"THE THIRD REVOLUTION"
THE REVOLT OF YUNNAN
In all the circumstances it was only natural that the
extraordinary chapter of history we have just narrated should have
marched to its appointed end in just as extraordinary a manner as
it had commenced. Yuan Shih-kai, the uncrowned king, actually
enjoyed in peace his empty title only for a bare fortnight, the
curious air of unreality becoming more and more noticeable after
the first burst of excitement occasioned by his acceptance of the
Throne had subsided. Though the year 1915 ended with Peking
brightly illuminated in honour of the new regime, which had
adopted in conformity with Eastern precedents a new calendar under
the style of Hung Hsien or "glorious Constitutionalism," that
official joy was just as false as the rest had been and awakened
the incredulity of the crowd.
On Christmas Day ominous rumours had spread in the diplomatic
circle that dramatic developments in South China had come which
not only directly challenged the patient plotting of months but
made a debacle appear inevitable. Very few days afterwards it was
generally known that the southernmost province of China, Yunnan--
on the borders of French-Indo-China--had telegraphed the Central
Government a thinly veiled ultimatum, that either the monarchy
must be cancelled and the chief monarchists executed at once or
the province would take such steps as were deemed advisable. The
text of these telegrams which follows was published by the
courageous editor of the Peking Gazette on the 31st December and
electrified the capital. The reader will not fail to note how
richly allegorical they are in spite of their dramatic nature:
FIRST TELEGRAM
To the Great President:
Since the question of Kuo-ti (form of State) was raised
consternation has seized the public mind; and on account of the
interference of various Powers the spirit of the people has been
more and more aroused. They have asked the question:--"Who has
invited the disaster, and brought upon us such great disgrace?"
Some one must be responsible for the alien insults heaped on us.
We have learned that each day is given to rapid preparations for
the Grand Ceremony; and it is now true that, internally, public
opinion has been slighted, and, externally, occasions have been
offered to foreigners to encroach on our rights. Our blood runs
cold when we face the dangers at the door. Not once but twice hath
the President taken the oath to observe and obey the Constitution
and protect and maintain the Republic. The oath was sworn before
Heaven and Earth; and it is on record in the hearts of millions of
people and the words thereof still echo in the ears of the people
of all nations. In the Classics it is said that "in dealing with
the people of the country, faith is of the essence of great rule."
Again it is written that "without faith a people cannot endure as
a nation." How then can one rule the people when he "eats" his own
words and tears his own oath? Principle has now been cast to the
winds and the Kuo-ti has been changed. We know not how the country
can be administered.
Since the suspension of the National Assembly and the revision of
the Constitution, the powers of Government have been centred in
one person, with the implied freedom to do whatever seems meet
without let or hindrance. If the Government were to use this power
in order to reform the administration and consolidate the
foundations of the nation, there would be no fear of failure. For
the whole country would submit to the measures of the Central
Government. Thus there is not the least necessity to commit
treason by changing the Kuo-ti.
But although the recent decision of the Citizens' Representatives
in favour of a monarchy and the request of the high local
officials for the President's accession to the Throne have been
represented as inspired by the unanimous will of the people, it is
well known that the same has been the work of ignoble men whose
bribery and intimidation have been sanctioned by the authorities.
Although inept efforts have been made to disguise the deceit, the
same is unhidden to the eyes of the world.
Fortunately it is said that the President has from the very
beginning maintained a calm attitude, speaking not his mind on the
subject. It is now as easy to turn the tide as the reversing of
the palm. It may be objected that if the "face" of the nation is
not preserved in view of the interference of Foreign Powers, there
will be great danger in future. But it must be observed that
official declaration can only be made in accordance with the will
of the people, the tendency of which can easily be ascertained by
searching for the facts. If the will of the people that the
country should be the common property of the Nation be obeyed and
the idea of the President that a Dynasty is as cheap as a worn-out
shoe is heeded, the latter has it in his power to loosen the
string that suspends the bell just as much as the person who has
hung it. If the wrong path is not forsaken, it is feared that as
soon as the heart of the people is gone, the country will be
broken to pieces and the dismemberment of the Nation will take
place when alien pressure is applied to us. We who have hitherto
received favours from the President and have received high
appointments from him hereby offer our faithful advice in the
spirit of men who are sailing in common in a boat that is in
danger; we speak as do those who love sincerity and cherish the
unbroken word. We hope that the President will, with courage,
refuse to listen to the speech of evil counsellors and heed the
voice of conscience and of honour. We further hope that he will
renew his promise to protect the Republic; and will publicly swear
that a monarchical system will never again appear.
