"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" (Continued)
THE DOWNFALL AND DEATH OP YUAN SHIH-KAI
As had been the case during the previous revolts, it was not
publicly or on the battlefield that the most crucial work was
performed: the decisive elements in this new and conclusive
struggle were marshalled behind the scenes and performed their
task unseen. Though the mandarinate, at the head of which stood
Yuan Shih-kai, left no stone unturned to save itself from its
impending fate, all was in vain. Slowly but inexorably it was
shown that a final reckoning had to be faced.
The reasons are not far to seek. Too long had the moral sense of
educated men been outraged by common fraud and deceit for any
continuance of a regime which had disgraced China for four long
years to be humanly possible. Far and wide the word was rapidly
passing that Yuan Shih-kai was not the man he had once been: he
was in reality feeble and choleric--prematurely old from too much
history-making and too many hours spent in the harem. He had
indeed become a mere Colossus with feet of clay,--a man who could
be hurled to the ground by precisely the same methods he had used
to destroy the Manchus. Even his foreign supporters were becoming
tired and suspicious of him, endless trouble being now associated
with his name, there being no promise that quieter times could
possibly come so long as he lived. A very full comprehension of
the general position is given by perusing the valedictory letter
of the leader of the Chinese intellectuals, that remarkable man--
Liang Chi-ch'ao, who in December had silently and secretly fled
from Tientsin on information reaching him that his assassination
was being planned. On the eve of his departure he had sent the
following brilliant document to the Emperor-elect as a reply to an
attempt to entrap him to Peking, a document the meaning of which
was clear to every educated man. Its exquisite irony mixed with
its bluntness told all that was necessary to tell--and forecasted
the inevitable fall. It runs:--
For the Kind Perusal of the Great President:--
A respectful reading of your kind instructions reveals to me your
modesty and the brotherly love which you cherish for your humble
servant, who is so moved by your heart-touching sympathy that he
does not know how to return your kindness. A desire then seized
him to submit his humble views for your wise consideration; though
on the one hand he has thought that he might fail to express what
he wishes to say if he were to do so in a set of brief words,
while on the other hand he has no desire to trouble the busy mind
of one on whose shoulders fall myriads of affairs, with views
expressed in many words. Furthermore, what Ch'i-chao desires to
say relates to what can be likened to the anxiety of one who,
fearing that the heavens may some day fall on him, strives to ward
off the catastrophe. If his words should be misunderstood, it
would only increase his offence. Time and again he has essayed to
write; but each time he has stopped short. Now he is going South
to visit his parents; and looking at the Palace-Gate from afar, he
realizes that he is leaving the Capital indefinitely. The thought
that he has been a protege of the Great President and that dangers
loom ahead before the nation as well as his sense of duty and
friendly obligations, charge him with the responsibility of saying
something. He therefore begs to take the liberty of presenting his
humble but extravagant views for the kind consideration of the
Great President.
The problem of Kuo-ti (form of State) appears to have gone too far
for reconsideration: the position is like unto a man riding on the
back of a wild tiger. ...Ch'i-chao therefore at one moment thought
he would say no more about it, since added comment thereon might
make him all the more open to suspicion. But a sober study of the
general situation and a quiet consideration of the possible future
make him tremble like an autumn leaf; for the more he meditates,
the more dangerous the situation appears. It is true that the
minor trouble of "foreign advice" and rebel plotting can be
settled and guarded against; but what Ch'i-chao bitterly deplores
is that the original intention of the Great President to devote
his life and energy to the interest of the country--an intention
he has fulfilled during the past four years--will be difficult to
explain to the world in future. The trust of the world in the
Great President would be shattered with the result that the
foundation of the country will be unsettled. Do not the Sages say:
"In dealing with the people aim at faithfulness?" If faithfulness
to promises be observed by those in authority, then the people
will naturally surrender themselves. Once, however, a promise is
broken, it will be as hard to win back the people's trust as to
ascend to the very Heavens. Several times have oaths of office
been uttered; yet even before the lips are dry, action hath
falsified the words of promise. In these circumstances, how can
one hope to send forth his orders to the country in the future,
and expect them to be obeyed? The people will say "he started in
righteousness but ended in self-seeking: how can we trust our
lives in his hands, if he should choose to pursue even further his
love of self-enrichment?" It is possible for Ch'i-chao to believe
that the Great President has no desire to make profit for himself
by the sacrifice of the country, but how can the mass of the
people--who believe only what they are told--understand what
Ch'i-chao may, perchance, believe?
