CHAPTER VI

A CRITICISM OF THE HYPOTHESIS OF PROMISCUITY

(_Concluded_)

Against the hypothesis of promiscuity Sir Henry Maine has urged that

a good deal of evidence seems to show that promiscuous intercourse

between the sexes tends to a pathological condition very unfavourable

to fecundity; and “infecundity, amid perpetually belligerent savages,

implies weakness and ultimate destruction.”[612]

Dr. Carpenter refers to the efforts of the American planters to form

the negroes into families, as the promiscuity into which they were

liable to fall produced infertility, and fertility had become important

to the slave-owners through the prohibition of the slave-trade.[613] It

is also a well-known fact that prostitutes very seldom have children,

while, according to Dr. Roubaud, those of them who marry young easily

become mothers.[614] “Il ne pousse pas d’herbe dans les chemins où

tout le monde passe,” Dr. Bertillon remarks.[615] And, in a community

where all the women equally belonged to all the men, the younger and

prettier ones would of course be most sought after, and take up a

position somewhat akin to that of the prostitutes of modern society.

It may perhaps be urged that the practice of polyandry prevails among

several peoples without any evil results as regards fecundity being

heard of. But polyandry scarcely ever implies continued promiscuous

intercourse of many men with one woman. In Tibet, for example, where

the brothers of a family very often have a common wife, more than one

are seldom at home at the same time.[616] Mr. Talboys Wheeler has

even suggested that polyandry arose among a pastoral people, whose

men were away from their families for months at a time, so that the

duty of protecting these families would naturally be undertaken by

the brothers in turn.[617] Again, among the Kaniagmuts, the second

husband was only a deputy who acted as husband and master of the house

during the absence of the true lord;[618] and the same was the case

in Nukahiva.[619] But especially remarkable is the following practice

connected with polyandry. In the description given by Bontier and Le

Verrier of the conquest and conversion of the Canarians in 1402 by

Jean de Bethencourt we read that, in the island of Lancerote, most of

the women have three husbands, “who wait upon them alternately by

months; the husband that is to live with the wife the following month

waits upon her and upon her other husband the whole of the month that

the latter has her, and so each takes her in turn.”[620] Mr. Harkness

tells us about a Toda who, having referred to his betrothal to his wife

Pilluvāni and the subsequent betrothal of the latter to two others,

Khakhood and Tūmbut, said, “Now, according to our customs, Pilluvāni

was to pass the first month with me, the second with Khakhood, and the

third with Tūmbut.”[621] Among the Kulus, in the Himalaya Mountains,

when parents sell a daughter to several brothers, she belongs during

the first month to the eldest brother, during the second to the next

eldest, and so on;[622] whilst, as regards the Nairs, whose women,

except those of the first quality, may marry twelve husbands if they

pleased. Hamilton states that “all the husbands agree very well, for

they cohabit with her in their turns, according to their priority of

marriage, ten days, more or less, according as they can fix a term

among themselves.”[623]

* * * * *

The strongest argument against ancient promiscuity is, however, to be

derived from the psychical nature of man and other mammals. Mr. Darwin

remarks that from what we know of the jealousy of all male quadrupeds,

armed, as many of them are, with special weapons for battling with

their rivals, promiscuous intercourse is utterly unlikely to prevail

in a state of nature. “Therefore,” he continues, “looking far enough

back in the stream of time, and judging from the social habits of man

as he now exists, the most probable view is that he aboriginally lived

in small communities, each with a single wife, or if powerful with

several, whom he jealously guarded against all other men.”[624] Yet,

according to the same naturalist, it seems certain, from the lines of

evidence afforded by Mr. Morgan, Mr. McLennan, and Sir J. Lubbock, that

almost promiscuous intercourse at a later time was extremely common

throughout the world;[625] and a similar view is held by some other

writers.[626] But if jealousy can be proved to be universally prevalent

in the human race at the present day, it is impossible to believe that

there ever was a time when man was devoid of that powerful feeling.

Professor Giraud-Teulon[627] and Dr. Le Bon[628] assert, indeed, that

it is unknown among almost all civilized peoples; but this assertion

will be found to be groundless.

Starting from the very lowest races of men: we are told that the

Fuegians “are exceedingly jealous of their women, and will not

allow any one, if they can help it, to enter their huts, particularly

boys.”[629] Several writers assert the same as regards the

Australians.[630] Thus, according to Sir George Grey, “a stern and

vigilant jealousy is commonly felt by every married man;”[631] and Mr.

