Yellowstone Nature Notes_, XII (June-July, 1935), 41.
[96]Edwin Linton, _Science_, No. 561 (Nov. 3, 1893), pp. 244-5.
Mr. Linton and Prof. S. A. Forbes heard the sounds upon two
occasions. Each gave a scientific presentation. Elwood Hofer, Dave
Rhodes, and F. H. Bradley have written accounts of similar
experiences.
[97]_Report of the Secretary of the Interior_ (Washington: Government
Printing Office, Nov. 30, 1880), p. 573.
[98]Frederick Bottler discovered a trapper's cabin at the head of
Antelope Creek in 1878. The advanced decay of its timbers indicated
that it was forty or fifty years old. See P. W. Norris, _Annual
Report 1880_, p. 606.
[99]_Niles Weekly Register_, Third Series, IX, 6 (Oct. 6, 1827), p. 90.
Also, _Yellowstone Nature Notes_, XXI, 5 (Sept.-Oct., 1947), p. 52.
Sweet Lake is now known as Bear Lake, Idaho.
[100]P. W. Norris, _Annual Report 1878_, p. 987. Smith was killed by a
band of Comanches in 1831, when leading a caravan across the
Cimarron Desert toward Santa Fe.
[101]Meek's experience was published by Mrs. Frances Fuller Victor in
_The River of the West_ (Hartford, Conn.: Columbian Book Co., 1871),
pp. 75-7.
[102]Warren A. Ferris, _Life in the Rocky Mountains 1830-35_ (Salt Lake
City: Rocky Mountain Book Shop, 1940), pp. 204-6.
[103]Osborne Russell, _Journal of a Trapper, 1834-1843_ (Boise, Idaho:
Syms-York Co., 1921), p. 32.
[104]Helen F. Sanders, _op. cit._, p. 657.
Mr. Ducharme, Joe Power, L'Humphrie, Louis Anderson, and Jim and
John Baker were members of this group. Remains of horses have been
found on this battleground.
[105]J. Cecil Alter, _James Bridger_, p. 107.
[106]Walter W. DeLacy, "A Trip Up the South Fork of Snake River,"
_Contributions_, Historical Society of Montana, I, 132.
[107]James Stuart, "The Yellowstone Expedition of 1863," _Ibid._, I,
191.
Montana mineral production vaulted to $18,000,000 by 1865.
Thereafter a gradual decline began, but a strong revival came in the
eighties when deep mining of silver and copper ore bodies proved
profitable. The combined mineral output in 1889 was $41,000,000.
[108]P. Koch, "The Discovery of Yellowstone National Park," _Magazine of
American History_, II, 511.
[109]E. S. Topping, _Chronicles of the Yellowstone_ (St. Paul: Pioneer
Press Co., 1888), p. 44.