STRAFFORD'S GOVERNMENT, 1638-1640
[Sidenote: Wentworth's account of his stewardship, 1636.]
[Sidenote: The Church.]
[Sidenote: Finance.]
[Sidenote: The army.]
[Sidenote: Law reform.]
[Sidenote: Trade.]
Wentworth was in England from the beginning of June until late in
November 1636, rooms being assigned to him at Hampton Court. Wandesford
and the Chancellor were Lords Justices, and very careful to do nothing
of themselves, so that the Lord Deputy found the situation unchanged
at his return. His best work in Ireland was already done, and he was
able to give a very good account of it. Thirty thousand pounds a year
had been recovered for the Church, impropriations in the hands of the
Crown having been all restored to the clergy. A High Commission Court
had been erected, and measures taken to prevent improvident leases of
Church lands. Some progress had been made in restoring the churches,
most of which had been roofless ruins since the Desmond and Tyrone
wars. Decency was re-established in service time, as to which it may be
sufficient to say that Wentworth had found 'the communion table was sat
upon as ordinary as any other place.' The English canons were put in
force and the Thirty-nine Articles adopted, 'those of Ireland silenced
and passed by.' He had found an excess of expenditure amounting to
24,000_l._ over income, and a debt of 94,000_l._ An equilibrium had
now been established and the arrears cleared off; and a future surplus
of 50,000_l._ might be secured if his plans were not thwarted by hasty
grants. He had inspected every single man of the 2000 foot and 600
horse forming his army, 'the great peacemaker between the British and
the natives, between the Protestant and the Papist'; whereas some
former generals had been several years in Ireland without reviewing
one company. The troops were properly clothed, armed, and paid, and
discipline was so strict that the soldiers dared not take a chicken
without paying 'at the owner's price.' The law had been assimilated
by the late Parliament to that of England, and its administration was
greatly improved. Trade had increased by the almost total suppression
of piracy, and means were taken to encourage the growing and spinning
of flax. But revenue was in his eyes the most important part of
commerce, and the cloth business was depressed because it interfered
with an English staple industry, 'the rather that by the wool of
Ireland the King hath four times custom: first, when it is brought
into England, and here when it is landed, and then here when it is
transported in cloth, and also for the commodities which is returned.'
On the other hand, he persuaded the King to take off a lately imposed
export duty of four shillings a ton on coal for Ireland, and another
heavy one on horses, which interfered with his military plans; and
an import duty of eighteenpence and sixpence respectively upon Irish
cattle and sheep.[238]
[Sidenote: An earldom again refused.]
[Sidenote: Lady Carlisle.]
Wentworth was useful to the King in the ship-money trouble as well
as in Ireland, more than once expressing a wish that Mr. Hampden
should be well whipped into his right senses. He had Charles's entire
approbation, and wished for a mark of honour to carry back to his
government, without which it might be supposed that he was more or
less in disgrace at Court. The last rebuff had made him shy, and this
time he used Laud's mediation; but the earldom was again refused. No
answer was given to the Archbishop, who had observed that his Majesty
'loved extremely to have such things, especially once moved, to come
from himself,' and on this occasion the sovereign laid down that titles
were useful 'not to quell envy, but to reward service.' He had not much
regard for his minister's feelings. Wentworth knew very well that his
hold upon Ireland depended on the belief that he was firmly rooted in
the King's favour, and he would have liked some outward and visible
sign of it. He left London victorious for the time, but knowing that
he had many enemies in high places and very few real friends. During
this visit he formed a close alliance with Lady Carlisle, who had been
lately left a widow. Her husband bequeathed to her his interest in
Ireland, the value of which depended much upon the good will of the
all-powerful Lord Deputy. Financial considerations may have moved the
lady first, and Wentworth on his part may have desired the help of
someone who stood well with the Queen. At all events, the admiration
was mutual, for she even regulated her movements by his, and was
repaid, as her sister Lady Leicester reported, by having 'more power
with him than any creature.' When he reached York he was nearly killed
with feasting, after which he had a few weeks' rest in the country.
'With what quietness in myself,' he wrote from Gawthorp, 'could I live
here in comparison with that noise and labour I meet with elsewhere;
and I protest put up more crowns in my purse at the year's end too.
But we'll let that pass, for I am not like to enjoy that blessed
condition upon earth. And therefore my resolution is set to endure and
struggle with it as long as this crazy body will bear it, and finally
drop into the silent grave where both all these and myself are to be
forgotten.'[239]
[Sidenote: Wentworth supreme in Ireland.]
[Sidenote: His Irish estates.]
[Sidenote: Country life.]
[Sidenote: Game laws.]