The Great President sees no one but those who are always near him;
and these are the people who have tried to win his favour and gain
rewards by concocting the alleged unanimous petitions of the whole
country urging his accession to the Throne. In reality, however,
the will of the people is precisely the opposite. Even the high
officials in the Capital talk about the matter in a jeering and
sarcastic way. As for the tone of the newspapers outside Peking,
that is better left unmentioned. And as for the "small people" who
crowd the streets and the market-places, they go about as if
something untoward might happen at any moment. If a kingdom can be
maintained by mere force, then the disturbance at the time of
Ch'in Chih-huang and Sui Yang Ti could not have been successful.
If, on the other hand, it is necessary to secure the co-operation
and the willing submission of the hearts of the people, then is it
not time that our Great President bethinks himself and boldly
takes his own stand?
Some argue that to hesitate in the middle of a course after
indulging in much pomp and pageantry at the beginning will result
in ridicule and derision and that the dignity of the Chief
Executive will be lowered. But do they even know whether the Great
President has taken the least part in connection with the
phantasies of the past four months? Do they know that the Great
President has, on many occasions, sworn fidelity before high
Heaven and the noon-day sun? Now if he carries out his sacrosanct
promise and is deaf to the unrighteous advice of evil counsellors,
his high virtue will be made even more manifest than ever before.
Wherein then is there need of doubt or fear? Others may even
suggest that since the proposal was initiated by military men, the
tie that has hitherto bound the latter to the Great President may
be snapped in case the pear fails to ripen. But in the humble
opinion of Ch'i-chao, the troops are now all fully inspired with a
sense of obedience to the Chief Executive. Who then can claim the
right to drag our Great President into unrighteousness for the
sake of vanity and vainglory? Who will dare disobey the behests of
the Great President if he should elect to open his heart and
follow the path of honour and unbroken vows? If today, as Head of
the nation, he is powerless to silence the riotous clamour of the
soldiery as happened at Chen-chiao in ancient time, then be sure
in the capacity of an Emperor he will not be able to suppress an
outbreak of troops even as it happened once at Yuyang in the Tang
dynasty. [Footnote: The incident of Chen-chiao is very celebrated
in Chinese annals. A yellow robe, the symbol of Imperial
authority, was thrown around General Chao Kuang-ying, at a place
called Chen-chiao, by his soldiers and officers when he commanded
a force ordered to the front. Chao returned to the Capital
immediately to assume the Imperial Throne, and was thus
"compelled" to become the founder of the famous Sung dynasty. The
"incident of Yuyang" refers to the execution of Yang Kuei-fei, the
favourite concubine of Emperor Yuan Tsung of the Tang dynasty. The
Emperor for a long time was under the alluring influence of Yang
Kuei-fei, who had a paramour named An Lo-hsan. The latter finally
rebelled against the Emperor. The Emperor left the capital and
proceeded to another place together with his favourite concubine,
guarded by a large force of troops. Midway, however, the soldiers
threatened to rebel unless the concubine was killed on the spot.
The clamour was such that the Emperor was forced to sacrifice the
favourite of his harem, putting her to death in the presence of
his soldiers.] To give them the handle of the sword is simply
courting trouble for the future. But can we suspect the troops--
so long trained under the Great President--of such unworthy
conduct?
The ancients say "However a thing is done, do not hurt the
feelings of those who love you, or let your enemy have a chance to
rejoice." Recently calamities in the forms of drought and flood
have repeatedly visited China; and the ancients warn us that in
such ways does Heaven manifest its Will regarding great movements
in our country. In addition to these we must remember the
prevailing evils of a corrupt officialdom, the incessant ravages
of robbers, excesses in punishment, the unusually heavy burdens of
taxation, as well as the irregularity of weather and rain, which
all go to increase the murmurs and complaints of the people.
Internally, the rebels are accumulating strength against an
opportune time to rise; externally, powerful neighbouring
countries are waiting for an opportunity to harass us. Why then
should our Great President risk his precious person and become a
target of public criticism; or "abandon the rock of peace in
search of the tiger's tail"; or discourage the loyalty of faithful
ones and encourage the sinister ambitions of the unscrupulous?
