(1807.)
LET us suppose an individual, ignorant of all antecedent events, and
suddenly introduced to the life of the palace at Fontainebleau at the
time of which I am speaking. That individual, dazzled by the
magnificence of this royal dwelling, and struck by the authoritative air
of the master and the obsequious reverence of the great personages who
surrounded him, would undoubtedly have believed that he beheld a
sovereign peacefully seated upon the greatest throne in the world, in
virtue of the joint rights of power and legitimacy.
Bonaparte was then king in the eyes of all and in his own eyes; he
forgot the past, he did not fear the future. He walked with a firm step,
foreseeing no obstacles, or at least certain that he could easily
overthrow any which might arise. It appeared to him, it appeared to us,
that he could not fall except by an event so unforeseen, so strange, and
which would produce so universal a catastrophe, that all the interests
of order and tranquillity were solemnly pledged to his support. He was
either the master or the friend of all the continental kings. He was
allied to several of them either by foreign treaties or by foreign
marriages. He had made sure of Europe by the partitions which he had
effected. He had strong garrisons upon his most distant frontiers to
insure the execution of his will, and all the resources of France were
placed absolutely in his hands. He possessed an immense treasury; he was
in the prime of life, admired, feared, and scrupulously obeyed. Had he
not then surmounted every obstacle?
For all this, a worm was gnawing at the vitals of his glory. The French
Revolution was not a process by which the public mind was to be led to
submit to arbitrary power; the illumination of the age, the progress of
sound principles, the spread of liberty, were all against him, and they
were destined to overthrow this brilliant edifice of authority, founded
in opposition to the march of the human intellect. The sacred flame of
liberty was burning in England. Happily for the welfare of nations, that
sanctuary was defended by a barrier which the armies of Bonaparte could
not break down. A few leagues of sea protected the civilization of the
world, and saved it from being forced to abandon the field of battle to
one who might not perhaps have utterly beaten it, but who would have
stifled it for the space of a whole generation.
The English Government, jealous of so colossal a power, and,
notwithstanding the ill success of so many enterprises, though always
conquered, never discouraged, found an unfailing resource against the
Emperor in the national sentiments. The pride and industry of England,
attacked both in its position and its interests, were equally irritated,
and the people consented eagerly to every sacrifice which was demanded
of them. Large sums were voted for the augmentation of a naval service
which should secure the blockade of the entire continent of Europe.
The kings who were afraid of our artillery submitted to the prohibitive
system which we exacted of them, but their people suffered. The luxuries
of life, the necessities created by prosperity, the innumerable wants
which are the result of high civilization, all fought the battle of the
English. Murmurs arose at St. Petersburg, on the Baltic, in Holland, in
all the French ports; and the discontent which dared not express itself
took all the deeper root in the public mind that it might be long before
it could find a voice.
The threats or reproaches which we were suddenly made aware our
Government was addressing to its allies were, however, indications of
the true state of things. We in France were in complete ignorance of all
that was passing outside of us, without communications (at least of an
intellectual kind) with other nations, incredulous of the truth of the
articles written to order in our dull journals; but, nevertheless, we
were led by the line taken in the “Moniteur” to the conclusion that the
Imperial will was balked by the necessities of the nation. The Emperor
had bitterly reproached his brother Louis with a too feeble execution of
his orders in Holland. He now sent him back to his kingdom with a
positive injunction that his will was to be scrupulously obeyed.
“Holland,” said the “Moniteur,” “since the new measures taken there,
will no longer correspond with England. English commerce must find the
whole continent closed to it, and these enemies of the nations must be
outlawed. There are peoples who know not how to do anything but
complain; they must learn to suffer with fortitude, to take every means
of injuring the common enemy and obliging him to recognize the
principles which actuate all the continental nations. If Holland had
taken her measures from the commencement of the blockade, perhaps
England would have already made peace.”
At another time every effort was made to stigmatize what was called the
invasion of continental liberties. The English Government was compared,
in its policy, to Marat. “What did he ever do that was more atrocious?”
was asked. “The spectacle of a perpetual war is presented to the world.
The oligarchical ringleaders who direct English policy will end, as all
exaggerated and infuriated men do end, by earning the opprobrium of
their own country and the hatred of other nations.”
The Emperor, when dictating this and similar tirades against
oligarchical governments, was using for his own purposes the democratic
idea which he well knew existed in the nation. When he employed some of
the revolutionary phrases, he believed that he was carrying out the
principles of the Revolution. “Equality”—nothing but “Equality”—was
the rallying-cry between the Revolution and him. He did not fear its
consequences for himself; he knew that he had excited those desires
which pervert the most generous dispositions; he turned liberty aside,
as I have often said, he bewildered all parties, he falsified all
meanings, he outraged reason. The power which his sword conferred upon
him he sustained by sophistry, and proved that it was from motives of
sound wisdom that he deviated from the path of progress and set aside
the spirit of the time. He called the power of speech to his aid, and
perverted language to lead us astray.
That which makes Bonaparte one of the most remarkable of human beings,
which places him apart, and at the head of all those powerful men who
have been called to rule over their fellows, is that he perfectly knew
and always contended with his epoch. Of his own free will he chose a
course which was at once difficult and contrary to the spirit of his
time. He did not disguise this from himself; he frequently said that he
alone had checked the Revolution, and that after him it would resume its
course. He allied himself with the Revolution to oppress it; but he
presumed too far upon his strength, and in the end the Revolution
recovered its advantage, conquered and repulsed him.
The English Government, alarmed by the fervor with which the Czar, who
was rather fascinated than convinced, had embraced the policy of the
Emperor, closely attentive to the troubles which were beginning to
manifest themselves in Sweden, uneasy at the sentiments which Denmark
manifested toward us, and which must lead to the closing of the Sound
against themselves, increased their armament, and assembled their forces
for the blockade of Copenhagen. They succeeded in taking that city; but
the Prince Royal, fortified by the love of his people, defended himself
bravely, and fought even after he had lost his capital, so that the
English found themselves obliged to evacuate Copenhagen, and to content
themselves, there as elsewhere, with the general blockade.
The Opposition declared against the expedition, and the Emperor, in his
ignorance of the British Constitution, flattered himself that the
Parliamentary debates on this point would be useful to him. Little
accustomed to opposition, he estimated that of a political party in
England by the effect which would have been produced in France had the
same violence of opinion which he remarked in the London journals been
manifested here, and he believed the English Government was lost on the
evidence of the diatribes of the “Morning Chronicle.” These articles
were a welcome aliment to his own impatience, but his hopes always
proved vain. The Opposition declaimed, but its remonstrances came to
nothing, and the Government always found means to carry on the necessary
struggle.
Nothing could exceed the Emperor’s anger when he read the debates in the
English Parliament, and the violent attacks upon himself in which the
free English press indulged. He took advantage, on his own part, of the
liberty of the press in England to hire writers in London, who might
print what he wanted with impunity. These duels of the pen served no
purpose. The abuse which he dictated was answered by abuse of him which
reached Paris. All these articles had to be translated and shown to him.