Curr states that, in most tribes, a woman “is not allowed to converse

or have any relations whatever with any adult male, save her husband.

Even with a grown-up brother she is always forbidden to exchange a

word.”[632] With reference to the Veddahs of Ceylon, Mr. Bailey says

that, with the very smallest cause, the men are exceedingly jealous of

their most unattractive wives, and are very careful to keep them apart

from their companions.[633]

According to a Thlinket myth, the jealousy of man is older than the

world itself. There was an age, it is supposed, when men groped in the

dark in search of the world. At that time a Thlinket lived who had a

wife and sister; and he was so jealous of his wife, that he killed all

his sister’s children because they looked at her.[634]

Great jealousy is met with among the Atkha Aleuts, according to

Father Yakof; among the Kutchin Indians, according to Richardson and

Hardisty; among the Haidahs, according to Dixon; among the Tacullis,

according to Harmon; among the Crees, according to Richardson.[635]

The Indians on the Eastern side of the Rocky Mountains visited by

Harmon, in their fits of jealousy, “often cut off all the hair from

the heads of their wives, and, not unfrequently, cut off their noses

also; and should they not in the moment of passion have a knife at

hand, they will snap it off at one bite, with their teeth.... The man

is satisfied in thus revenging a supposed injury; and having destroyed

the beauty of his wife, he concludes that he has secured her against

all future solicitations to offend.”[636] In California, if a married

native woman is seen even walking in the forest with another man

than her husband, she is chastised by him, whilst a repetition of

the offence is generally punished with speedy death.[637] Among the

Creeks, “it was formerly reckoned adultery, if a man took a pitcher

of water off a married woman’s head, and drank of it.”[638] The Moquis

allow their wives to work only indoors, afraid of having rivals.[639]

The Arawaks,[640] as also the Indians of Peru,[641] are stated to

commit horrible crimes of jealousy. The Botocudos, who are known to

change wives very frequently, are, nevertheless, much addicted to that

passion.[642] And, regarding the Coroados of Brazil, v. Spix and v.

Martius say that revenge and jealousy are the only passions that can

rouse their stunted soul from its moody indifference.[643]

In the Sandwich Islands, according to Lisiansky, jealousy was extremely

prevalent,[644] and, in Nukahiva, the men punish their wives with

severity upon the least suspicion of infidelity.[645] The Areois of

Tahiti, too, although given to every kind of licentiousness, are

described by Ellis as utterly jealous.[646] The same is said of the

New Caledonians and New Zealanders;[647] whilst, in the Pelew Islands,

it is forbidden even to speak about another man’s wife or mention her

name.[648] In short, the South Sea Islanders are, as Mr. Macdonald

remarks, generally jealous of the chastity of their wives.[649]

Among the Malays of Sumatra, the husband jealously guards his wife

as long as his affection lasts;[650] and, concerning several other

tribes of the Indian Archipelago, Riedel says that the men are very

much addicted to the same passion.[651] Captain Arnesen observed the

great jealousy of the Samoyedes.[652] Dr. A. O. Heikel informs me that

a Tartar may repudiate his wife if he sees her shaking hands with a

man. Among the nomadic Koriaks, many wives are killed by passionate

husbands. Hence their women endeavour to be very ugly: they refrain

from dressing their hair or washing, and walk about ragged, as the

husbands take for granted that, if they dress themselves, they do so in

order to attract admirers.[653]

Among the Beni-Mzab, a man who speaks in the street to a married

woman of quality is punished with a fine of two hundred francs and

banishment for four years.[654] In the Nile countries and many other

parts of Africa, it is customary for the men to preserve the fidelity

of their wives in a way not unlike a method used in the age of the

Crusades.[655] With reference to the inhabitants of Fida, Bosman tells

us that a rich negro will not suffer any man to enter the houses where

his wives reside, and on the least suspicion will sell them to the

Europeans;[656] whilst in Dahomey, if a wayfarer meets any of the royal

wives on the road, a bell warns him “to turn off or stand against a

wall while they pass.”[657]

That jealousy is a powerful agent in the social life of civilized

nations is a fact which it is unnecessary to dwell upon. In Mohammedan

countries, a woman is not allowed to receive male visitors, or to go

out unveiled,[658] it being unlawful for the Moslem to see the faces

of any other women than those whom he is forbidden to marry and his

own wives and female slaves.[659] A man who penetrates into the harem

of another man may easily lose his life; and Dr. Polak states that, in

Persia, a European physician cannot, without being considered indecent,

even ask about the health of a Mohammedan’s wife and daughter, though

they are ill.[660] Again, in Japan, as I am told by a native of the

country, it was customary for women when getting married, to have

their eyebrows shaved off, because thick and beautiful eyebrows are

considered one of a woman’s greatest ornaments. At the same time,

according to Mr. Balfour, their teeth are stained black, which can only

have the effect of making the wife less attractive to the husband,—as

well as to other men.[661] This reminds us of the wide-spread practice

of depriving a woman of her ornaments as soon as she is married.