Ch'i-chao sincerely hopes that the Great President will devote
himself to the establishment of a new era which shall be an
inspiration to heroism and thus escape the fate of those who are
stigmatized in our annals with the name of Traitor. He hopes that
the renown of the Great President will long be remembered in the
land of Chung Hua (China) and he prays that the fate of China may
not end with any abrupt ending that may befall the Great
President. He therefore submits his views with a bleeding heart.
He realizes that his words may not win the approval of one who is
wise and clever; but Ch'i-chao feels that unless he unburdens what
is in his heart, he will be false to the duty which bids him speak
and be true to the kindness that has been showered on him by the
Great President. Whether his loyalty to the Imperative Word will
be rewarded with approval or with reproof, the order of the Great
President will say.
There are other words of which Ch'i-chao wishes to tender to the
Great President. To be an independent nation today, we must need
follow the ways of the present age. One who opposes the current of
the world and protects himself against the enriching influence of
the world-spirit must eventually share the fate of the unselected.
It is sincerely hoped that the Great President will refrain to
some extent from restoring the old and withal work for real
reform. Law can only be made a living force by both the ruler and
the people obeying it with sincerity. When the law loses its
strength, the people will not know how to act; and then the
dignity of Government will disappear. It is hoped that the Great
President will keep himself within the bounds of law and not lead
the officials and the people to juggle with words. Participation
in politics and patriotism are closely related. Bear well in mind
that it is impossible to expect the people to share the
responsibilities of the country, unless they are given a voice in
the transaction of public business. The hope is expressed that the
Great President will establish a real organ representing the true
will of the people and encourage the natural growth of the free
expression of public opinion. Let us not become so arrogant and
oppressive that the people will have no chance to express their
views, as this may inspire hatred on the part of the people. The
relation between the Central Government and the provincial centres
is like that between the trunk and branches of a tree. If the
branches are all withered, how can the trunk continue to grow? It
is hoped that the Great President, while giving due consideration
to the maintenance of the dignity of the Central Government, will
at the same time allow the local life of the provinces to develop.
Ethics, Righteousness, Purity and Conscientiousness are four great
principles. When these four principles are neglected, a country
dies. If the whole country should come in spirit to be like
"concubines and women," weak and open to be coerced and forced
along with whomsoever be on the stronger side, how can a State be
established? May the Great President encourage principle, and
virtue, stimulate purity of character, reject men of covetous and
mean character, and grant wise tolerance to those who know no fear
in defending the right. Only then will the vitality of the country
be retained in some degree; and in time of emergency, there will
be a reserve of strength to be drawn upon in support of the State.
All these considerations are of the order of obvious truths and it
must be assumed that the Great President, who is greatly wise, is
not unaware of the same. The reason why Ch'i-chao ventures to
repeat them is this. He holds it true that a duty is laid on him
to submit whatever humble thoughts are his, and at the same time
he believes that the Great President will not condemn a proper
physic even though it may be cheap and simple. How fortunate will
Ch'i-chao be if advice so tendered shall meet with approval. He is
proceeding farther and farther away from the Palace every day and
he does not know how soon he will be able to seek an audience
again. He writes these words with tears dropping into the ink-slab
and he trusts that his words may receive the attention of the
Great President.
So ends this remarkable missive which has become an historic
document in the archives of the Republic. Once again it was
whispered that so great an impression did this fateful warning
produce on the Emperor-elect that he was within an ace of
cancelling the disastrous scheme which now enmeshed him. But in
the end family influence won the day; and stubbornly and doggedly
the doomed man pushed on with his attempt to crush revolt and
consolidate his crumbling position.