Those whose duty it was to bring them under his notice trembled as they
did so, so terrible was his anger, whether silent or displayed in
violent passion; and ill indeed was the fortune of any one whose
position in the household brought him in contact with the Emperor
immediately after he had read the English newspapers. We were always
made aware of the state of his temper on those occasions. The officials
whose business it was to provide for his amusements were much to be
pitied. At this time what I must really call the “torture” of M. de
Rémusat commenced. I shall have more to say of this subject when I have
to describe our Court life at Fontainebleau.
All those persons who were to accompany their Majesties were assembled,
and informed of the rules which they would have to observe. The
different evenings of the week were to be passed in the respective
apartments of the great personages. On one evening the Emperor would
receive; there would be music, and afterward cards. On two other
evenings there would be a play—on one, followed by a ball in the
apartment of the Grand Duchess of Berg, and, on the other, by a ball in
the apartment of the Princess Borghese. On the fifth, there would be a
reception and cards in the apartment of the Empress. The Princes and
Ministers were to give dinners, and to invite all the members of the
Court in turn. The Grand Marshal was to do the same; twenty-five covers
were to be laid at his table every day. The Lady of Honor was likewise
to entertain. And, lastly, there was to be a table for all those who had
not received a special invitation elsewhere. Princes and Kings were to
dine with the Emperor only when invited. He reserved to himself the
liberty of his _tête-à-tête_ dinner with his wife, and chose whom he
pleased when he thought fit to depart from that rule.
Hunting took place on fixed days, and the guests were invited to
accompany the hunt, either on horseback or in elegant _calèches_.
The Emperor took it into his head that the ladies should have a hunting
costume, and to that the Empress agreed very willingly. The famous
costumer Leroy was consulted, and a very brilliant uniform was arranged.
Each Princess selected a different color for herself and her household.
The costume of the Empress was amaranth velvet, embroidered in gold,
with a _toque_ also embroidered in gold, and a plume of white feathers.
All the Ladies-in-Waiting wore amaranth. Queen Hortense chose blue and
silver; Mme. Murat, pink and silver; Princess Borghese, lilac and
silver. The dress was a sort of tunic, or short _redingote_ in velvet,
worn over a gown of embroidered white satin; velvet boots to match the
dress, and a _toque_ with a white plume. The Emperor and all the
gentlemen wore green coats, with gold or silver lace. These brilliant
costumes, worn either on horseback or in carriages, and by a numerous
assemblage, had a charming effect in the beautiful forest of
Fontainebleau.
The Emperor liked hunting rather for the exercise which it forced him to
take than for the pleasure of the chase itself. He did not follow the
deer very carefully, but, setting off at a gallop, would take the first
road that lay before him. Sometimes he forgot the object of the hunt
altogether, and followed the winding paths of the forest, or seemed to
abandon himself to the fancy of his horse, being plunged the while in
deep reverie. He rode well, but ungracefully. He preferred Arab horses,
because they are so trained that they stop on the instant. Horses of
this kind were very carefully broken for him, as, from his habit of
starting at full gallop with a loose rein, he would have been in danger
of falling had not great precaution been taken. He would go down steep
hills at full speed, to the great risk of those who had to follow him at
the same pace. He had a few severe falls, but they were never alluded
to. He would not have liked any mention of them.
He took up for a while a fancy for driving a _calèche_ or a buggy, and
he was a very unsafe coachman, for he took no precaution in turning
corners or to avoid difficult roads. He was determined always to conquer
every obstacle, and would retreat before none. One day, at Saint Cloud,
he undertook to drive four-in-hand, and turned the horses, which he
could not manage, so awkwardly through a gateway, that the carriage was
upset. The Empress and some other persons were in the vehicle and were
all thrown out; but, fortunately, no serious accident occurred, and he
himself escaped with a sprained wrist. After that he gave up driving,
remarking, with a laugh, that “in even the smallest things every man
should stick to his own business.”
Although he took no great interest in the success of a hunt, he would
scold violently if the deer were not taken, and be very angry if it were
represented to him that he had, by changing the course, misled the dogs.
He was surprised and impatient at the slightest non-success.
He worked very hard at Fontainebleau, as, indeed, he did everywhere. He
rose at seven, held his _levée_, breakfasted alone, and, on the days
when there was no hunt, remained in his cabinet or held councils until
five or six o’clock. The Ministers and Councilors of State came from
Paris as if we had been at Saint Cloud. He never considered distances,
and carried this to such an extent that, having expressed an intention
to “receive” on Sunday, after Mass, as he did at Saint Cloud, people had
to leave Paris in the night in order to reach Fontainebleau at the
prescribed hour. The persons who had made this journey would be placed
in one of the galleries of the château, through which he would walk,
sometimes without taking the trouble of rewarding them by a word or a
look for the fatigue and inconvenience they had undergone.
While he remained all the morning in his cabinet, the Empress, elegantly
dressed, breakfasted with her daughter and her ladies, and afterward
went into her drawing-room and received visits from persons living in
the château. Such of us as cared to do so might occupy ourselves with
needlework, and this was a great relief to the fatigue of idle and
trifling conversation. Mme. Bonaparte did not like to be alone, but she
had no taste for any kind of occupation. At four o’clock we left her;
she then gave herself up to the business of her toilet, we to the
business of ours, and this was a momentous affair. A number of Parisian
shopkeepers had brought their very best merchandise to Fontainebleau,
and they easily disposed of it by presenting themselves at our rooms.
Between five and six o’clock the Emperor would go down to his wife’s
apartment, and then go out in a carriage alone with her for a drive
before dinner. At six o’clock we dined, and afterward we met in the
theatre or at the apartment of the person who was charged with providing
the especial amusement of the particular evening.
The princes, marshals, great officers, or chamberlains who had the
_entrée_, might present themselves at the Empress’s apartment. They
knocked at the door, the chamberlain on duty announced them, and the
Emperor said, “Let them come in.” Ladies would sit down in silence;
gentlemen would remain standing against the wall in the order in which
they entered the room. The Emperor would generally be walking backward
and forward, sometimes silently and deep in thought, without taking any
notice of those around; at others, he would make an opportunity of
talking, but almost without interruption, for it was always difficult to
reply to him, and had become more so than ever. He neither knew how to
put people at their ease nor cared to do so; for he dreaded the
slightest appearance of familiarity, and he inspired all who were in his
presence with the apprehension that some disparaging or unkind word
would be said to him or her before witnesses.
The receptions did not differ much from these more private and
privileged occasions. All about him suffered from _ennui_; he did so
himself, and frequently complained of the fact, resenting to others the
dull and constrained silence which was in reality imposed by him. I have
heard him say: “It is a singular thing: I have brought together a lot of
people at Fontainebleau; I wanted them to amuse themselves; I arranged
every sort of pleasure for them; and here they are with long faces, all
looking dull and tired.”
“That,” replied M. de Talleyrand, “is because pleasure can not be
summoned by beat of drum, and here, just as when you are with the army,
you always seem to say to us all, ‘Come, ladies and gentlemen, forward!
march!’.” The Emperor was not annoyed by this speech; he was in a very
good humor at this time. M. de Talleyrand passed long hours alone with
him, and was then free to say anything he chose; but, in a great room
and among forty other persons, M. de Talleyrand was just as silent as
the rest.