The prevalence of jealousy in the human race is best shown by the

punishments inflicted for adultery; although it may be that the

proprietary feeling here plays an important part. In a savage country a

seducer may be thankful if he escapes by paying to the injured husband

the value of the bride or some other fine, or if the penalty is reduced

to a flogging, to his head being shaved, his ears cut off, one of his

eyes destroyed, his legs speared, &c., &c. He must consider himself

very lucky if he is merely paid in his own coin, or if the punishment

falls on his wife, who, in that case, seems to be looked upon as the

real cause of her husband’s unfaithfulness.[662] Most commonly, among

uncivilized nations, the seducer is killed, adultery on the woman’s

side being considered a heinous crime, for which nothing but the

death of the offender can atone. Among the Waganda, it is, as a rule,

punished even more severely than murder;[663] and, in parts of New

Guinea, capital punishment is said to be almost unknown except for

adultery.[664]

Mr. Reade remarks that, among savages generally, it is the seducer who

suffers, not the victim.[665] Yet this holds good for certain peoples

only,[666] the faithless wife being generally discarded, beaten, or

ill-treated in some other way, and very frequently killed. Often, too,

she is disfigured by her jealous husband, so that no man may fall in

love with her in future. Thus, among several peoples of North America,

India, and elsewhere, her nose is cut or bitten off,—a practice which

also prevailed in ancient Egypt.[667] As late as the year 1120 the

Council of Neapolis in Palestine decreed that an adulterer should be

castrated, and the nose of an unfaithful wife cut off;[668] whilst, in

the “Uplands-lag,” an old Swedish provincial law, it is prescribed

that an adulteress who cannot pay the fine of forty marks, shall lose

her hair, ears, and nose.[669] The Creeks and some Chittagong Hill

tribes likewise cut off the ears of a woman who has been guilty of

infidelity;[670] and many other people are in the habit of shaving her

head.[671]

Among a large number of peoples, a husband not only requires chastity

from his wife, but demands that the woman whom he marries shall be a

virgin. There can be little doubt, I think, that this requirement owes

its origin to the same powerful feeling that keeps watch over marital

faithfulness.

Among the Ahts, for example, “a girl who was known to have lost her

virtue, lost with it one of her chances of a favourable marriage.”[672]

Among the Chippewas, according to Mr. Keating, no woman could expect

to be taken as a wife by a warrior unless she had lived in strict

chastity.[673] Statements to the same effect are made with reference

to other Indian tribes.[674] Again, when one of the Chichimecs of

Central Mexico marries, if the girl proves not to be a virgin, she may

be returned to her parents.[675] A very similar custom prevailed among

the Nicaraguans and Azteks,[676] and exist still among several tribes

of the Indian Archipelago and in New Guinea;[677] whilst, in Samoa,

valuable presents were given for a girl who had preserved her virtue,

the bride’s purity being proved in a way that will not bear the light

of description.[678]

“In many parts of Africa,” says Mr. Reade, “no marriage can be

ratified till a jury of matrons have pronounced a verdict of purity

on the bride;[679] it being customary to return a girl who is found

not to have been entirely chaste, and to claim back the price paid

for her.[680] Dr. Grade states that among the Negroes of Togoland, a

much higher price is paid for a bride who is a virgin than for any

other.[681] Among the Somals, a fallen girl cannot become a man’s

legitimate wife;[682] whilst, in the Soudan and other parts of Africa

where girls are subjected to infibulation, that incontinence may be

made impossible, no young woman who is not infibulated can get a

husband.[683]