Every possible effort was made to minimize the effect of
international influence on the situation. As the sycophantic
vernacular press of the capital, long drilled to blind
subservience, had begun to speak of his enthronement as a
certainty on the 9th February, a Circular Note was sent to the
Five Allied Powers that no such date had been fixed, and that the
newspaper reports to that effect were inventions. In order
specially to conciliate Japan, a high official was appointed to
proceed on an Embassy to Tokio to grant special industrial
concessions--a manoeuvre which was met with the official refusal
of the Tokio Government to be so placated. Peking was coldly
informed that owing to "court engagements" it would be impossible
for the Emperor of Japan to receive any Chinese Mission. After
this open rebuff attention was concentrated on "the punitive
expedition" to chastise the disaffected South, 80,000 men being
put in the field and a reserve of 80,000 mobilized behind them. An
attempt was also made to win over waverers by an indiscriminate
distribution of patents of nobility. Princes, Dukes, Marquises,
Viscounts and Barons were created in great batches overnight only
to be declined in very many cases, one of the most precious
possessions of the Chinese race being its sense of humour. Every
one, or almost every one, knew that the new patents were not worth
the paper they were written on, and that in future years the
members of this spurious nobility would be exposed to something
worse than contempt. France was invited to close the Tonkin
frontier, but this request also met with a rebuff, and
revolutionists and arms were conveyed in an ever-more menacing
manner into the revolted province of Yunnan by the French
railways. A Princedom was at length conferred on Lung Chi Kwang,
the Military Governor of Canton, Canton being a pivotal point and
Lung Chi Kwang, one of the most cold-blooded murderers in China,
in the hope that this would spur him to such an orgy of crime that
the South would be crushed. Precisely the opposite occurred, since
even murderers are able to read the signs of the times. Attempts
were likewise made to enforce the use of the new Imperial
Calendar, but little success crowned such efforts, no one outside
the metropolis believing for a moment that this innovation
possessed any of the elements of permanence. Meanwhile the
monetary position steadily worsened, the lack of money becoming so
marked as to spread panic. Still, in spite of this, the leaders
refused to take warning, and although the political impasse was
constantly discussed, the utmost concession the monarchists were
willing to make was to turn China into a Federal Empire with the
provinces constituted into self-governing units. The over-issue of
paper currency to make good the gaps in the National Finance, now
slowly destroyed the credit of the Central Government and made the
suspension of specie payment a mere matter of time. By the end of
February the province of Kueichow was not only officially admitted
by the Peking Government to be in open revolt as well as Yunnan,
but rebel troops were reported to be invading the neighbouring
province of Hunan. Kwangsi was also reported to be preparing for
secession whilst in Szechuan local troops were revolting in
increasing numbers. Rumours of an attempted assassination of Yuan
Shih-kai by means of bombs now circulated,--and there were many
arrests and suicides in the capital. Though by a mandate issued on
the 23rd February, the enthronement ceremony was indefinitely
postponed, that move came too late. The whole country was plainly
trembling on the edge of a huge outbreak when, less than four
weeks later, Yuan Shih-kai reluctantly and publicly admitted that
the game was up. It is understood that a fateful interview he had
with the British Minister greatly influenced him, though the
formal declaration of independence of Kwangsi on the 16th March,
whither the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao had gone, was also a powerful
argument. On the 22nd March the Emperor-elect issued the mandate
categorically cancelling the entire monarchy scheme, it being
declared that he would now form a Responsible Cabinet. Until that
date the Government Gazette had actually perpetrated the folly of
publishing side by side Imperial Edicts and Presidential Mandates
--the first for Chinese eyes, the second for foreign consumption.
Never before even in China had such a farce been seen. A rapid
perusal of the Mandate of Cancellation will show how lamely and
poorly the retreat is made:
DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22D MARCH)
After the establishment of the Min Kuo (i.e. the Republic),
disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man of little
virtue like me was called to take up the vast burden of the State.
Fearing that disaster might befall us any day, all those who had
the welfare of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution of
the monarchical system of government to the end that a stop be put
to all strife for power and a regime of peace be inaugurated.
Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly been made to me since
the days of Kuei Chou (the year of the first Revolution, 1911) and
each time a sharp rebuke has been administered to the one making
the suggestion. But the situation last year was indeed so
different from the circumstances of preceding years that it was
impossible to prevent the spread of such ideas.
It was said that China could never hope to continue as a nation
unless the constitutional monarchical form of state were adopted;
and if quarrels like those occurring in Mexico and Portugal were
to take place in China, we would soon share the fate of Annam and
Burmah. A large number of people then advocated the restoration of
a monarchy and advanced arguments which were reasonable. In this
proposal all the military and civil officials, scholars and people
concurred; and prayers were addressed to me in most earnest tone
by telegram and in petitions. Owing to the position I was at the
time holding, which laid on me the duty of maintaining the then
existing situation, I repeatedly made declarations resisting the
adoption of the advice; but the people did not seem to realize my
embarrassment. And so it was decided by the acting Li Fa Yuan
(i.e. the Senate) that the question of Kuo-ti (form of State)
should be settled by the Convention of Citizens' Representatives.