Wentworth returned to Ireland late in 1636, and remained there for
more than two years and a half. He continued to pursue the policy
already described, and as he had completely defeated his enemies at
Court his power was greater than ever, notwithstanding the last rebuff
about an earl's coronet. In every dispute he was victorious, though
we know from what happened afterwards that there was deep discontent.
He did not neglect his own affairs, and though he knew well by how
frail a tenure he held authority, the founder of a dynasty could
scarcely have proceeded with greater confidence. As a man of fortune,
he could afford to wait for profits, and his delight in building and
planting was great. He had 6000_l._ a year in England, which was a
great deal in those days; and he told Laud that his expenditure in
Ireland far exceeded his official emoluments. He did, however, acquire
a large Irish estate, though he is not seriously accused of getting
it by unfair means. In 1637 he had bought land worth some 13,000_l._,
but his debts had increased by more than half that amount. A country
residence for himself and his successors and another for the King's
representative, or for the sovereign himself should he visit Ireland,
occupied as much of his time and thoughts as could be spared from
public business. His love of the country was genuine. Writing from his
Yorkshire home in 1623, he says that his ambition there was limited
to 'looking on a tulip, hearing a bird sing, a rivulet murmuring, or
some such petty and innocent pastime ... having recovered more in a day
by an open country air than in a fortnight's time in that smothering
one of London.' He was fond of field sports, and as there were no
partridges near Dublin, he trained sparrow-hawks to fly at blackbirds.
'It is excellent sport,' he told Cottington, 'there being sometimes
two hundred horse in the field looking upon us.' In Tipperary he found
plenty of partridges, and killed them daily with his hawk, wishing that
his children had some of the plums which that county also produced.
In Wicklow he amused himself by shooting outlying bucks, complaining
that he was bitten all over by much worse midges than are found in
England--'surely they are younger brothers to the muskitoes the Indies
brag of so much.' By a drastic proclamation he tried to preserve all
pheasants, grouse, and partridges within seven miles of Dublin or
five miles of Naas. From time to time he sent eels, salt fish, and
dried venison to Laud, who much appreciated these delicacies, while
laughing at the badness of the hung beef which Wentworth procured
from Yorkshire. On one occasion he sent the Archbishop ninety-two
skins of the pine-marten, now very rare, to line a gown with. Ormonde
entertained him twice, at Carrick-on-Suir and Kilkenny Castle, which he
greatly admired as well as the country round. In writing to his wife he
praised or criticised the ladies' looks, but found no time to notice
their dresses. At Kilkenny, he says, 'the town entertained us with the
force of oratory and the fury of poetry, and rather taught me what I
should be than told me what I am.'[240]
[Sidenote: Strafford's buildings.]
[Sidenote: The park of parks.]
'They say I build up to the sky,' Wentworth wrote in the autumn of
1637; but he had already several houses in Yorkshire, and his object
was a public one. At Sigginstown or Jigginstown, near Naas, he had
almost completed a palace at an expense of 6000_l._ The King might
have it at cost price, otherwise he would bear the loss himself. He
dissuaded his wife from joining him there while he was wrangling
with workmen, but hoped it would soon be ready to receive her. Just
six years afterwards Ormonde's truce with the rebels was signed in
this very house, which still stands, though roofless. It was built
of bricks, probably Dutch-made, and there is a doubtful tradition
that they were transmitted from hand to hand all the way from Dublin.
Wentworth talked about spending 1200_l._ upon a residence for himself
in what he calls 'the park of parks' near Tinahely in Wicklow,
intending it as a health resort which might enable him to disappoint
his enemies by living a little longer. The foundations of this house,
locally known as 'Black Tom's Kitchen', may still be seen; but the
lands of Fairwood have for the most part been sold to the tenants, who
have converted the fine old trees into ready money. Wentworth's last
visit was in August 1639, but he seems to have lived in a temporary
wooden building, and the strong stone house was never finished. He
then hoped to leave to his son one of the finest places in the King's
dominions, 'where a grass-time may be passed with most pleasure of that
kind,' a good house and an income of near 3000_l._, with 'wood on the
ground as much, I daresay, if near London, as would yield 50,000_l._,
besides a house within twelve miles of Dublin, the best in Ireland,
and land to it which I hope will be 2000_l._ a year.'[241]
[Sidenote: Wentworth becomes the King's chief adviser, 1639.]
[Sidenote: His misgivings.]