The Jewish custom of handing “the tokens of the damsel’s virginity”

to her parents, to be kept as evidence in case of a later accusation,

is well-known.[684] A practice not very dissimilar to this prevails in

China,[685] Arabia,[686] and among the Chuvashes,[687] with whom the

_signum innocentiae_ is exhibited even _coram populo_. In Persia,[688]

as also in Circassia,[689] a girl who is not a virgin when she marries,

runs the risk of being put away after the first night. Among several

nations belonging to the Russian Empire, according to Georgi, the

bridegroom may claim a fine in case of the bride being found to have

lost her virtue;[690] and, among the Chulims, if the Mosaic testimony

of chastity is wanting, the husband goes away and does not return

before the seducer has made peace with him.[691] As to the ancient

Germans, Tacitus states that, by their laws, virgins only could

marry.[692]

A husband’s pretensions may reach even farther than this. He often

demands that the woman he chooses for his wife shall belong to him, not

during his lifetime only, but after his death.

The belief in another life is almost universal in the human race. As

that life is supposed to resemble this, man having the same necessities

there as here, part of his property is buried with him. And so strong

is the idea of a wife being the exclusive property of her husband,

that, among several peoples, she may not even survive him.

Thus, formerly, among the Comanches, when a man died, his favourite

wife was killed at the same time.[693] In certain Californian tribes,

widows were sacrificed on the pyre with their deceased husbands;[694]

and Mackenzie was told that this practice sometimes occurred among

the Crees.[695] In Darien and Panama, on the death of a chief, all

his concubines were interred with him.[696] When one of the Incas

died, says Acosta, the woman whom he had loved best, as well as his

servants and officers, were put to death, “that they might serve him

in the other life.”[697] The same custom prevailed in the region of the

Congo, as also in some other African countries.[698] “It is no longer

possible to doubt,” says Dr. Schrader, “that ancient Indo-Germanic

custom ordained that the wife should die with her husband.”[699] In

India, as is well known, widows were sacrificed, until quite recently,

on the funeral pile of their husbands;[700] whilst, among the Tartars,

according to Navarette, on a man’s death, one of his wives hanged

herself “to bear him company in that journey.” Among the Chinese,

something of the same kind seems to have been done occasionally in

olden times.[701]

Turning to other quarters of the world: in Polynesia, and especially

in Melanesia, widows were very commonly killed.[702] In Fiji, for

instance, they were either buried alive or strangled, often at their

own desire, because they believed that in this way alone could they

reach the realms of bliss, and that she who met her death with the

greatest devotedness, would become the favourite wife in the abode

of spirits. On the other hand, a widow who did not permit herself to

be killed was considered an adulteress.[703] In the New Hebrides,

according to the missionary John Inglis, a wife is strangled, even when

her husband is long absent from home.[704]

If the husband’s demands are less severe, his widow is not on that

account always exempted from every duty towards him after his death.

Among the Tacullies, she is compelled by the kinsfolk of the deceased

to lie on the funeral pile where the body of her husband is placed,

whilst the fire is lighting, until the heat becomes unbearable. Then,

after the body is consumed, she is obliged to collect the ashes and

deposit them in a small basket, which she must always carry about

with her for two or three years, during which time she is not at

liberty to marry again.[705] Among the Kutchin Indians, the widow, or

widows, are bound to remain near the body for a year to protect it

from animals, &c.; and only when it is quite decayed and merely the

bones remain, are they permitted to remarry, “to dress their hair,

and put on beads and other ornaments to attract admirers.”[706] Again,

among the Minas on the Slave Coast, the widows are shut up for six

months in the room where their husband is buried.[707] With the Kukis,

according to Rennel, a widow was compelled to remain for a year beside

the tomb of her deceased husband, her family bringing her food.[708]

In the Mosquito tribe, “the widow was bound to supply the grave of

her husband with provisions for a year, after which she took up the

bones and carried them with her for another year, at last placing them

upon the roof of her house, and then only was she allowed to marry

again.”[709]

In Rotuma and the Marquesas Islands,[710] as well as among the Tartars

and Iroquois,[711] a widow was never allowed to enter a second time

into the married state. Among the ancient Peruvians, says Garcilasso

de la Vega, very few widows who had no children ever married again,

and even widows who had children continued to live single; “for this

virtue was much commended in their laws and ordinances.”[712] Nor is it

in China considered proper for a widow to contract a second marriage,

and in genteel families such an event rarely, if ever, occurs. Indeed,

a lady of rank, by contracting a second marriage, exposes herself

to a penalty of eighty blows.[713] Again, the Arabs, according to

Burckhardt, regard everything connected with the nuptials of a widow

as ill-omened, and unworthy of the participation of generous and

honourable men.[714]