Thus the heart of the people will be settled and the foundations
of the Nation will be consolidated. Then by enlisting the services
of sagacious colleagues in order to surmount the difficulties of
the time and sweeping away all corruption and beginning anew with
the people, it may be that the welfare and interest of the Nation
will be furthered. In sending this telegram our eyes are wet with
tears knowing not what more to say. We respectfully await the
order of the President with our troops under arms.
(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN.
SECOND TELEGRAM
For the Perusal of the Great President:--
In our humble opinion the reason why the people--Chinese and
foreign--cannot excuse the President is because the movement for
the change of Kuo-ti has been inspired, and indeed actually
originated in Peking, and that the ringleaders of the plot against
the Min Kuo are all "bosom-men" of the President. The Chou An Hui,
organized by Yang Tu and five other men, set the fire ablaze and
the circular telegram sent by Chu Chi-chien and six other persons
precipitated the destruction of the Republican structure. The
President knew that the bad deed was being done and yet he did
nothing to arrest the same or punish the evil-doers. The people
therefore, are suspicious. A mandate was issued on the 24th of the
11th month of the 3rd year in which it is affirmed: "Democracy and
republicanism are laid down in the Constitutional Compact; and
there is also a law relating to the punishment of those who spread
sedition in order to disturb the minds of the people. If any one
shall hereafter dare to advance strange doctrines and misconstrue
the meaning of the Constitution, he will be punished severely in
accordance with the law of sedition."
Yang Tu for having publicly organized the said Society and Chu
Chi-chien for having directly plotted by telegram are the
principal offenders in the present flagrant case of sedition. As
their crimes are obvious and the subject of abundant proof, we
hereby ask the President to carry out at once the terms of the
said mandate and publicly execute Yang Tu, Sun Yu-yun, Yen Fu, Liu
Shih-pei, Li Hsieh-ho, Hu Ying, Chu Chi-chien, Tuan Chih-kuei,
Chow Tze-chi, Liang Shih-yi, Chang Cheng-fang and Yuan Nai-kuan
to the end that the whole nation may be pacified. Then, and not
till then, will the world believe in the sincerity of the
President, in his love for the country and his intention to abide
by the law. All the troops and people here are in anger; and
unless a substantial proof from the Central Authorities is
forthcoming, guaranteeing the maintenance of the Republic, it will
be impossible to suppress or pacify them. We await a reply within
twenty-four hours.
(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN PROVINCE.
It was evident from the beginning that pride prevented Yuan Shih-
kai from retreating from the false position he had taken up. Under
his instructions the State Department sent a stream of powerful
telegraphic messages to Yunnan attempting to dissuade the
Republican leaders from revolt. But the die had been cast and very
gravely the standard of rebellion was raised in the capital city
of Yunnan and the people exhorted to shed their blood. Everything
pointed to the fact that this rising was to be very different from
the abortive July outbreak of 1913. There was a soberness and a
deliberation about it all which impressed close observers with a
sense of the ominous end which was now in sight.
Still Peking remained purblind. During the month of January the
splendour of the dream empire, which was already dissolving into
thin air, filled the newspapers. It was reported that an Imperial
Edict printed on Yellow Paper announcing the enthronement was
ready for universal distribution: that twelve new Imperial Seals
in jade or gold were being manufactured: that a golden chair and a
magnificent State Coach in the style of Louis XV were almost
ready. Homage to the portrait of Yuan Shih-kai by all officials
throughout the country was soon to be ordered; sycophantic
scholars were busily preparing a volume poetically entitled "The
Golden Mirror of the Empire," in which the virtues of the new
sovereign were extolled in high-sounding language. A recondite
significance, it was said, was to be given to the old ceremonial
dress, which was to be revived, from the fact that every official
would carry a Hu or Ivory Tablet to be held against the breast.
The very mention of this was sufficient to make the local price of
ivory leap skywards! In the privacy of drawing-rooms the story
went the rounds that Yuan Shih-kai, now completely deluded into
believing in the success of his great scheme, had held a full-
dress rehearsal of a ceremony which would be the first one at his
new Court when he would invest the numerous ladies of his
establishment with royal rank. Seated on his Throne he had been
engaged in instructing these interested females, already robed in
magnificent costumes, in the parts they were to play, when he had
noticed the absence of the Korean Lady--a consort he had won, it
is said, in his Seoul days in competition against the Japanese
Envoy accredited to Korea, thereby precipitating the war of 1894-
95. [Footnote: This story is firmly believed by many, namely that
a beautiful woman caused the loss of Korea.] The Korean Lady had
refused to enter the Throne-room, he was told, because she was
dissatisfied with the rank he proposed to confer on her. Sternly
he sent for her and told her to take her place in the circle. But
no sooner had she arrived than hysterically she screamed, "You
told me when you wedded me that no wife would be my superior: now
I am counted only a secondary consort." With that she hurled
herself at the eldest wife who was occupying the post of honour
and assailed her bitterly. Amidst the general confusion the would-
be-Emperor hastily descended from his Throne and vainly
intervened, but the women were not to be parted until their robes
were in tatters.