As the result, the representatives of the Provinces and of the
Special Administrative Areas unanimously decided in favour of a
constitutional monarchy, and in one united voice elected me as the
Emperor. Since the sovereignty of the country has been vested in
the citizens of China and as the decision was made by the entire
body of the representatives, there was no room left to me for
further discussion. Nevertheless, I continued to be of the
conviction that my sudden elevation to the Great Seat would be a
violation of my oath and would compromise my good faith, leaving
me unable to explain myself; I, therefore, declined in earnest
words in order to make clear the view which hath always been mine.
The said Senate however, stated with firmness that the oath of the
Chief Executive rested on a peculiar sanction and should be
observed or discarded according to the will of the people. Their
arguments were so irresistible that there was in truth no excuse
for me further to decline the offer.
Therefore I took refuge behind the excuse of "preparations" in
order that the desire of the people might be satisfied. But I took
no steps actually to carry out the program. When the trouble in
Yunnan and Kueichow arose, a mandate was officially issued
announcing the decision to postpone the measure and forbidding
further presentation of petitions praying for the enthronement. I
then hastened the convocation of the Li Fa Yuan (i.e., a new
Parliament) in order to secure the views of that body and hoping
thus to turn back to the original state of affairs, I, being a man
of bitter experiences, had at once given up all ideas of world
affairs; and having retired into the obscurity of the river Yuan
(in Honan), I had no appetite for the political affairs of the
country. As the result of the revolution in Hsin Hai, I was by
mistake elected by the people. Reluctantly I came out of my
retirement and endeavoured to prop up the tottering structure. I
cared for nothing, but the salvation of the country. A perusal of
our history of several thousand years will reveal in vivid manner
the sad fate of the descendants of ancient kings and emperors.
What then could have prompted me to aspire to the Throne? Yet
while the representatives of the people were unwilling to believe
in the sincerity of my refusal of the offer, a section of the
people appear to have suspected me of harbouring the desire of
gaining more power and privileges. Such difference in thought has
resulted in the creation of an exceedingly dangerous situation. As
my sincerity has not been such as to win the hearts of the people
and my judgment has not been sound enough to appraise every man, I
have myself alone to blame for lack of virtue. Why then should I
blame others? The people have been thrown into misery and my
soldiers have been made to bear hardships; and further the people
have been cast into panic and commerce has rapidly declined. When
I search my own heart a measure of sorrow fills it. I shall,
therefore, not be unwilling to suppress myself in order to yield
to others.
I am still of the opinion that the "designation petitions"
submitted through the Tsan Cheng Yuan are unsuited to the demands
of the time; and the official acceptance of the Imperial Throne
made on the 11th day of the 12th month of last year (11th
December, 1915) is hereby cancelled. The "designation petitions"
of the Provinces and of the Special Administrative Areas are
hereby all returned through the State Department to the Tsan Cheng
Yuan, i.e., the acting Li Fa Yuan (Parliament), to be forwarded to
the petitioners for destruction; and all the preparations
connected therewith are to cease at once. In this wise I hope to
imitate the sincerity of the Ancients by taking on myself all the
blame so that my action may fall in line with the spirit of
humanity which is the expression of the will of Heaven. I now
cleanse my heart and wash my thoughts to the end that trouble may
be averted and the people may have peace. Those who advocated the
monarchical system were prompted by the desire to strengthen the
foundation of the country; but as their methods have proved
unsuitable their patriotism might harm the country. Those who have
opposed the monarchy have done so out of their desire to express
their political views. It may be therefore presumed that they
would not go to the extreme and so endanger the country. They
should, therefore, all hearken to the voice of their own
conscience and sacrifice their prejudices, and with one mind and
one purpose unite in the effort of saving the situation so that
the glorious descendants of the Sacred Continent may be spared the
horrors of internal warfare and the bad omens may be changed into
lucky signs.