Speaking of the Aryans, Dr. Schrader remarks that, when sentiments

had become more humane, traces of the old state of things survived in

the prohibitions issued against the second marriage of widows.[715]

Even now, according to Dubois, the happiest lot that can befall a

Hindu woman, particularly one of the Brahman caste, is to die in the

married state. The bare mention of a second marriage for her would be

considered the greatest of insults, and, if she married again, “she

would be hunted out of society, and no decent person would venture at

any time to have the slightest intercourse with her.”[716] Again, among

the Bhills, when a widow marries, the newly-wedded pair, according

to a long-established custom, are obliged to leave the house before

daybreak and pass the next day in the fields, in a solitary place,

some miles from the village, nor may they return till the dusk. The

necessity of the couple passing the first day of their marriage in

this way, like outcasts, is, writes Sir J. Malcolm, “to mark that

sense of degradation which all the natives of Hindustan entertain

against a woman marrying a second husband.”[717] The South Slavonians,

says Krauss, regard a widow’s remarriage as an insult to her former

consort;[718] and a similar view prevailed in ancient Greece, according

to Pausanias,[719] and among the Romans.[720] The early Christians,

also, strongly disapproved of second marriages by persons of either

sex, although St. Paul had peremptorily urged that the younger widows

should marry.[721] Indeed the practice of second nuptials was branded

with the name of a legal adultery, and the persons who were guilty of

so scandalous an offence against Christian purity were soon excluded

from the honours and even from the alms of the Church.[722]

Much more commonly, however, the prohibition of a second marriage

refers only to a certain period after the husband’s death. Thus, among

the Chickasaws, widows were obliged to live a chaste single life for

three years at the risk of the law of adultery being executed against

the recusants;[723] whilst, among the Creeks, a widow was looked upon

as an adulteress if she spoke or made free with any man within four

summers after the death of her husband.[724] Among the Old Kukis,

widowers and widows could not marry within three years, and then

only with the permission of the family of the deceased.[725] Among

the Kunáma, too, the period of widowhood must not be shorter than

three years, in Saraë not less than two.[726] The Arawaks, British

Columbians, and Mandans required that the head of the widow should be

shaved, and she was not permitted to marry again before her shorn locks

regained their wonted length.[727] Among the Hovas, Ainos, Patagonians,

&c., the widow has to live a single life for a year at least after her

husband’s death,[728] and among some other peoples for six months.[729]

It may perhaps be supposed that the object of these prohibitions is to

remove all apprehensions as to pregnancy. But this cannot be the case

when the time of mourning lasts for a year or more. In Saraë, where a

widow is bound to celibacy for two years, a divorced wife is prevented

from marrying within two months only, as Munzinger says, “in order to

avoid all uncertainty as to pregnancy;”[730] and, among the Bedouins,

a divorced woman has, for the same reason, to remain unmarried for no

longer time than forty days.[731] Moreover, certain peoples, especially

those among whom monogamy is the only recognized form of marriage, or

among whom polygyny is practised as a rare exception, prohibit the

speedy remarriage not only of widows but of widowers.[732]

The meaning of the interdict appears also from the common rule that

a wife, after her husband’s death, shall give up all her ornaments,

and have her head shaved, her hair cut short, or her face blackened.

Among certain Indians, the law compels the widow through the long term

of her mourning to refrain from all public company and diversions,

under pain of being considered an adulteress, and, likewise to go with

flowing hair without the privilege of oil to anoint it;[733] whilst, in

Greenland tales, it is said of a truly disconsolate widow, “She mourns

so, that she cannot be recognised for dirt.”[734]

Hence we see how deep-rooted is the idea that a woman belongs

exclusively to one man. Savages believe that the soul of the deceased

can return and become a tormentor of the living. Thus a husband, even

after his death, may punish a wife who has proved unfaithful.