Of the whole Court, the person who was most oppressed by the care of the
Emperor’s pleasures was, beyond all comparison, M. de Rémusat. The fêtes
and the plays were in the department of the Grand Chamberlain, and M. de
Rémusat, in his capacity as First Chamberlain, had all the
responsibility and labor. That word is perfectly appropriate, for the
imperious and harassing will of Bonaparte rendered this sort of business
exceedingly troublesome. It always was, as M. de Talleyrand said, a case
of “amusing the unamusable.”
The Emperor chose to have two plays in the week, and that they should
always be different. Only the actors of the Comédie Française performed
in these plays, which alternated with representations of Italian operas.
Nothing but tragedy was played—Corneille frequently, a few of Racine’s
pieces, and Voltaire, whose dramatic works Bonaparte did not like, very
rarely.
The Emperor approved the entire repertory for Fontainebleau, positively
insisted that the best actors of the company must perform there, and
commanded that the representations in Paris should undergo no
interruption; all the arrangements were made accordingly. Then, all of a
sudden, he would upset the whole arrangement, demand another play or
another actor, and that on the morning of the day on which the piece, as
previously set down, was to be acted. He would not listen to any
observation on the subject, and sometimes would be quite angry about it;
and the best that was to be hoped for was that he would say, with a
smile: “Bah! take a little trouble, and you will succeed. I wish it to
be so; it is your business to find the means.”
When the Emperor uttered that irrevocable _Je le veux_, the words echoed
through the whole palace. Duroc, and especially Savary, pronounced them
in the same tone as himself, and M. de Rémusat was obliged to repeat
them to the unfortunate actors, who were bewildered and overtaxed by the
sudden efforts of memory, or the entire disarrangement of their studies,
to which they were subjected. Then messengers would be dispatched at
full speed to seek the necessary persons and “properties.” The day
passed in a whirl of petty agitation—in the fear that an accident, or
an illness, or some unforeseen circumstance might prevent the execution
of the order; and my husband, who occasionally came to my room for a
moment’s rest, would sigh at the thought that a reasonable man should be
forced to exhaust his patience and all the efforts of his intellect in
such trifles, which, however, were of real importance because of the
consequences to which they might lead.
One would need to have lived in courts to realize how small things can
become grave matters, and how hard to bear is the displeasure of the
master, even when its cause is utterly insignificant. Kings are in the
habit of displaying their displeasure before everybody, and it is
unbearable to receive a complaint or a rebuff in the presence of a
number of people who look on it as if they were at a play. Bonaparte,
the most arbitrary of sovereigns, never hesitated to “scold” in the
harshest way, frequently without the slightest reason, and would
humiliate or threaten anybody at the prompting of a whim. The fear which
he excited was infectious, and his harsh words resounded long and far.
When with very great trouble one had succeeded in satisfying him, it is
not to be supposed that he would testify that satisfaction. Silence was
the best one had to expect. He would go to the play preoccupied,
irritated by reading some English journal, or, perhaps, only fatigued
with the day’s hunting, and he would either fall into reverie or go to
sleep. No applause was permitted in his presence, and the silent
representation was exceedingly dull and cold. The Court grew intolerably
weary of these eternal tragedies. The younger ladies simply slept
through them; every one went away depressed and dissatisfied. The
Emperor perceived this, was angry at it, attacked his First Chamberlain,
blamed the actors, insisted on others being found, although he had the
best, and would command different pieces for the ensuing days, which
were received in precisely the same manner. It rarely happened
otherwise, and our theatrical experiences were, it must be confessed,
eminently unpleasant. Those days at Fontainebleau were a constantly
recurring source of misery to me; the frivolity of the thing itself, and
the importance of its consequences, rendered it a great trial.
The Emperor admired Talma’s acting; he persuaded himself that he liked
it very much, but I think he rather knew than felt that Talma was a
great actor. He had not in himself that which enables one to take
pleasure in the representation of a fiction on the stage; he was
deficient in education, and his mind was too rarely disengaged, he was
too entirely occupied by his own actual circumstances, to be able to
give his attention to the development of a feigned passion. He
occasionally appeared moved by a scene, or even by a word pronounced
with great effect; but that emotion detracted from his pleasure as a
whole, because he wanted it to be prolonged in all its strength, and he
never took those secondary impressions into account, which are produced
by the beauty of the verse or the harmony which a great actor lends to
his entire _rôle_. In general, he thought our French drama cold, our
actors too measured, and he resented to others that he found it
impossible to be pleased with what the multitude accepted as a
diversion.
It was the same with regard to music. He had little feeling for the
arts, but he had an intellectual appreciation of them, and, demanding
from them more than they could give him, he complained of not having
felt what his nature did not permit him to experience.
The first singers in Italy had been attracted to the Emperor’s Court. He
paid them largely; his vanity was gratified by the power of taking them
away from other sovereigns; but he listened to their strains moodily,
and seldom with any interest. M. de Rémusat bethought himself of
enlivening the concerts by a sort of representation of the pieces of
music that were executed in the Emperor’s presence. These concerts were
sometimes given on the stage, and they included the finest scenes from
the Italian operas. The singers wore the appropriate costumes, and
really acted; the decorations represented the scene in which the action
of the song was supposed to pass. All this was arranged and mounted with
the greatest care, but, like everything else, failed in its effect. And
yet not completely; for it must be said that, if so much attention and
pains were labor lost so far as his pleasure was concerned, the pomp of
all these various spectacles and entertainments pleased Bonaparte, for
it consorted with his policy, and he liked to display a superiority
which extended to everything before the crowd of foreigners who
surrounded him.
The same moody and discontented temper, which was inseparable from him,
cast a cloud over the balls and receptions at Fontainebleau. At eight
o’clock in the evening, the Court, all in splendid attire, would
assemble in the apartment of the Princess whose turn it was to receive
company. We placed ourselves in a circle, and looked at each other
without speaking. Thus we awaited the arrival of their Majesties. The
Empress came in first, made the tour of the reception-room with her
unfailing grace, and then took her place and kept silence like the rest,
until the Emperor at length appeared. He would seat himself by her side,
and look on at the dancing with a countenance so little encouraging to
gayety, that enjoyment was out of the question on these occasions.
Sometimes, during a pause in the dancing, he would walk about the room,
addressing some trifling remarks to the ladies. These observations were,
for the most part, jests about their attire, of anything but a delicate
kind. He withdrew very soon, and shortly afterward the party would break
up.
During the sojourn of the Court at Fontainebleau, a very pretty woman
made her appearance, and attracted the attention of the Emperor. She was
an Italian. . . . M. de Talleyrand had seen her in Italy, and persuaded
the Emperor to appoint her “Reader” to the Empress. Her husband was made
Receiver-General. The Empress was at first indignant at the appearance
of this fair lady on the scenes; but she promptly made up her mind to
lend herself with complacency to what she was powerless to oppose, and
this time she shut her eyes to the state of affairs. The lady was a
quiet person, acquiescent rather than elated; she yielded to her master
from a sort of conviction that she ought not to resist him. But she made
no display, she gave herself no airs in consequence of her success, and
she contrived to combine a real attachment to Mme. Bonaparte with
submission to Bonaparte’s fancy for her. The result was that the affair
was conducted without any scandal or disturbance. This lady was
certainly the handsomest woman in the Court, which boasted a number of
beauties. I have never seen more beautiful eyes, finer features, or a
more exquisitely harmonious face. She was tall, and had an elegant
figure, but she was a little too slight. The Emperor never cared very
much for her; he told his wife all about the affair at once, and made
her mind quite easy by his unreserved confidence respecting this brief
and unsentimental _liaison_. The lady was lodged in the palace of
Fontainebleau in such a manner as to be within call whenever he desired
her presence. It was whispered about that she came down in the evening
to his apartment, or he went to hers; but in the ordinary circle he did
not talk to her more than to any other lady, and the Court paid no great
attention to this affair, because it was plainly unlikely to lead to any
change. M. de Talleyrand, who had in the first instance persuaded
Bonaparte to select this Italian as a mistress, received his confidences
concerning her, and that was all.
