CHAPTER VII.

THE RISING OF 1867--ARREST AND RESCUE OF KELLY AND DEASY--THE MANCHESTER

MARTYRDOM.

Although the Rising of 1867 had somewhat the character of "a flash in

the pan," there were some heroic incidents in connexion with it. With

one of the Fenian leaders, James Francis Xavier O'Brien, I was brought

into intimate connection many years after the Rising, when we were both

officials, he as General Secretary and I as Chief Organiser, of the Home

Rule organisation in Great Britain. When put upon his trial there was

evidence against him in connection with the taking of a police barrack,

he being in command of the insurgents. It was proved that he not only

acted with courage, but with a humanity that was commended by the judge,

in seeing that the women and children were got out safely before the

place was set on fire.

This, however, did not save him from being condemned to death--he was

the last man sentenced in the old barbarous fashion to be hanged, drawn

and quartered--this sentence being afterwards commuted to penal

servitude. Certainly, whether on the field or facing the scaffold for

Ireland there was no more gallant figure among the Fenian leaders than

James Francis Xavier O'Brien.

Few knew of his sterling worth as I did. For several years after his

return to liberty I was in close daily contact with this white-haired

mild-looking old gentleman--still tolerably active and supple,

though--who could blaze up and fight to the death over what he

considered a matter of principle. The most admirable feature in his

character was that, in all things you found him _straight_.

One of the Fenian chiefs I met in Liverpool was General Halpin, who, on

the night of the Rising, was in command of the district around Dublin.

The first of the insurgents who reached Tallaght, the place of

rendezvous on the night of the 5th of March, 1867, were received by a

volley from the police and dispersed. One party had captured the police

barracks at Glencullen and Stepaside, and disarmed the police, but on

approaching Tallaght, and hearing that all was over, they too dispersed.

While most of the Irish-American officers bore the marks of their

profession rather too prominently for safety against the observance of a

trained detective, General Halpin was the last man in the world anyone

would, from his appearance, take to be a soldier. He looked far more

like a comfortable Irish parish priest. And yet he was, perhaps, the

most thoroughly scientific soldier of all those that crossed the

Atlantic at this time.

Reading the evidence of Corydon in one of the trials, I find he

described Edmond O'Donovan as helping Halpin to make maps for use when

the Rising would take place. Knowing both men so well, I can say that

none better could be found for planning out a campaign. They were

thoroughly scientific men, and always anxious to impart their knowledge

to other Irishmen for the good of the Cause.

I remember Halpin one night, at what was a kind of select social

gathering, giving a number of us enthusiastic young men a lecture on the

construction of fortifications and earthworks.

We bade him farewell when he was leaving Liverpool after the Rising, and

thought he had got safely away to America, but, unfortunately, he was

identified at Queenstown in the outgoing steamer. He was arrested, put

upon his trial, and met the same fate as so many of his comrades.

Among the men I knew long ago, who afterwards became connected with

Fenianism, was Stephen Joseph Meany. He was for many years a journalist

in Liverpool, having been sub-editor of the "Daily Post" under Michael

James Whitty. He was an earnest and active Repealer and Young Irelander.

When I first came in contact with him he was starting the "Lancashire

Free Press," which, after passing through several hands and several

changes, of name, ultimately became the "Catholic Times," which was for

three years, when Father Nugent became the proprietor, under my

direction. Meany was a man of fine presence and handsome countenance, a

brilliant writer and an eloquent speaker. He went to America in 1860,

where he followed his original profession of journalism for several

years. He returned to this country again, and was arrested in 1867 on a

charge of Fenianism, and sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment.

Liverpool was flooded with refugees after the Rising, and it took us all

our time to find employment for them, or to get them away to America. We

had then in Liverpool a corps of volunteers known as "The Irish

Brigade." Whatever Nationalist organisation might exist in the town

always strongly condemned young Irishmen for joining the corps. All we

could urge against it, however, could not prevent our young men who were

coming over from Ireland at this time from joining the "Brigade" for the

purpose, they said, of learning and perfecting themselves in the use of

arms. Colonel Bidwell and the officers must have had a shrewd suspicion

of the truth, and there was a common remark in the town upon the

improved physical appearance of the "Brigade." This was, of course,

owing to the number of fine soldier-like young Irishmen who at this time

filled its ranks.

During the two years that followed the escape of Stephens, I met Colonel

Kelly several times in Liverpool. When I first saw him he would be about

thirty years of age. This is my remembrance of his personal appearance:

His forehead was broad and square, with the thick dark hair carefully

disposed about it. He had somewhat high cheek bones, and wore a pointed

moustache over a tolerably full beard. The general impression of his

face seemed to me slightly cynical, and he had a constant smile that

betokened self-possession and confidence. He sometimes wore a frock

coat, a light waistcoat buttoned high up, a black fashionable necktie,

and light well-made trousers. After surveying him in detail, you would

come to the conclusion that he was a man of daring enough to involve

himself in danger of life, and with sufficient address to extricate

himself from the peril. He was undoubtedly a man capable of winning the

confidence and even devotion of others, as was shown when, falling into

the hands of the Government, he was snatched from their grasp in the

open day on the streets of Manchester.

