The event which seems to have done more than any other single cause to
depress the fortunes and to change the future relationships of the
foreign community of St. Mary was the catastrophe of the Black Death.
The plague visited London in the autumn of 1348. Its ravages were
serious in the early days of November, and the condition of affairs had
produced so much alarm that Parliament was prorogued on January 1, 1349.
A further prorogation occurred on March 10, the reason given being that
the “pestilence was continuing at Westminster, in the City of London,
and at other places, more severely than before (_gravius solito_).” It
had diminished, or almost disappeared, in London by the end of that
year. The clergy appear to have suffered throughout the country even
more severely than the rest of the populace—evidence that they did not
fail in their duties during that terrible period. Geoffrey le Baker, a
clerk of Osney, says, “Of the clergy and cleric class there died a
multitude known to God only.”[12]
Footnote 12:
Creighton, “History of Epidemics in Britain,” 1891, Camb., i, chap. 3.
What actually happened at Charing Cross can only be guessed, but there
are very clear indications that the Convent of St. Mary Roncevall
suffered severely. The deaths among the brethren were probably numerous,
for no one sufficiently important seems to have survived to uphold the
interests of the parent House. The depressed state of the Convent is the
more striking as the calamity occurred after a period of great
prosperity.
When the plague ceased, and for some time after, the affairs of the
Convent appear to have been in complete confusion. The immense mortality
during the year of the prevalence of the plague disordered to a serious
extent the whole executive of the country, and especially affected the
Church. In some cases the community in the smaller convents died out
entirely, in others the senior members and officials completely
disappeared from the records, and in all cases serious losses must have
occurred. This fatality was not confined to the monastic clergy alone;
those holding benefices outside the religious houses perished probably
in greater numbers. The consequence was that throughout the country
rapid institutions to vacant benefices had to be made to carry on the
duties of those who had fallen, and frequently unlettered, and in some
cases unworthy, clerks succeeded to important charges. These
difficulties must have been much accentuated in the case of alien
houses. They suffered, as did all the other religious communities, and
in addition, they felt the difficulty of being remote from the parent
House. Officials who would have had the interests of the House at heart
could not be sent from abroad to take charge on short notice, and the
Prior at Roncesvalles, no doubt, did not even know of the deaths of his
subordinates at Charing Cross. The vacant benefices in the possession of
the alien houses were sought for and obtained by clergy on the spot who
had influence, and there can be no doubt that the conclusion is correct,
that many of these persons were more concerned in advancing their own
interests and in retaining the possessions thus secured, than in
guarding the rights of the foreign abbey or priory. Not only, however,
did the local clergy secure the vacant benefices and property, but in
many cases the property of the alien houses was taken possession of by
their influential neighbours, sometimes without opposition, when the
original possessors had entirely disappeared, at other times by the high
hand when the rightful owners were few or feeble.
THE CONFLICT OF INTEREST BETWEEN ALIEN AND ENGLISH CLERGY AT SAINT MARY
RONCEVALL (1350-1414).
In spite of these adverse conditions the house of St. Mary Roncevall
survived, although new influences appear directing its affairs. The
earliest records after the Plague show that English clergy were in
possession of the Church and Hospital, and the title of Warden is made
use of for the first time by the chief clerical official. Special
interest appears to have been taken in its affairs by the Crown, perhaps
because its estate afforded a ready source of revenue, but more likely
on account of the proximity of the Convent to the Royal Palace at
Westminster. The Church and Hospital afforded convenient opportunities
of preferment and of income to the clergy connected with the Chapel
Royal of St. Stephen or of the Royal Household.