If I were asked whether the idleness of our Court life at Fontainebleau
led to the formation of _liaisons_ of a similar kind on the part of the
courtiers, I should hardly know how to answer that question. The
Emperor’s service demanded such entire subjection, and involved such
close though trifling occupation, that the men had not time for
gallantry, and the women were too much afraid of what Bonaparte might
say of them to yield without very great precaution. In so cold,
constrained, and conventional a society, in which no one would venture
on a word or a movement more than the others, no coquetry was ever
displayed, and every arrangement was made in silence, and with a
promptitude which eluded observation. Another peculiarity of the time
which acted as a safeguard to women was that men took no pains to
please: they merely asserted the pretensions of victory without wasting
time in the preliminaries of love. Thus, among the Emperor’s
surroundings, only passing intrigues, whose _dénoûment_ both parties
seemed anxious to hasten as much as possible, took place. Besides,
Bonaparte desired that his Court should be grave, and he would not have
permitted women to assume the slightest ascendency in it. To himself
alone he reserved the right to every kind of liberty. He tolerated the
misconduct of certain members of his own family, because he knew that he
was powerless to restrain them, and that the attempt to do so only gave
the facts additional publicity. For the same reason, he would have
dissembled the anger he might have felt had his wife allowed herself any
“distractions”; but at this period she no longer seemed disposed to do
so. I am absolutely unacquainted with the secrets of her private life,
and I always saw her exclusively occupied with the difficulties of her
own position, and tremblingly apprehensive of displeasing her husband.
She was entirely devoid of coquetry; her manner was perfectly modest and
reserved; she never spoke to men, except to find out what was going on;
and her grand subject of care and dread was the divorce which was always
hanging over her head. Lastly, the women of that Court had great need to
be on their guard and to take care what they did; for, whenever the
Emperor was informed of anything—and he always was informed—he would
invariably make the husband acquainted with the facts of the case. It is
true that he interdicted any complaint or action in consequence. Thus,
we all know that he has made S—— aware of certain adventures of his
wife’s, and so imperiously ordered him to display no anger that S——,
who was always entirely submissive to him, consented to allow himself to
be deceived, and ended, partly through this weak compliance, and partly
through his desire to think his wife innocent, by not believing facts
which were of public notoriety.
Mme. de X—— was at Fontainebleau, but the Emperor never paid her any
attention; and, if the rumor that the former _liaison_ between them was
temporarily renewed had any truth at all in it, the revived intimacy
must have been very transitory, and it did not restore any of her
vanished importance to the lady.
We had, however, during our stay at Fontainebleau, the spectacle of one
really ardent love-affair. Jérôme, as I have already said, had recently
married the Princess Catherine, and his young wife became deeply
attached to him, but very shortly after their marriage he gave her cause
for jealousy. The young Princess of Baden was at this time a very
fascinating person, and on very bad terms with her husband. She was
coquettish, frivolous, gay, and clever, and she had a great success in
society. Jérôme fell in love with her, and his passion seemed to afford
her considerable amusement. She danced with him at all the balls. The
Princess Catherine, who was even then too fat, did not dance, and she
would remain seated, sadly contemplating the gayety of the two young
people, who passed and repassed before her, quite indifferent to the
pain they were inflicting on her. At length, one evening, in the midst
of a fête, the good understanding between them being too plain to be
mistaken, the young Queen of Westphalia was observed to turn deadly
pale, and burst into tears; in another minute she had slid from her
chair and swooned completely away. The ball was interrupted; she was
carried into another room, the Empress and some of the ladies hastened
to her aid, and we heard the Emperor address a severe rebuke to his
brother, after which he retired. Jérôme, greatly frightened, went at
once to his wife, took her upon his knee, and endeavored to restore her
to consciousness by his caresses. The Princess, on coming to herself,
wept bitterly, and seemed to be unaware that a number of persons
surrounded her. I looked on at this scene in silence, deeply impressed
by its strangeness, by the sight of this Jérôme—whom a succession of
circumstances, all entirely independent of any merit of his own, had
raised to a throne—figuring as the object of the passionate love of a
real Princess, with the right to her love, and also a right to neglect
her. I can not describe what I felt at seeing her sitting upon his
knees, her head upon his shoulder, and receiving his kisses, while he
called her by her name, “Catherine,” over and over again, entreating her
to calm herself, and using the familiar _tutoiement_. A few minutes
later the young couple retired to their own apartment.
On the following day Bonaparte ordered his wife to speak strongly to her
young niece, and I also was instructed to make her listen to reason. She
received me very well, and listened to me with attention. I represented
to her that she was compromising her future, and urged upon her that her
duty and her interest alike bound her to live on proper terms with the
Prince of Baden; that she was destined to live in other countries than
France; that levity which might be tolerated in Paris would probably be
resented in Germany; and that she ought most carefully to avoid giving
any excuse for the spread of calumny against her. She acknowledged that
she had more than once reproached herself for the imprudence of her
behavior, but that there really was nothing in it except the desire to
amuse herself; and she added that she was quite aware that all her
present importance was due to her being Princess of Baden, for she was
no longer treated at the French Court as she had been in times past.
This was, in fact, quite true; for the Emperor, who had outlived his
fancy for her, had changed the whole ceremonial with respect to her,
and, paying no attention to the rules which he had himself laid down at
the time of her marriage, no longer treated her as his adopted daughter,
but accorded her merely the precedence of a Princess of the
Confederation of the Rhine, which came very far after that of the Queens
and Princesses of the Imperial family. Lastly, she knew that she was a
cause of disturbance, and the young Prince, who did not venture to
express his displeasure, manifested it only by his extreme dejection.
Our conversation lasted for a long time, and she was much impressed by
it and by her own reflections. When she dismissed me, it was with an
embrace, and saying, “You shall see that you will be pleased with me.”
That same evening there was a ball, and the Princess approached her
husband, and spoke to him in an affectionate manner, while toward all
others she adopted a reserved demeanor, which everybody observed. During
the evening she came to me, and asked me, in the sweetest and most
graceful way, whether I was pleased with her; and from that moment,
until the end of the sojourn of the Court at Fontainebleau, not a single
disparaging observation could possibly be made respecting her. She
showed no reluctance to return to Baden; when there, she conducted
herself well. She has since had children by the Prince, and lived
happily with him; she also won the affection of his subjects. She is now
a widow, and has only two daughters left; but she is held in high
consideration by her brother-in-law, the Emperor of Russia, who has on
several occasions evinced a great interest in her.