In brief I now confess that all the faults of the country are the
result of my own faults. Now that the acceptance of the Imperial
Throne has been cancelled every man will be responsible for his
own action if he further disturbs the peace of the locality and
thus give an opportunity to others. I, the Great President, being
charged with the duty of ruling over the whole country, cannot
remain idle while the country is racing to perdition. At the
present moment the homesteads are in misery, discipline has been
disregarded, administration is being neglected and real talents
have not been given a chance. When I think of such conditions I
awake in the darkness of midnight. How can we stand as a nation if
such a state of affairs is allowed to continue? Hereafter all
officials should thoroughly get rid of their corrupt habits and
endeavour to achieve merits. They should work with might and main
in their duties, whether in introducing reforms or in abolishing
old corruptions. Let all be not satisfied with empty words and
entertain no bias regarding any affair. They should hold up as
their main principle of administration the policy that only
reality will count and deal out reward or punishment with strict
promptness. Let all our generals, officials, soldiers and people
all, all, act in accordance with this ideal.
This attempt at an Amende honourable, so far from being well-
received, was universally looked upon as an admission that Yuan
Shih-kai had almost been beaten and that a little more would
complete his ruin. Though, as we have said, the Northern troops
were fighting well in his cause on the upper reaches of the great
Yangtsze, the movement against him was now spreading as though it
had been a dread contagious disease, the entire South uniting
against Peking. His promise to open a proper Legislative Chamber
on 1st May was met with derision. By the middle of April five
provinces--Yunnan, Kueichow, Kwangsi, Kwangtung and Chekiang--had
declared their independence, and eight others were preparing to
follow suit. A Southern Confederacy, with a Supreme Military
Council sitting at Canton, was organized, the brutal Governor Lung
Chi Kwang having been won over against his master, and the scholar
Liang Ch'i-chao flitting from place to place, inspiring move after
move. The old parliament of 1913 was reported to be assembling in
Shanghai, whilst terrorist methods against Peking officials were
bruited abroad precipitating a panic in the capital and leading to
an exodus of well-to-do families who feared a general massacre.
An open agitation to secure Yuan Shih-kai's complete retirement
and exile now commenced. From every quarter notables began
telegraphing him that he must go,--including General Feng Kuo-
chang who still held the balance of power on the Yangtsze. Every
enemy Yuan Shih-kai had ever had was also racing back to China
from exile. By the beginning of May the situation was so
threatening that the Foreign Legations became alarmed and talked
of concerting measures to insure their safety. On the 6th May came
the coup de grace. The great province of Szechuan, which has a
population greater than the population of France, declared its
independence; and the whole Northern army on the upper reaches of
the Yangtsze was caught in a trap. The story is still told with
bated breath of the terrible manner in which Yuan Shih-kai sated
his rage when this news reached him--Szechuan being governed by a
man he had hitherto thoroughly trusted--one General Chen Yi.
Arming himself with a sword and beside himself with rage he burst
into the room where his favourite concubine was lying with her
newly-delivered baby. With a few savage blows he butchered them
both, leaving them lying in their gore, thus relieving the
apoplectic stroke which threatened to overwhelm him. Nothing
better illustrates the real nature of the man who had been so long
the selected bailiff of the Powers. On the 12th May it became
necessary to suspend specie payment in Peking, the government
banks having scarcely a dollar of silver left, a last attempt to
negotiate a loan in America having failed. Meanwhile under
inspiration of General Feng Kuo-chang, a conference to deal with
the situation was assembling at Nanking; but on the 11th May, the
Canton Military Government, representing the Southern Confederacy,
had already unanimously elected Vice-President Li Yuan Hung as
president of the Republic, it being held that legally Yuan Shih-
kai had ceased to be President when he had accepted the Throne on
the previous 13th December. The Vice-President, who had managed to
remove his residence outside the Palace, had already received
friendly offers of protection from certain Powers which he
declined, showing courage to the end. Even the Nanking Conference,
though composed of trimmers and wobblers, decided that the
retirement of Yuan Shih-kai was a political necessity, General
Feng Kuo-chang as chairman of the Conference producing at the last
moment a telegram from the fallen Dictator declaring that he was
willing to go if his life and property were guaranteed.