In such childishnesses did Peking indulge when a great disaster
was preparing. To explain what had occurred in Yunnan it is
necessary to go back and tell the story of a remarkable young
Chinese-General Tsao-ao, the soul of the new revolt.
In the revolution of 1911 each province had acted on the
assumption that it possessed inherent autonomous rights and could
assume sovereignty as soon as local arrangements had allowed the
organization of a complete provisional government. Yunnan had been
one of the earliest provinces to follow the lead of the Wu-chang
rebels and had virtually erected itself into a separate republic,
which attracted much attention because of the iron discipline
which was preserved. Possessing a fairly well-organized military
system, largely owing to the proximity of the French frontier and
the efforts which a succession of Viceroys had made to provide
adequate frontier defence, it was amply able to guarantee its
newly won autonomy. General Tsao-ao, then in command of a division
of troops had been elected Generalissimo of the province; and
bending himself to his task in very few weeks he had driven into
exile all officials who adhered to the Imperialist cause and made
all local institutions completely self-supporting. Even in 1911 it
had been reported that this young man dreamed of founding a
dynasty for himself in the mountains of South China--an ambition
by no means impossible of realization since he had received a
first-class military education in the Tokio Military Schools and
was thoroughly up-to-date and conversant with modern theories of
government.
These reports had at the time greatly concerned Yuan Shih-kai who
heard it stated by all who knew him that the Yunnan leader was a
genius in his own way. In conformity with his policy of bringing
to Peking all who might challenge his authority, he had induced
General Tsao-ao, since the latter had played no part in the
rebellion of 1913, to lay down his office of Yunnan Governor-
General and join him in the capital at the beginning of 1914--
another high provincial appointment being held out to him as a
bait.
Once in Peking, however, General Tsao-ao had been merely placed in
charge of an office concerned with the reorganization of the land-
tax, nominally a very important piece of work long advocated by
foreign critics. But as there were no funds available, and as the
purpose was plainly merely to keep him under observation, he
fretted at the restraint, and became engaged in secret political
correspondence with men who had been exiled abroad. As he was soon
an open suspect, in order to avoid arrest he had taken the bold
step at the very inception of the monarchy movement of heading the
list of Generals in residence in Peking who petitioned the Senate
to institute a Monarchy, this act securing him against summary
treatment. But owing to his secret connection with the scholar
Liang Chi-chao, who had thrown up his post of Minister of Justice
and left the capital in order to oppose the new movement, he was
watched more and more carefully--his death being even hinted at.
He was clever enough to meet this ugly development with a masterly
piece of trickery conceived in the Eastern vein. One day a
carefully arranged dispute took place between him and his wife,
and the police were angrily called in to see that his family and
all their belongings were taken away to Tientsin as he refused any
longer to share the same roof with them. Being now alone in the
capital, he apparently abandoned himself to a life of shameless
debauch, going nightly to the haunts of pleasure and becoming a
notorious figure in the great district in the Outer City of Peking
which is filled with adventure and adventuresses and which is the
locality from which Haroun-Al Raschid obtained through the medium
of Arab travellers his great story of "Aladdin and the Wonderful
Lamp." When governmental suspicions were thoroughly lulled, he
arranged with a singing-girl to let him out by the backdoor of her
house at dawn from whence he escaped to the railway-station,
rapidly reaching Tientsin entirely unobserved.
The morning was well-advanced before the detectives who nightly
watched his movements became suspicious. Then finding that his
whereabouts were unknown to the coachman dozing on the box of his
carriage, they roughly entered the house where he had passed the
night only to find that the bird had flown. Hasty telegrams were
dispatched in every direction, particularly to Tientsin--the great
centre for political refugees--and his summary arrest ordered.
But fortune favoured him. A bare quarter-of-an-hour before the
police began their search he had embarked with his family on a
Japanese steamer lying in the Tientsin river and could snap his
fingers at Yuan Shih-kai.
Once in Japan he lost no time in assembling his revolutionary
friends and in a body they embarked for South China. As rapidly as
possible he reached Yunnan province from Hongkong, travelling by
way of the French Tonkin railway. Entering the province early in
December he found everything fairly ready for revolt, though there
was a deficiency in arms and munitions which had to be made good.