As for Jérôme, he went shortly afterward to take possession of his
kingdom of Westphalia, where his conduct must have given the Princess
Catherine cause more than once to shed tears: this, however, did not
cure her of her love for him, for since the Revolution of 1814 she has
never ceased to share his exile.
While pleasure, and especially etiquette, reigned at Fontainebleau, the
poor Queen of Holland lived in the château, as much apart as she could
from all; suffering much from her condition, grieving incessantly for
her son, spitting blood at the least exertion, quite disconsolate, and
unable even to wish for anything except rest. At this time she often
said to me, with tears in her eyes: “I hold my life for my brother’s
sake only. When I think of him, I take pleasure in our greatness; but to
myself it is a torment.” The Emperor displayed invariable esteem and
affection for his step-daughter; it was always to her that he intrusted
the task of conveying to her mother such hints as he thought necessary.
Mme. Bonaparte and her daughter were good friends, but they were too
dissimilar to understand each other, and the former was conscious of a
certain inferiority which affected her to some extent. And, then,
Hortense had experienced such great trials that she could not deeply
compassionate cares which seemed to her so light in comparison with the
burden that she herself had to carry. When the Empress would tell her of
a quarrel with Bonaparte about some foolish expense or some passing fit
of jealousy, or would talk of her fear of divorce, her daughter would
say, with a melancholy smile, “Are these things misfortunes?” The two
undoubtedly loved, but I do not think they ever understood, each other.
The Emperor, who had, I believe, a much greater regard for Mme. Louis
than for his brother, but who was, nevertheless, swayed to a certain
extent by the spirit of the family, interfered in their domestic affairs
with reluctance and caution. He had consented to keep his step-daughter
with him until after her confinement, but he always spoke in the sense
of wishing that she should ultimately return to Holland. She told him
repeatedly that she would not go back to a country in which her child
had died, and where misery awaited her. “My reputation is blasted,” said
she; “my health is destroyed; I expect no more happiness in this life.
Banish me from your Court, if you will; place me in a convent: I want
neither throne nor fortune. Give my mother peace, and Eugène the _éclat_
which he deserves, but let me live quietly and in solitude.” When she
spoke thus, she succeeded in touching the Emperor’s feelings; he
consoled and encouraged her, promising her his aid and support, and
advising her to trust to time, but he utterly scouted the idea of a
divorce between her and Louis. He was, no doubt, thinking of his own,
and felt that a repetition of the same incident in the family would
bring them into ridicule. Mme. Louis submitted, and let time pass by;
but she was privately quite resolved that nothing should induce her to
renew a union, at the thought of which she shuddered. It did not seem
that the King wished for her return; on the contrary, he was embittered
against his wife, loved her no better than she loved him, and in
Holland, where he wanted to pass for a victim, openly accused her. Many
people believed his story: kings easily find credulous ears. One thing
is certain: the husband and wife were most unhappy, but my belief is
that, with his disposition, Louis would have made troubles for himself
anywhere, under any circumstances; whereas Hortense was eminently
calculated for a calm and happy domestic life. She did not seem to know
the meaning of passion; her mind and feelings were disposed toward
profound quiet.
The Grand Duchess of Berg applied herself to being extremely agreeable
to us all at Fontainebleau. She could be very gay and pleasant when she
was in the humor, and she could even assume an air of _bonhomie_. She
lived in the château at her own expense, very luxuriously, and kept a
sumptuous table. She always used gilt plate, in this outdoing the
Emperor, whose silver-gilt services were used on state occasions only.
She invited all the dwellers in the palace by turns, receiving them most
graciously, even those whom she did not like, and appeared to be
thinking of nothing but pleasure; but, nevertheless, she was not wasting
her time. She frequently saw Count Metternich, the Austrian Ambassador.
He was young and handsome, and he appeared to admire the sister of the
Emperor. From that time forth, whether from a spirit of coquetry or from
a far-sighted ambition which prompted such a measure of precaution, she
began to accept the homage of the Minister with readiness. He was said
to be held in high consideration and to have great influence at his
Court, and he might be placed, by the course of events, in a position to
serve her. Whether she had this idea beforehand or not, events justified
it, and Metternich never failed her.
In addition to this, she took the influence of M. de Talleyrand into
consideration, and did her best to cultivate him while keeping up as
secretly as possible her relations with Fouché, who visited her with
extreme precaution, in consequence of the displeasure with which the
Emperor regarded any intimacy of the kind. We observed her making up to
M. de Talleyrand in the drawing-room at Fontainebleau, talking to him,
laughing at his _bons mots_, looking at him when she said anything
remarkable, and even addressing such observations to him. M. de
Talleyrand showed no reluctance, but met her advances, and then their
interviews became more serious. Mme. Murat did not conceal from him that
the spectacle of her brothers seated on thrones inspired her with envy,
as she felt herself quite capable of wielding a scepter, and she
reproached him with opposing this. M. de Talleyrand objected that
Murat’s abilities were not brilliant, and made some jokes at his
expense, which were not resented very strongly. The Princess delivered
up her husband to M. de Talleyrand’s sarcasms readily enough, but she
urged that she would not leave the whole charge of ruling in Murat’s
hands; and she gradually, by certain seductive methods, led M. de
Talleyrand to be less opposed to her wishes. At the same time she also
flattered and cultivated M. Maret, who, in his heavy way, repeatedly
praised the intelligence and ability of the Emperor’s sister to her
all-powerful brother.
Bonaparte himself had a great opinion of her, and he found it supported
by a variety of testimony which he knew was not concerted. He began to
treat his sister with greater consideration, whereas Murat, who lost
something by what she gained, thought proper to take offense and
complain. Thence ensued conjugal “scenes,” in which the husband insisted
on resuming his right and his rank. He bullied the Princess, and she was
a good deal frightened; but, partly by adroitness, partly by threats—by
being now caressing, and again haughty and distant, by acting on some
occasions the submissive wife, and on others the sister of the master of
all—she bewildered her husband, resumed her ascendency, and proved to
him that she was serving his interests in all she was doing. It seems
that quarrels of the same kind occurred when she was at Naples, that
Murat’s vanity took umbrage, and that he was deeply hurt; but every one
agrees that, if he made mistakes, it was always when he ceased to follow
her advice.
I have said that the sojourn of the Court at Fontainebleau was marked by
a brilliant succession of foreign visitors. With the Prince Primate we
had very agreeable conversations; he was witty, had fine manners,
delighted in recalling the days of his youth, when he had been
acquainted in Paris with all the men of letters of the epoch. The Grand
Duke of Würzburg, who remained all the time at Fontainebleau, was very
good-natured, and put every one at ease with him. He was passionately
fond of music, and had a voice like that of a precentor; but he enjoyed
himself so much when he was allowed to take a part in a piece of
concerted music that no one had the heart to spoil his harmless pleasure
by smiling at his performance.
Next to the two whom I have just mentioned, the Princes of Mecklenburg
were objects of special attention. They were both young, and very
polite—indeed, even obliging—to everybody. They were in some awe of
the Emperor; the magnificence of his Court dazzled them, and so
impressed were they by his power and the splendor amid which it was
displayed that they were in a state of perpetual admiration, and paid
court even to the chamberlains.
