L. _The right of the state to punish._

176. (3) (See sec. 156). What right has the state to punish? The

right to live in a community rests on the capacity to act for the

common good, and implies the right to protect such action from

interference

177. A detailed theory of punishment implies a detailed theory of

rights. Here we can only deal with principles

178. Is punishment _retributive_? Not in the sense that it carries on

a supposed 'right' of private vengeance, for no such 'right' can exist

179. The most rudimentary 'right' of vengeance implies social

recognition and regulation, in early times by the family

180. And its development up to the stage at which the state alone

punishes is the development of a principle implied from the first

181. But if punishment excludes private vengeance, how can it be

retributory at all? And how can a wrong _to society_ be requited?

182. When a wrong is said to be 'done to society,' it does not mean

that a feeling of vindictiveness is excited in the society

183. The popular indignation against a great criminal is an

expression, not of individual desire for vengeance, but of the demand

that the criminal should have his due

184. And this does not mean an equivalent amount of suffering; nor

such suffering as has been found by experience to deter men from the

crime

185. Punishment, to be _just_, implies _(a)_ that the person punished

can understand what _right_ means, and _(b)_ that it is some

understood _right_ that he has violated

186. He will then recognise that the punishment is his own act

returning on himself; (it is in a different sense that the physical

consequences of immorality are spoken of as a 'punishment')

187. Punishment may be said to be_ preventive_, if it be remembered

_(a)_ that _what_ it 'prevents' must be the violation of a real

right, and _(b)_ that the _means by which_ it 'prevents' must be

really necessary

188. Does our criterion of the justice of punishment give any

practical help in apportioning it?

189. The justice of punishment depends on the justice of the system

of rights which it is to maintain

190. The idea that 'just' punishment is that which = the crime

in amount confuses retribution for the wrong to society with

compensation for damages to the individual

191. 'But why not hold that the pain of the punishment ought to = the

moral guilt of the crime?'

192. Because the state cannot gauge either the one or the other; and

if it could, it would have to punish every case differently

193. In truth the state has regard in punishing, not primarily to the

individuals concerned, but to the future prevention of the crime by

associating terror with it in the general imagination

194. The account taken of 'extenuating circumstances' may be

similarly explained; i.e. the act done under them requires little

terror to prevent it from becoming general

195 'But why avoid the simpler explanation, that extenuating

circumstances are held to diminish the _moral guilt_ of the act?'

196. Because _(a)_ the state cannot ascertain the _degree_ of moral

guilt involved in a crime; _(b)_ if it tries to punish immorality

(proper), it will check disinterested moral effort

197. Punishment, however, may be truly held to express the 'moral

disapprobation' of society, but it is to the external side of action

that the disapprobation is directed

198. The principle that punishment should be regulated by the

importance of the right violated explains the severity with which

'culpable negligence is punished

199. And the punishment of crimes done in drunkenness illustrates the

same principle

200. It also justifies the distinction between 'criminal' and 'civil'

injuries, (which is not a distinction between injuries to individuals

and to the community, for no 'right' is violated by injury done to an

individual _as such_)

201. There would be no reason in associating terror with breaches of

a right which the offender either did not know that he was breaking

or which he could not help breaking

202. When such ignorance and inability are culpable, it depends on

the seriousness of the wrong or the degree to which the civil suit

involves deterrent effects, whether they should be treated as crimes

203. Historically, the state has interfered first through the civil

process; gradually, as public alarm gets excited, more and more

offences come to be treated as crimes

204. Punishment must also be _reformatory_ (this being one way of

being preventive), i.e. it must regard the rights of the criminal

205. Capital punishment is justifiable only _(a)_ if it can be shown

to be necessary to the maintenance of society, _(b)_ if there is

reason to suppose the criminal to be permanently incapable of rights

206. Punishment, though _directly_ it aims at the maintenance of

rights, has indirectly a moral end, because rights are conditions of

moral well-being.

Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet · 第 26 / 48 题