While at Doncaster, after the treaty of Berwick, the King saw a
messenger from Wentworth, who gave him his latest ideas on the Loftus
case. Charles reached London on August 2 1639, and within three weeks
it was known that the Lord Deputy would be sent for and perhaps made
Lord Treasurer. He arrived at his own house in Covent Garden on
September 21, and became virtually chief minister until the meeting
of the Long Parliament, though his advice was not always taken. Juxon
remained in charge of an empty Treasury. Lord Dillon and Wandesford had
been left in Ireland as Lords Justices, but Radcliffe was more trusted
than anyone. Wentworth did not neglect the affairs of Ireland, but he
had no time to write at length, though he was able to bring the Loftus
affair to the conclusion he desired. He was particularly anxious that
Lady Carlisle's interests in Ireland should not be neglected, and no
doubt he often saw her. While devoting himself heart and soul to the
King's affairs, he was under no illusion as to their evil condition.
Writing from St. Albans on the morning of the day when he reached
London, 'I find,' he told Radcliffe, 'a great expectation is drawn
upon me, for which I am most sorry; and the nearer I come to it the
more my heart fails me; nor can I promise unto myself any good by this
journey.'[242]
[Sidenote: Wentworth advises a Parliament.]
[Sidenote: He is made Lord Lieutenant and Earl of Strafford]
On November 19, in the King's presence, the Privy Council gave judgment
for Wentworth against the Irish Chancellor. Very soon afterwards it was
decided on his recommendation that a Parliament should be held both in
England and Ireland, and he fancied that some popularity had come to
him in consequence. So much did Charles lean on him, that his presence
at the opening of both Parliaments was considered necessary. He tried
to maintain Sir John Coke in office, but indeed the Secretary was
superannuated, and he failed to obtain the succession for Leicester,
the appointment being given to Vane, whom he hated and despised. But
he was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a title which had not been
conferred since Devonshire's time, with power to appoint a deputy,
and so to direct affairs on both sides of St. George's Channel; and
he received the earldom which had been twice refused. He had the
bad taste to take a second title from Vane's house at Raby, and the
latter bitterly resented what was probably an intentional insult on
Strafford's part; 'and I believe,' says Clarendon, 'it was the loss of
his head.'[243]
[Sidenote: Strafford reconciled to the Queen.]
[Sidenote: An Irish army to subdue Scotland.]
[Sidenote: An Irish Parliament, March, 1640.]
Before taking leave of the King, Strafford attended a meeting of the
Council, where a subscription was opened to meet his Majesty's most
pressing needs, and he headed the list with 20,000_l._ He left London
on March 5 in the Queen's coach and six, which shows that he had
been reconciled to her, and carried with him instructions as to the
Irish Parliament. The King enlarged upon the enormities of the Scots,
professing himself sure of Ireland, and demanding six subsidies to
be paid in three years, but holding out hopes of two being remitted
if the misguided faction in North Britain should submit to his just
desires. That he did not much expect such submission is clear from
his determination to raise 8,000 foot and 1000 horse in Ireland, 'the
better and more speedily to reduce those others in Scotland to their
due obedience.' Strafford was attacked by gout at Beaumaris, but
hastened over to Ireland, determined, whatever pain he might have, to
be back in time for the opening of Parliament at Westminster--'I should
not fail, though Sir John Eliot were living.' Halt, lame, or blind, he
would be true to the King's service, and he reflected on what he might
be able to do with legs, since he was so brave without them. The Irish
Parliament had been summoned for March 16, and the Lord-Lieutenant
did not land until two days later. The Lords Justices and Council had
already determined to ask for four subsidies, for six had been voted
on a former occasion, and they feared an exact repetition lest the
taxpayers might take alarm at the prospect of a recurrent charge.
Nothing was actually done until Strafford arrived on the 18th, after
forty-eight hours tossing in the channel. On the 19th he summoned the
Council, and next day opened Parliament in state, and confirmed the
election of Sir Maurice Eustace as Speaker of the House of Commons.
Eustace made a pompous oration, containing six long quotations from
Horace and abundance of other Latin. 'The Brehon law,' he said, 'with
her two brats of tanistry and Irish gavelkind, like the children of the
bondwoman, are cast out as spurious and adulterate.' Everyone rejoiced
to see that the son of the free woman prevailed, and the King's
subjects should boast that they only had peace, while France, Germany,
Spain, and the dominions of the House of Austria were laid waste by
war.[244]
[Sidenote: Four subsidies voted.]
[Sidenote: Subservience of Parliament.]
[Sidenote: Declaration in praise of Strafford.]