The Prince of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, brother to the Queen of Prussia, was
rather deaf, and found it difficult to communicate his ideas; but the
Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who was also young and very
good-looking, was extremely affable. His object in coming was to
endeavor to obtain the removal of the French garrisons from his states.
The Emperor kept him amused by fair promises; he explained his wishes to
the Empress, and she listened to him with gracious patience. The
unfailing kindness that distinguished Josephine, her sweet face, her
lovely figure, the suave elegance of her person, were not without their
effect on the Prince. We saw, or believed we saw, that he was
captivated; she laughed, and was amused. Bonaparte also laughed, but he
afterward took the matter ill. This change of his humor occurred on his
return from a journey to Italy, which he made at the end of the autumn.
The two Princes were treated with less cordiality toward the close of
their stay in Paris.
I do not think Bonaparte felt any real annoyance, but he did not choose
to be the subject of any kind of jest. The Prince, no doubt, retained
some sort of feeling for the Empress; for she told me that, on the
occasion of the divorce, the Emperor suggested to her that, if she
wished to marry again, she should select the Prince of Mecklenburg as
her husband, and she declined. I am not quite sure whether she did not
tell me that the Prince had written to ask for her hand.
Such of the Princes as were not invited to the Emperor’s table dined
with the Queens, the Ministers, the Grand Marshal, or the Lady of Honor.
Mme. de la Rochefoucauld had a fine suite of rooms, where the foreigners
were accustomed to assemble. She received them with much grace and
cordiality, and time passed there pleasantly.
How curious a spectacle is a Court! There we see the most illustrious
personages of the time, men of the highest social rank; each of them is
supposed to be occupied with important interests; but the silence
enforced by prudence and custom reduces all conversation to complete
insignificance, and it frequently happens that princes and other great
men, not daring to act like men under such circumstances, assume the
behavior of mere children. This reflection was forced upon my mind even
more strongly at Fontainebleau than elsewhere. All these foreigners were
aware that they were drawn thither by force. All were more or less
vanquished or dispossessed; they had come to entreat either favor or
justice; they knew that in a corner of the château their fate was being
decided; and all of them, assuming a similar appearance of good spirits
and entire freedom of mind, followed the chase, and acquiesced in
everything required of them. These requirements included dancing,
playing at blind-man’s-buff, and other games, so that, being thus
employed, no one need either listen or reply to them. How often have I
sat at Mme. de la Rochefoucauld’s piano, playing, at her request, those
Italian dances which our lovely Italian inmate had brought into fashion!
Princes, Electors, Marshals, and chamberlains, conquerors and conquered,
nobles and plebeians, passed before me, dancing indiscriminately
together; all the quarterings of Germany contrasting with the
Revolutionary swords or the decorated uniforms of our “illustration”—an
“illustration” much more real and weighty, at that period, than that of
the ancient title-deeds and patents which the smoke of our guns had
nearly obliterated. I often reflected very seriously on the events then
taking place before my eyes, but I took good care not to confide these
thoughts to any of my companions, and would not have ventured for the
world to smile at either them or myself. “Herein is the wisdom of
courtiers,” says Sully. “It is agreed that, though they all wear
grotesque masks, none shall ever be held to be ridiculous by the
others!”
In another place he says: “A truly great man knows how to be everything
by turns and according to circumstances—a master or an equal, a king or
a citizen. He loses nothing by thus accommodating himself in private,
provided that on other occasions he shows himself equally able to
political and military affairs; the courtier will never forget that he
is in the presence of his master.”
But the Emperor was by no means disposed to adopt these axioms, and,
from design as well as from inclination, he never relaxed his kingly
state. And, indeed, a usurper could, perhaps, hardly do so with
impunity.
When the hour struck for us to leave our childish games in order to
present ourselves before him, the expression of every face became
constrained. Each of us wore a serious countenance, as we proceeded
slowly and ceremoniously to the great apartments. Hand in hand, we
entered the Empress’s anteroom. A chamberlain announced the names. Then,
sooner or later, we were received—sometimes only those who had the
_entrée_, at other times everybody. We silently fell into our places, as
I have said before, and listened to the few and vague phrases the
Emperor addressed to each. Wearied like us, he soon called for the
card-tables, to which we would sit down for appearance’ sake, and
shortly after the Emperor would retire. Nearly every evening he sent for
M. de Talleyrand, with whom he sat up far into the night.
The state of Europe at this time was, doubtless, the ordinary subject of
their conversations. The expedition of the English into Denmark had
greatly angered the Emperor. He found himself totally unable to assist
his ally, and this, added to the destruction of the Danish fleet and the
blockade established everywhere by English ships, made him eagerly seek
every opportunity of harming them. He exacted with greater urgency than
ever that his allies should devote themselves to carrying out his
vengeance. The Emperor of Russia, who had taken steps toward a general
peace, having been repulsed by the English Government, threw himself
thoroughly into the alliance with Bonaparte. On the 26th of October he
made a declaration, by which he announced that he had broken off all
communication with England up to the time when she should enter into a
treaty of peace with us. His ambassador, Count Tolstoi, arrived at
Fontainebleau shortly afterward; he was received with great honor, and
included among the “members of the Journey,” as it was called.
At the beginning of the month a rupture took place between ourselves and
Portugal. The Prince Regent of that kingdom gave no support to those
continental prohibitions which so harassed the people. Bonaparte grew
angry; violent paragraphs against the house of Braganza appeared in the
newspapers, the ambassadors were recalled, and our army entered Spain in
order to march on Lisbon. Junot was in command. In November the Prince
Regent, seeing he could offer no resistance to such an invasion,
resolved to emigrate from Europe, and to go and reign in Brazil. He
embarked on the 29th of November.
The Spanish Government had taken good care not to oppose the passage of
the French troops through its territories. A great deal of scheming was
going on at that time between the Court of Madrid and that of France.
For a long time past there had been a close correspondence between the
Prince of the Peace and Murat The Prince, absolutely master of his
King’s mind, and the implacable enemy of the Infante Don Ferdinand, heir
to the throne, had devoted himself to Bonaparte and served him
zealously. He repeatedly promised Murat to satisfy him on every point,
and the latter, in return, was instructed to promise him a crown (the
“kingdom of the Algarves”), and efficient support from us. A crowd of
schemers, both French and Spanish, were mixed up in all this. They
deceived Bonaparte and Murat as to the true spirit of Spain, and they
most carefully concealed that the Prince of the Peace was hated
throughout the kingdom. Having gained over this Minister, we fancied
ourselves masters of the country, and we fell willfully into many errors
for which we have since had to pay very dearly.
M. de Talleyrand was not always consulted or believed on these points.
Better informed than Murat, he often spoke to the Emperor of the true
state of the case, but he was suspected of being jealous of Murat. The
latter asserted that it was to injure him that Talleyrand threw a doubt
upon the success for which the Prince of the Peace made himself
answerable, and Bonaparte allowed himself to be deceived. It has been
said that the Prince of the Peace made enormous presents to Murat; the
latter flattered himself that, after betraying the Spanish Minister, and
by his means causing a rupture between the King of Spain and his son,
and finally bringing about the wished-for revolution, he would have the
throne of Spain as his reward; and, dazzled by this prospect, he would
not permit himself to doubt the truth of all the flattery that was
lavished upon him.