A more dramatic collapse was, however, in store. As May drew to an
end it was plain that there was no government at all left in
Peking. The last phase had been truly reached. Yuan Shih-kai's
nervous collapse was known to all the Legations which were
exceedingly anxious about the possibility of a soldiers' revolt in
the capital. The arrival of a first detachment of the savage
hordes of General Chang Hsun added Byzantine touches to a picture
already lurid with a sickened ruler and the Mephistophelian figure
of that ruler's ame damnee, the Secretary Liang Shih-yi, vainly
striving to transmute paper into silver, and find the wherewithal
to prevent a sack of the capital. It was said at the time that
Liang Shih-yi had won over his master to trying one last throw of
the dice. The troops of the remaining loyal Generals, such as Ni
Shih-chung of Anhui, were transported up the Yangtsze in an
attempt to restore the situation by a savage display,--but that
effort came to nought.
The situation had become truly appalling in Peking. It was even
said that the neighbouring province of Shantung was to become a
separate state under Japanese protection. Although the Peking
administration was still nominally the Central Government of
China, it was amply clear to observers on the spot that by a
process of successive collapses all that was left of government
was simply that pertaining to a city-state of the antique Greek
type--a mal-administration dominated by the enigmatic personality
of Liang Shih-yi. The writ of the capital no longer ran more than
ten miles beyond the city walls. The very Government Departments,
disgusted with, and distrustful of, the many hidden influences at
work, had virtually declared their independence and went their own
way, demanding foreign dollars and foreign banknotes from the
public, and refusing all Chinese money. The fine residium of
undisputed power left in the hands of the Mal-administrator-in-
Chief, Liang Shih-yi, was the control of the copper cash market
which he busily juggled with to the very end netting a few last
thousands for his own purse, and showing that men like water
inevitably find their true level. In all China's tribulations
nothing similar had ever been seen. Even in 1900, after the Boxer
bubble had been pricked and the Court had sought safety in flight,
there was a certain dignity and majesty left. Then an immense
misfortune had fallen across the capital; but that misfortune was
like a cloak which hid the nakedness of the victim; and there was
at least no pretence at authority. In the Summer of 1916, had it
not been for the fact that an admirable police and gendarmerie
system, comprising 16,000 men, secured the safety of the people,
there can be little doubt that firing and looting would have daily
taken place and no woman been safe. It was the last phase of
political collapse with a vengeance: and small wonder if all
Chinese officials, including even high police officers, sent their
valuables either out of the city or into the Legation Quarter for
safe custody. Extraordinary rumours circulated endlessly among the
common people that there would be great trouble on the occasion of
the Dragon Festival, the 5th June; and what actually took place
was perhaps more than a coincidence.
Early on the 6th June an electric thrill ran through Peking--Yuan
Shih-kai was dead! At first the news was not believed, but by
eleven o'clock it was definitely known in the Legation Quarter
that he had died a few minutes after ten o'clock that morning from
uraemia of the blood--the surgeon of the French Legation being in
attendance almost to the last. A certificate issued later by this
gentleman immediately quieted the rumours of suicide, though many
still refused to believe that he was actually dead. "I did not
wish this end," he is reported to have whispered hoarsely a few
minutes before he expired, "I did not wish to be Emperor. Those
around me said that the people wanted a king and named me for the
Throne. I believed and was misled." And in this way did his light
flicker out. If there are sermons in stones and books in the
running brooks surely there is an eloquent lesson in this tragedy!
Before expiring the wretched man issued the following Death
Mandate in accordance with the ancient tradition, attempting as
the long night fell on him to make his peace with men:--
LAST MANDATE OF YUAN SHIH-KAI
The Min Kuo has been established for five years. Unworthily have
I, the Great President, been entrusted with the great task by the
citizens. Owing to my lack of virtue and ability I have not been
able fully to transform into deeds what I have desired to
accomplish; and I blush to say that I have not realized one ten-
thousandth part of my original intention to save the country and
the people. I have, since my assumption of the office, worked in
day and thought in the night, planning for the country. It is true
that the foundation of the country is not yet consolidated, the
hardships of the people not yet relieved, and innumerable reforms
are still unattended to. But by the valuable services of the civil
officials and militarymen, some semblance of peace and order has
been maintained in the provinces and friendly relations with the
Powers upheld till now.
While on the one hand I comfort myself with such things
accomplished, on the other hand I have much to blame myself for. I
was just thinking how I could retire into private life and rest
myself in the forest and near the springs in fulfilment of my
original desire, when illness has suddenly overtaken me. As the
affairs of the State are of gravest importance, the right man must
be secured to take over charge of the same. In accordance with
Article 29 of the Provisional Constitution, which states that in
case the office of the Great President should be vacated for
certain reasons or when the Great President is incapacitated from
doing his duties, the Vice-President shall exercise authority and
power in his stead. I, the Great President, declare in accordance
with the Provisional Constitution that the Vice-President shall
exercise in an acting capacity, the authority and power of the
Great President of the Chung Hua Min Kuo.