Yuan Shih-kai, furious at this evasion, had telegraphed to
confidential agents in Yunnan to kill him at sight, but
fortunately he was warned and spared to perform his important
work. Had a fortnight of grace been vouchsafed him, he would have
probably made the most brilliant modern campaign that has been
witnessed in China, for he was an excellent soldier. Acting from
the natural fortress of Yunnan it was his plan to descend suddenly
on the Yangtsze Valley by way of Chungking and to capture the
upper river in one victorious march thus closing the vast province
of Szechuan to the Northern troops. But circumstances had made it
imperative for him and his friends to telegraph the Yunnan
ultimatum a fortnight sooner than it should have been dispatched,
and the warning thus conveyed to the Central Government largely
crippled the Yunnan offensive.
The circumstances which had made instant action necessary were as
follows. As we have seen from the record of the previous risings,
the region of the Yangtsze river has superlative value in Chinese
politics. Offering as it does an easy road into the heart of the
country and touching more than half the Provinces, it is indeed a
priceless means of communication, and for this reason Yuan Shih-
kai had been careful after the crushing of the rebellion of 1913
to load the river-towns with his troops under the command of
Generals he believed incorruptible. Chief of these was General
Feng Kuo-chang at Nanking who held the balance of power on the
great river, and whose politics, though not entirely above
suspicion, had been proof against all the tempting offers South
China made to him until the ill-fated monarchy movement had
commenced. But during this movement General Feng Kuo-chang had
expressed himself in such contemptuous terms of the would-be
Emperor that orders had been given to another high official--
Admiral Tseng, Garrison Commissioner at Shanghai--to have him
assassinated. Instead of obeying his instructions, Admiral Tseng
had conveyed a warning to his proposed victim, the consequence
being that the unfortunate admiral was himself brutally murdered
on the streets of Shanghai by revolver-shots for betraying the
confidence of his master. After this denouement it was not very
strange that General Feng Kuo-chang should have intimated to the
Republican Party that as soon as they entered the Yangtsze Valley
he would throw his lot with them together with all his troops. Of
this Yuan Shih-kai became aware through his extraordinary system
of intelligence; and following his usual practice he had ordered
General Feng Kuo-chang to Peking as Chief of the General Staff--an
appointment which would place him under direct surveillance. First
on one excuse, then on another, General Feng Kuo-chang had managed
to delay his departure from day to day without actually coming
under the grave charge of refusing to obey orders. But finally the
position was such that he telegraphed to General Tsao-ao that
unless the Yunnan arrangements were hastened he would have to
leave Nanking--and abandon this important centre to one of Yuan
Shih-kai's own henchmen--which meant the end of all hopes of the
Yangtsze Valley rising EN MASSE.
It was to save Feng Kuo-chang, then, that the young patriot Tsao-
ao caused the ultimatum to be dispatched fourteen days too soon
i.e., before the Yunnan troops had marched over the mountain-
barrier into the neighbouring province of Szechuan and seized the
city of Chungking--which would have barred the advance of the
Northern troops permanently as the river defiles even when lightly
defended are impassable here to the strongest force. It was
largely due to the hardships of forced marches conducted over
these rugged mountains, which raise their precipitous peaks to the
heavens, that Tsao-ao subsequently lost his life, his health being
undermined by exposure, tuberculosis finally claiming him. But one
thing at least did his resolute action secure. With Yunnan in open
revolt and several other provinces about to follow suit, General
Feng Yuo-chang was able to telegraph Peking that it was impossible
for him to leave his post at Nanking without rebellion breaking
out. This veiled threat was understood by Yuan Shih-kai. Grimly he
accepted the checkmate.
Yet all the while he was acting with his customary energy. Troops
were dispatched towards Szechuan in great numbers, being tracked
up the rapids of the upper river on board fleets of junks which
were ruthlessly commandeered. Now commenced an extraordinary race
between the Yunnan mountaineers and the Northern plainsmen for the
strategic city of Chungking. For some weeks the result was in
doubt; for although Szechuan province was held by Northern
garrisons, they were relatively speaking weak and surrounded by
hostile Szechuan troops whose politics were doubtful. In the end,
however, Yuan Shih-kai's men reached their goal first and
Chungking was saved. Heavy and continuous mountain-fighting
ensued, in which the Southern troops were only partially
successful. Being less well-equipped in mountain artillery and
less well-found in general supplies they were forced to rely
largely on guerilla warfare. There is little accurate record of
the desperate fighting which occurred in this wild region but it
is known that the original Yunnan force was nearly annihilated,
and that of the remnant numbers perished from disease and
exposure.
Other events were, however, hastening the debacle. Kueichow
province had almost at once followed the example of Yunnan. A
third province, Kwangsi, under a veteran who was much respected,
General Lu Yun Ting, was soon added; and gradually as in 1911 it
became clear that the army was only one chessman in a complicated
and very ingenious game.