It happened that a conspiracy was suddenly formed at Madrid against the
King; Prince Ferdinand was accused in the reports that were made to King
Charles; and whether there was truth in the matter, or it was only a
wretched intrigue against the life of the young Prince, the charge was
published widely. The King of Spain, having caused his son to be put on
his trial before a tribunal, suffered himself to be disarmed by the
letters which fear dictated to the Infante—letters in which he
acknowledged his crime, real or pretended—and the Court was in a
deplorable state of turmoil. The King’s weakness was extreme; he was
infatuated with his Minister, who ruled over the Queen with all the
authority of a master and former lover. The Queen detested her son, to
whom the Spanish nation was attached in consequence of the hatred
inspired by the Prince of the Peace. There was in this situation
sufficient to flatter the Emperor’s hopes. If we add the state of Spain
itself, the political incapacity of the effete nobility, the ignorance
of the people, the influence of the clergy, the prevalence of
superstition, the miserable state of the finances, the influence which
the English Government was trying to gain, and the occupation of
Portugal by the French, it is plain that such a condition of things
threatened revolution.
I had often heard M. de Talleyrand talking to M. de Rémusat of the
situation of Spain. Once, when he was conversing with us about the
establishment of Bonaparte’s dynasty, he said, “A Prince of the house of
Bourbon is but a bad neighbor for him, and I do not think he will be
able to retain him.” But at this date, in 1807, M. de Talleyrand,
thoroughly well informed as to the real disposition of Spain, was of
opinion that, far from intriguing by means of a man of so little
capacity and so ill esteemed as the Prince of the Peace, the way to
propitiate the nation was by procuring his dismissal, and, if the King
refused this, by declaring war, taking part with the people against him,
and, according to events, either dethroning all the Bourbon family or
making a compromise in Bonaparte’s interest by marrying Prince Ferdinand
to a lady of the Imperial house. It was toward this latter plan that M.
de Talleyrand was most inclined, and he predicted even then to the
Emperor that any other line of conduct would involve him in
difficulties.
One of the greatest defects of Bonaparte—I do not know if I have
already mentioned it—was to jumble all men together on the level of his
own views, ignoring the differences in character which manners and
customs produce. He looked upon the Spaniards as he looked upon any
other nation. He knew that in France the progress of skepticism had led
to indifference toward the priests, and he persuaded himself that, by
holding forth on the other side of the Pyrenees in the philosophic
language which had preceded the French Revolution, he would induce the
inhabitants of Spain to join the movement which had carried away the
French. “When I come,” said he, “with the words _liberty, deliverance
from superstition, destruction of the nobility_, inscribed upon my
banner, I shall be received as I was in Italy, and all truly national
classes will be with me. I shall rouse a once generous people from their
interest; I shall develop them in industry which will increase their
wealth, and you will see that I shall be looked upon as the liberator of
Spain.”
Murat carried some of this talk to the Prince of the Peace, who did not
fail to assure him that such results were, in fact, highly probable. M.
de Talleyrand’s warnings were vain; they would not listen to him. This
was the first check to his influence, and it shook it at first
imperceptibly, but his enemies took advantage of it. M. Maret adopted
the tone of Murat, finding that it pleased the Emperor. The Minister of
Foreign Affairs, humiliated at being reduced to functions of which M. de
Talleyrand took the best part from him, thought proper to adopt and hold
a different opinion from his. The Emperor, thus circumvented, allowed
himself to be deceived, and a few months later embarked in this
perfidious and deplorable enterprise.
While we were at Fontainebleau, I saw a great deal of M. de Talleyrand.
He often came to my apartment, and seemed to be amused by my
observations about our Court; he also gave me his own opinions, which
were entertaining. Sometimes, indeed, our conversations took a serious
turn. He would come in wearied or even displeased with the Emperor, and
would then dwell upon the more or less hidden vices of his character;
and, thus enlightening me with truly funereal gleams, he fixed my as yet
unsettled opinions, and caused me much sincere concern.
One evening, when more communicative than usual, he told me some of the
anecdotes which I have related in these pages; and, as he was insisting
strongly on what he called the _knavery_ of our master, representing him
as incapable of a single generous sentiment, he was astonished to
observe that, as I listened, I was weeping silently. “What is it?” he
exclaimed. “What is the matter with you?” “The matter is,” I replied,
“that you make me really wretched. You politicians do not want to feel
any affection for those you serve. As for me, a poor woman, how do you
suppose I can endure the disgust your stories inspire, and what will
become of me if I must remain where I am without being able to retain a
single illusion?”
“Child that you are,” replied M. de Talleyrand, “must you always want to
put your heart into all you do? Take my advice: do not try to feel any
affection for this man, but rest assured that, with all his faults, he
is at present necessary to France. He knows how to uphold the country,
and each of us ought to do his best to aid him. However,” added he, “if
he listens to the sage advice he is receiving at present, I will not
answer for anything. He is now embarked in a pitiable intrigue. Murat
wants to be King of Spain; they are cajoling the Prince of the Peace,
and want to gain him over, as if he had any importance in Spain! It is
fine policy for the Emperor to arrive in a country with the reputation
of a close alliance with a detested minister. I know well enough that he
deceives that minister, and will throw him over when he perceives that
he counts for nothing; but he might have spared himself this despicable
perfidy.
“The Emperor will not see that he was called by his destiny to be
everywhere and always _the man of the nations_, the founder of useful
and possible innovations. To restore religion, morality, and order to
France; to applaud the civilization of England while restraining her
policy; to strengthen his frontiers by the Confederation of the Rhine;
to make Italy a kingdom independent both of Austria and himself; to keep
the Czar shut up at home, by creating the natural barrier which Poland
offers—these are what ought to have been the Emperor’s designs, and it
was to these that each of my treaties was leading him. But ambition,
anger, pride, and the fools to whom he listens, often mislead him. He
suspects me whenever I speak to him of ‘moderation’; and, if ever he
ceases to trust me, you will see he will compromise both himself and us
by imprudence and folly. Nevertheless, I shall watch over him to the
end. I have associated myself with the creation of his Empire; I should
like it to hold together as my last work; and, so long as I can see my
way to the success of my plan, I will not renounce it.”
The confidence which M. de Talleyrand reposed in me pleased me very
much. He soon saw how well founded it was, and that, both by taste and
by habit, I brought perfect trustworthiness to our friendly intercourse.
With me he enjoyed the rare pleasure of being able to speak freely, to
give vent to his feelings without any misgivings, and this just when he
felt inclined; for I never sought his confidences, and I always stopped
where he pleased. As he was endowed with great tact, he quickly
discerned my reserve and discretion, and they formed a new link between
us. When this business or our duties gave us a little leisure, he would
come to my rooms, where we three passed a good deal of time together. In
proportion as M. de Talleyrand grew more friendly toward me, I felt more
at my ease with him. I resumed the manners natural to my disposition,
the little prejudice of which I have spoken melted away, and I gave
myself up to a pleasure all the greater to me that it was to be found
within the walls of a palace where solicitude, fear, and mediocrity
hindered all real companionship between its inmates.