The first records after the Plague are of special significance. In 1379,
in the reign of Richard II, the chapel and lands of St. Mary Roncevall
were seized into the King’s hands in accordance with the statute dated
at Gloucester, “for the forfeiture of the lands of schismatic aliens,”
and in accordance with the policy of the Crown at this period to
suppress all the alien religious houses. At this time there was a
certain Nicholas Slake, a clerk, who, wise in his generation, had not
failed in procuring preferment and much advantage from the Church. He
possessed various benefices throughout the country, and finally became
Dean of the Chapel Royal of St. Stephen, Westminster, in the year
1396.[13] Nicholas Slake had obtained possession of the revenues and had
become Warden of the Hospital and Chapel of “Rounsyvale,” probably when
the Crown took possession of the property after the forfeiture of 1379.
In 1383, we find that the King grants a writ of aid for Ralph Archer,
Proctor of Nicholas Slake, Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall,
“to arrest and bring before the King and Council all persons whom he
shall prove to have collected alms in the realm as Proctor of the
Hospital, and converted the same to their own use.”
Footnote 13:
Hennessy, “Novum Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londinense.”
It seems probable that an effort had been made by Nicholas Slake to put
the affairs of his church in order, either on his own initiative, or on
account of the renewed interest taken in the house at Charing Cross by
the Mother Convent. It is noteworthy that about this time the Prior and
brethren at Roncesvalles commenced a process at law to claim their
property. An inquisition took place before the King’s Court at
Westminster into the foundation of the Hospital, and as it appeared in
evidence that the chapel and its property belonged to the Prior of
Roncesvalles, it was restored (April 23, 1383).
There now appears to have been a short period of quiet and good fortune
for the brotherhood. It will be remembered that the years 1390-92 are
known as the three “quiet” years of the Hundred Years’ War with France.
Peaceful communications were restored between Navarre, through France to
England, so that we are not surprised to find that in 1389, Garcias, a
Canon of Roncesvalles, is ratified as Warden of the Chapel of Roncevall
by Charing Cross, at the supplication of the King’s kinsman, Charles of
Navarre. What happened in the next year, 1390, is a little obscure.
Garcias does not seem to have been at home or comfortable at Charing
Cross, or the influence of the London clergy may have prevailed over the
alien, for in that year we note that John Hadham, the King’s clerk, is
Warden of the Hospital.
The following years must have brought much anxiety to the remnants of
the alien clergy in England. They must have become more and more
conscious of the insecurity of their tenure. England was once more
engaged in deadly war with France; communications between the two
countries were constantly interrupted or carried on with great risk and
danger, and in the case of the Hospital of St. Mary, the sending of
their surplus revenue to Navarre through France must have been regarded
by the King, constantly seeking funds for military purposes, with the
utmost jealousy. Most of the alien houses had already been suppressed.
The continued existence of the House of St. Mary Roncevall, as mentioned
above, had been seriously threatened. The affairs, therefore, of the
community of Charing Cross must have been in great disorder and can have
afforded little satisfaction to the parent House. That the Prior did
make efforts to supervise the affairs of the Convent in England is
clear, but the control must have been very ineffective.
In 1396, John Newerk obtained the wardenship and the property of the
Hospital, including the charters, various apostolic bulls and other
documents, and apparently installed himself comfortably in his benefice,
for in the year 1399 we find that ratification of the estate of Ronceval
was given to Newerk. In the meantime Francis, who was then Prior at
Roncesvalles, learned of the doings of John Newerk, and commenced a
process against him for having broken into the close and houses
belonging to the Prior in the parish of St. Martin’s in the Fields, of
having removed a sealed chest worth 20_s._, containing the charters and
other muniments of the hospital, and claimed damages to the extent of
200_l._ This action seems to have dragged on for a wearisome length of
time, for in the year 1409 special directions are given by the King,
that, “whereas the suit has been long delayed, the justices are ordered
to proceed therein, but not to give judgment without consulting him.”
The plea was concluded in Hilary Term, 1409, and judgment was given to
the effect that at the time of the trespass the close and houses were
the sole and free tenement of the Prior, so that John Newerk was mulcted
in damages to the extent of 100 marks, but he was held not guilty in
respect of the matter of the chest and writings. Though the Prior was
largely successful in this action, his success did not long delay the
only possible issue.