In his opening speech to Parliament, which the journals say was
excellent, Strafford, having heard Wandesford and the rest, ventured
slightly to vary the King's instructions. Instead of demanding six
subsidies he allowed four to be moved for, and they were granted with
such alacrity that he acknowledged the plan of the Council to be best,
and confidently affirmed his belief that the Commons would be ready to
give as many subsidies more after the first four had been levied. Some
members, indeed, declared themselves ready to give the fee of their
estates, if occasion required, and to leave themselves nothing but hose
and doublet. The native representatives were loud in their loyalty, and
there were no dissentient voices, 'all expressing even with passion
how much they abhorred the Scotch Covenanters.' Not only were the
subsidies voted, but a declaration of the most extreme character was
agreed to. Both Houses were ready to give their all for the reduction
of the Covenanters, and desired that this should be 'published in print
for a testimony to all the world and succeeding ages that as this
kingdom hath the happiness to be governed by the best of kings, so they
are desirous to give his Majesty just cause to account of this people
amongst the best of his subjects.' To complete the Lord Lieutenant's
momentary triumph, the preamble of the Subsidy Bill was a panegyric
upon that 'just, wise, vigilant, and profitable governor.' He was given
full credit for the Commission for defective titles, for restoring the
Church and reforming the army, for his justice and impartiality, and
for his 'care to relieve and redress the poor and oppressed.' On March
31 he came down again to the House of Lords in state, and gave the
royal assent to the Subsidy and eight other Bills. The declaration had
been entered on the Parliament roll, and Strafford took care to have
some hundreds of copies printed for distribution by him in England. The
clergy taxed themselves very heavily, and so a revenue was provided for
some years. Strafford seems actually to have believed that the King
was infinitely reverenced in Ireland, and that he himself was quite
popular, though some spiteful people had asserted the contrary. 'God
forgive their calumnies,' he said, 'and I do.'[245]
FOOTNOTES:
[238] Report by the Lord Deputy, June 21, 1636, State Papers,
_Ireland_; Wentworth to Wandesford, July 25, _Strafford Letters_, ii.
13-23.
[239] Laud to Wentworth, August 31, September 8 and 26, 1636, _Works_,
vi. 466, vii. 279, 288; Wentworth to the King and to Laud, August 17
and 23; the King to Wentworth, September 3, _Strafford Letters_, ii.
26, 32; Dorothy, Countess of Leicester, to her husband, November 10 and
January 10, 1636-7, Collins's _Sidney Papers_, ii. 444, 456.
[240] Wentworth to Laud, September 27, 1637; to Conway, June 16,
1623; to Cottington, November 24, 1633; to Laud, May 23, 1638, all in
_Strafford Letters_; to his wife, August 1638, in Cooper's _Life of
Strafford_, ii. 39-41. The proclamation of August 3, 1637, dilates on
the importance of providing sport for the Lord Deputy and Council. No
licence to shoot with 'hail-shot' was to be granted unless the holder
would give a bond not to use it within the bounds mentioned in the
text. The privileged tract was reserved to Councillors of State for
hawking.
[241] Wentworth to Laud, September 27, 1637; to Lady Clare, August
10, 1639, in _Strafford Letters_; to his wife, September 12, 1637, in
Cooper's _Life of Strafford_, ii. 43. Naas is twenty English miles from
Dublin, a good deal more than twelve Irish, and Tinahely fifty-three
miles.
[242] R. Weckherlin to Sir John Coke, August 25, 1639, _Melbourne Hall
Papers_; W. Raylton to same, August 13, _ib._; Wentworth to Radcliffe,
September 21 and October 28 in Whitaker's _Life of Radcliffe_, 181-3.
[243] Wentworth to Radcliffe, December 10, 1639, in Whitaker's _Life
of Radcliffe_, 187. Speech on being made an Earl, January 12, 1639-40,
_Strafford Letters_, ii. 390. Coke's dismissal from the secretaryship
was decided before December 13, _Melbourne Hall Papers_, ii. 245. 'The
King declared his resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish
rebellion. The first movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland, my
Lord Marquis Hamilton, and myself'--Laud's Diary, December 5, 1639,
_Works_, iii. 233, 283.
[244] _Irish Commons Journals_; Council of Ireland to Windebank, March
19; Strafford to the King, March 23, _Strafford Letters_, ii. 394-6.
[245] _Irish Commons Journals; Irish Statutes_, 15 Car. I.; _Strafford
Letters_, March 16-April 3, 1639-40, ii. 394-403. The Declaration is
in _Nalson_, i. 283. If further evidence were needed of Strafford's
complete reconciliation with the Queen, we have Madame de Motteville's:
'Il avait été brouillé avec la Reine, mais depuis quelque temps il
était lié à ses intérêts,' _Mémoires_, chap. 9. There is a useful
itinerary for Strafford in the ninth volume of the _Camden Miscellany_.
Cork says in his diary that Strafford left London very early 'to avoid
the concourse of myself and many others that desired to wait upon him,'
_Lismore Papers_, 1st series, v. 129.