This intimacy, moreover, became very useful to us. M. de Talleyrand, as
I have said, talked to the Emperor about us, and convinced him that we
were well qualified to keep a great house, and to entertain the
foreigners who would undoubtedly frequent Paris in great numbers
thenceforth. Upon this the Emperor determined to give us the means of
establishing ourselves in Paris in handsome style. He increased M. de
Rémusat’s salary on the condition that, on his return to Paris, he
should set up a house; he appointed him superintendent of the Imperial
theatres. M. de Talleyrand was commissioned to announce these favors to
us, and I was very happy to owe them to him. This moment was the
culminating point of our position, for it opened to us an agreeable
prospect of ease and many opportunities of amusement. We received
several congratulations, and we experienced the greatest, the only
pleasure of a life passed at Court—I mean that of becoming important.
In the midst of all these things the Emperor worked incessantly, and
issued decrees almost daily. Some of these were of great utility. For
example, he improved the public offices in the departments, increased
the salaries of the curés, and reëstablished the Sisters of Charity. He
caused a _senatus consultum_ to declare the judges irremovable at the
end of five years. He also took care to encourage talent, especially
when his own glory was the aim of its efforts. The “Triomphe de Trajan”
was given at the Paris Opéra. The poem was by Esménard, and both he and
the composer received presents. The work admitted of significant
applications. Trajan was represented burning papers that contained the
secret of a conspiracy with his own hand. This recalled what Bonaparte
had done at Berlin. The triumph of Trajan was represented with
magnificent pomp. The decorations were superb; the conqueror appeared in
a chariot drawn by four white horses. All Paris flocked to the
spectacle; the applause was unstinted, and charmed the Emperor. Soon
afterward “La Vestale,” the libretto by Mme. Jouy, the music by
Spontini, was performed. This work, which is good as a poem, and
remarkable as a musical composition, also included a “triumph,” which
was much applauded, and the authors received a liberal recompense.
About this time the Emperor appointed M. de Caulaincourt ambassador to
St. Petersburg. He had great trouble in inducing him to accept this
mission; M. de Caulaincourt was very reluctant to part from a person
whom he loved, and he refused. Bonaparte at length, by dint of
flattering and affectionate persuasions, brought him to consent,
promising that his brilliant exile should not be prolonged beyond two
years. An immense sum was granted to the ambassador for the expenses of
his establishment, and his salary was fixed at from seven to eight
hundred thousand francs. The Emperor charged him to eclipse all the
other ambassadors in splendor. On his arrival at St. Petersburg, M. de
Caulaincourt found himself at first in an embarrassing position. The
crime of the death of the Duc d’Enghien had left a stain upon him. The
Empress-Mother would not see him; a great number of ladies refused to
receive him. The Czar received him graciously, and soon conceived a
liking for him, which grew into friendship; and then the great world,
following his example, treated the ambassador with less severity. When
the Emperor learned that a mere memory of this kind had affected the
position of his ambassador, he was astonished. “What!” said he, “do they
remember that old story?” He made use of the same expression every time
he found that the circumstance was not forgotten, which indeed was
frequently; and he would add: “What childishness! Nevertheless, what is
done, is done.”
Prince Eugène was Arch-Chancellor of State. M. de Talleyrand had to
replace the Prince in the discharge of the functions attached to that
post; so that the former united a number of dignities in his own person.
The Emperor also began to settle great revenues on his marshals and
generals, and to found those fortunes which seemed immense, and which
were destined to disappear with himself. A man would find himself
endowed with a considerable revenue, perhaps declared proprietor of a
vast number of leagues of territory in Poland, Hanover, or Westphalia.
But there were great difficulties about realizing the revenues. The
conquered countries gave them up reluctantly, and the agents sent to
collect them found themselves in an embarrassing position. Transactions
and concessions became inevitable; a portion of the promised sums only
could be had. Nevertheless, the desire of pleasing the Emperor, the
taste for luxury, an imprudent confidence in the future, induced these
men to place their expenditure on the footing of the presumed income
which they expected to receive. Debts accumulated, embarrassments
cropped up, in the midst of this seeming opulence; the public, beholding
extreme luxury, took immense fortunes for granted; and yet nothing real,
nothing secure, was at the bottom of all this.
We have seen most of the Marshals coming to the Emperor, when pressed by
their creditors, to solicit aid, which he granted according to his
fancy, or the interests to be served by binding certain persons to
himself. These demands became excessive, and perhaps the necessity for
satisfying them counted for much among the motives of the subsequent
wars. Marshal Ney bought a house; its purchase and the sums expended
upon it cost him more than a million, and he has since complained
bitterly of the difficulties into which this purchase threw him. Marshal
Davoust was in the same case. The Emperor prescribed to each of his
marshals the purchase of a house, which involved a great establishment
and large expenditure in furniture. Rich stuffs and precious objects of
all kinds adorned these dwellings; splendid services of plate glittered
on the Marshals’ tables. Their wives wore valuable jewels; their
equipages and dress cost great sums. This display pleased Bonaparte,
satisfied the shopkeepers, dazzled everybody, and, by removing
individuals from their proper sphere, augmented their dependence on the
Emperor—in fact, perfectly carried out his intentions.
During this time the old nobility of France lived simply, collecting its
ruins together, finding itself under no particular obligations, boasting
of its poverty rather than complaining, but in reality recovering its
estates by degrees, and reamassing those fortunes which at the present
day it enjoys. The confiscations of the National Convention were not
always a misfortune for the French nobility, especially in cases where
the lands were not sold. Before the Revolution that class was heavily in
debt, for extravagance was one of the luxuries of our former _grands
seigneurs_. The emigration and the laws of 1793, by depriving them of
their estates, set them free from their creditors, and from a certain
portion of the charges that weighed upon great houses; and, when they
recovered their property, they profited by that liberation, which, in
truth, they had bought at a high price. I remember that M. Gaudin,
Minister of Finance, related once before me how the Emperor had asked
him which was the most heavily taxed class in France, and he had
answered that it was still that of the old nobility. Bonaparte seemed
uneasy at this, and remarked, “But we must take order with that.”
Under the Empire a certain number of tolerably large fortunes were made;
several persons, military men especially, who had nothing formerly,
found themselves in possession of ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand
livres per annum, because, in proportion as they were remote from the
observation of the Emperor, they could live according to their own
fancy, and expend their income with order and economy. Of those immense
fortunes with which the grandees of Bonaparte’s Court were so
gratuitously accredited, but little remains; and on this point, as on
many others, the party who, on the return of the King, thought that the
state might be enriched by seizing upon the treasures supposed to be
amassed under the Empire, advised an arbitrary and vexatious measure
which led to no result.
At this period my family had a share in the gifts of the Emperor. My
brother-in-law, General Nansouty, was given the Grand Cross of the
Legion of Honor. He had been First Chamberlain to the Empress, and was
made First Equerry, replacing M. de Caulaincourt in his absence. He
received a grant of thirty thousand francs in Hanover, and one hundred
thousand francs for the purchase of a house, which might, if he chose,
be of greater value, but which became inalienable by the fact of this
grant. The amount went toward its price.