The Vice-President being a man of courtesy, good nature,
benevolence and wisdom, will certainly be capable of greatly
lessening the difficulties of the day and place the country on the
foundation of peace, and so remedy the defects of me, the Great
President, and satisfy the expectations of the people of the whole
country. The civil and military officials outside of the Capital
as well as the troops, police and scholars and people should
doubly keep in mind the difficulties and perils of the nation, and
endeavour to maintain peace and order to the best of their
ability, placing before everything else the welfare of the
country. The ancients once said: "It is only when the living do
try to become strong that the dead are not dead." This is also the
wish of me, the Great President.
(Signed) TUAN CHI-JUI, Secretary of State and Minister of War,
TSAO JU-LIN, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Communications.
WANG YI-TANG, Minister of Interior.
CHOW TZU-CHI, Minister of Finance.
LIU-KUAN-HSIUNG, Minister of Navy.
CHANG TSUNG-HSIANG, Minister of Justice and Agriculture and
Commerce.
CHANG KUO-KAN, Minister of Education.
6th day of the 6th month of the 5th year of Chung Hua Min Kuo.
This tragic denouement did not fail to awaken within very few days
among thinking minds a feeling of profound sympathy for the dead
man coupled with sharp disgust for the part that foreigners had
played--not all, of course--but a great number of them. Briefly,
when all the facts are properly grouped it can be said that Yuan
Shih-kai was killed by his foreign friends--by the sort of advice
he has been consistently given in Constitutional Law, in Finance,
in Politics, in Diplomacy. It is easy to trace step by step the
broad road he had been tempted to travel, and to see how at each
turning-point the men who should have taught him how to be true
and loyal to the Western things the country had nominally adhered
to from the proclamation of the Republic, showed him how to be
disloyal and untrue. The tragedy is one which is bound to be
deeply studied throughout the whole world when the facts are
properly known and there is time to think about them, and if there
is anything today left to poetic justice the West will know to
whom to apportion the blame.
Yuan Shih-kai, the man, when he came out of retirement in 1911,
was in many ways a wonderful Chinese: he was a fount of energy and
of a physical sturdiness rare in a country whose governing classes
have hitherto been recruited from attenuated men, pale from study
and the lotus life. He had a certain task to which to put his
hand, a huge task, indeed, since the reformation of four hundred
millions was involved, yet one which was not beyond him if wisely
advised. He was an ignorant man in certain matters, but he had had
much political experience and apparently possessed a marvellous
aptitude for learning. The people needed a leader to guide them
through the great gateway of the West, to help them to acquire
those jewels of wisdom and experience which are a common heritage.
An almost Elizabethan eagerness rilled them, as if a New World
they had never dreamed of had been suddenly discovered for them
and lay open to their endeavours. China, hitherto derided as a
decaying land, had been born anew; and in single massive gesture
had proclaimed that she, too, would belong to the elect and be
governed accordingly.
What was the foreign response--the official response? In every
transaction into which it was possible to import them, reaction
and obscurantism were not only commonly employed but heartily
recommended. Not one trace of genuine statesmanship, not one flash
of altruism, was ever seen save the American flash in the pan of
1913, when President Wilson refused to allow American
participation in the great Reorganization Loan because he held
that the terms on which it was to be granted infringed upon
China's sovereign rights. Otherwise there was nothing but a tacit
endorsement of the very policy which has been tearing the entrails
out of Europe--namely militarism. That was the fine fruit which
was offered to a hopeful nation--something that would wither on
the branch or poison the people as they plucked it. They were
taught to believe that political instinct was the ability to
misrepresent in a convincing way the actions and arguments of your
opponents and to profit by their mistakes--not that it is a mighty
impulse which can re-make nations. The Republic was declared by
the actions of Western bureaucrats to be a Republic pour rire, not
a serious thing; and by this false and cruel assumption they
killed Yuan Shih-kai.
If that epitaph is written on his political tombstone, it will be
as full of blinding truth as is only possible with Last Things.