According to travellers’ statements, there are, indeed, peoples

almost devoid of the feeling of jealousy, and the practice of lending

or prostituting wives is generally taken as evidence of this. But

jealousy, as well as love, is far from being the same feeling in

the mind of a savage as in that of a civilized man. A wife is often

regarded as not very different from other property, and an adulterer as

a thief.[735] In some parts of Africa, he is punished as such, having

his hands, or one of them, cut off.[736] The fact that a man lends his

wife to a visitor no more implies the absence of jealousy than other

ways of showing hospitality imply that he is without the proprietary

feeling. According to Wilkes, the aborigines of New South Wales “will

frequently give one of their wives to a friend who may be in want of

one; but notwithstanding this laxity they are extremely jealous, and

are very prompt to resent any freedom taken with their wives.”[737]

A married woman is never permitted to cohabit with any man but the

husband, except with the husband’s permission; and this permission

is given only as an act of hospitality or friendship, or as a means

of profit. When we are told that a negro husband uses his wife for

entrapping other men and making them pay a heavy fine;[738] that, among

the Crees, adultery is considered no crime “provided the husband

receives a valuable consideration for his wife’s prostitution;”[739] or

that, in Nukahiva, husbands sometimes offer their wives to foreigners

“from their ardent desire of possessing iron, or other European

articles,”[740]—we must not infer from this profligacy that jealousy

is unknown to man at early stages of civilization. On the contrary,

such practices are due chiefly to contact with “higher culture,” which

often has the effect of misleading natural instincts. “Husbands,

after the degradation of a pseudo-civilization,” says Mr. Bonwick,

“are sometimes found ready to barter the virtue of a wife for a piece

of tobacco, a morsel of bread, or a silver sixpence.”[741] Mr. Curr

observes that, among the Australian natives, “husbands display much

less jealousy of white men than of those of their own colour,” and that

they will more commonly prostitute their wives to strangers visiting

the tribe than to their own people.[742] “Under no circumstances,”

says Sir George Grey, “is a strange native allowed to approach the

fire of a married man.”[743] According to Bosman, the Negroes of Benin

were very jealous of their wives with their own countrymen, though

not in the least with European foreigners;[744] and Lisiansky states

exactly the same as regards the Sandwich Islanders.[745] In California,

says Mr. Powers, “since the advent of the Americans the husband often

traffics in his wife’s honour for gain, and even forces her to infamy

when unwilling; though in early days he would have slain her without

pity and without remorse for the same offence.”[746] The like is true

of the Columbians about Puget Sound;[747] and Georgi remarks that

the nomadic Koriaks torment their wives by their jealousy, sometimes

even killing them from this passion; whereas those Koriaks who lead a

stationary life, being far more advanced in civilization, are so little

addicted to it, that they even have a relish for seeing foreigners make

love to their wives, whom they dress accordingly.[748]

If the hypothesis of an annual pairing time in the infancy of mankind

holds good, jealousy must at that stage have been a passion of very

great intensity.

It may, however, be supposed that this feeling, though belonging to

human nature, has been restrained by certain conditions which have

made it necessary, or desirable, for a man to share his wife with

other men. Thus polyandry now prevails in several parts of the world.

But I shall endeavour to show, later on, that this practice is due

chiefly to scarcity of women, and commonly implies an act of fraternal

benevolence, the eldest and first married brother in a family giving

his younger brothers a share in his wife, if they would otherwise be

obliged to live unmarried. Hence polyandry can by no means, as Mr.

McLennan suggests, be regarded as “a modification of and advance from

promiscuity.” It owes its origin to causes, or a cause, which never

would have produced general communism in women. Besides, it can be

proved that polyandry is abhorrent to the rudest races of men.

It has been suggested, too, that man’s gregarious way of living made

promiscuity necessary. The men of a group, it is said, must either have

quarrelled about their women and separated, splitting the horde into

hostile sections, or indulged in promiscuous intercourse. But it is

hard to understand why tribal organization in olden times should have

prevented a man having his special wife, since it does not do so among

savages still existing. Primitive law is the law of might; and it is

impossible to believe that the stronger men, who generally succeeded

in getting the most comely women, voluntarily gave their weaker

rivals a share in their precious capture. Regarding the aborigines

of Queensland, Lumholtz states that as a rule, it is difficult for

men to marry before they are thirty years of age, the old men having

the youngest and best-looking wives, while a young man must consider

himself fortunate if he can get an old woman.[749] It more commonly

happens among savages, however, that almost every full-grown man is

able to get a wife for himself; and when this is the case, there is

still less reason for assuming communism in women.

It is not, of course, impossible that, among some peoples, intercourse

between the sexes may have been almost promiscuous. But there is not a

shred of genuine evidence for the notion that promiscuity ever formed

a general stage in the social history of mankind. The hypothesis

of promiscuity, instead of belonging, as Professor Giraud-Teulon

thinks,[750] to the class of hypotheses which are scientifically

permissible, has no real foundation, and is essentially unscientific.

The history of human marriage · 第 6 / 29 章