I met him some weeks after the Rising. The place of meeting reminded me

of the incident in one of Samuel Lover's stories--"Rory O'More"--to

which I have already alluded, for, in our later revolutionary movements,

as in 1798, projects of great importance had sometimes to be discussed

in public houses.

A few of the Liverpool men came to meet the leaders in a very humble

beer shop, kept by a decent County Down man, Owen McGrady, in one of the

poorer streets off Scotland Road. Here were met on this particular night

a notable company, which included, if I remember rightly, Colonel Kelly,

Colonel Rickard Burke, Captains Condon, Murphy, Deasy and O'Brien, all

American officers who had crossed the Atlantic for the Rising, and still

remained, hoping for another opportunity. There were about half a dozen

of the Liverpool men there. Of these I can remember a tall, fine-looking

young man, a schoolmaster from the North of Ireland, whom I then met for

the first time, my old school-fellow, John Ryan, and John Meagher, a

tailor, possessing the amount of eloquence you generally find in Irish

members of the craft. There was also present, if I remember rightly, Tom

Gates, of Newcastle.

Although the Rising had collapsed almost as soon as it commenced, the

determination to fight on Irish soil had by no means been given up by

the leaders in America. That was why the American officers on this side

remained at their posts, ready for active service at a moment's notice.

At the meeting we learned that there was at that moment an "Expedition,"

as it was termed, on the sea to co-operate with and bring arms for

another Rising in Ireland, should such be found practicable. It was

notorious that, notwithstanding all the efforts of active agents,

comparatively few arms had been got into Ireland. Indeed, my friend John

Ryan, who was in a position to know, estimated that there were not more

than a couple of thousands of rifles in Ireland at the time of the

Rising.

Let us see what became of the Expedition. This was, of course, what has

since become a matter of history--the secret despatch from New York of

the brigantine "Erin's Hope," having on board several Irish-American

officers, 5,000 stand of arms, three pieces of field artillery, and

200,000 cartridges. About the middle of May the vessel arrived in Irish

waters, agents going aboard at various points off the coast, including

Sligo Bay, which she reached on the 20th of May, 1867. By that time it

was found that the chances of another Rising were but slender, and the

"Erin's Hope" returned to America with her cargo, entirely unmolested

by the British cruisers, which were plentiful enough around the Irish

coast.

The expedition certainly proved that sufficient weapons to commence an

insurrection with could be thrown into Ireland, providing there was the

necessary co-operation at the time and places required.

I have often thought since of what became of those present in Owen

McGrady's beer house the night we met there to prepare for the reception

of the "Erin's Hope."

The arrest and rescue of Kelly and Deasy, two of these, in the following

September, and the fate of their gallant rescuers, formed the most

striking and startling chapter of Irish history during the nineteenth

century.

That such a scheme as the rescue of the two Fenian chiefs should be

successfully carried out, not in Ireland amid sympathisers, but in the

heart of a great English city, surrounded by a hostile population,

showed unexpected capacity and daring on the part of the revolutionary

organisation, and produced consternation in the British Government.

At this time the organisation of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood in

Great Britain had been placed in the hands of three of the

Irish-American officers, Captain Murphy, who had charge in Scotland,

Colonel Rickard Burke in the southern part of England, and Captain

Edward O'Meagher Condon in the northern counties.

Previous to the arrest of the two leaders on the morning of September

11th they, with Captain Michael O'Brien, had been staying with Condon,

upon whom now devolved the command, the capture of Kelly and Deasy

having taken place in his district.

He at once arranged for their food while in prison, for their defence in

the law courts, and for their rescue, in which latter enterprise he was

enthusiastically supported by the chief men of the Manchester circles.

But, whatever their good will and courage, they were deficient both in

money and arms for such a daring undertaking. Condon had, therefore, a

difficult task to accomplish. Money was soon raised, for our people are

ever generous and equal to the occasion when it arises. Daniel

Darragh--about whom I shall have more to say later--was sent to

Birmingham, where by the aid of William Hogan he purchased and brought

back with him sufficient revolvers to arm the volunteers for the rescue.

These last were picked men, the cream of the Manchester circles, and

there was some jealousy afterwards among many who had not been selected.

I need scarcely say that the utmost secrecy was required in connection

with such a perilous enterprise.

To Edward O'Meagher Condon belongs the credit of having organised,

managed, and carried out the Manchester Rescue, at the cost to himself,

as it turned out, of years of penal servitude, and almost of his life.

Though with the aid of Michael O'Brien and his Manchester friends he had

made all the arrangements, selecting the spot where the prison van was

to be stopped, assigning to every man his post, and providing for every

contingency, including the possibility of the rescuing party being taken

in the rear from Belle Vue prison, he wired for the assistance of

Captain Murphy and Colonel Burke, the message being that "his uncle was

dying."

Murphy was from home, but Burke came on to Manchester, and with Michael

O'Brien accompanied Condon on September 17th, the night before the

rescue, to meet the men chosen for the daring enterprise, when the arms

were distributed, each man's post on the following day allotted to him,

and the final arrangements made.

The two Fenian chiefs stayed with Condon that night, fighting their old

campaigns over again, e'er they retired to rest, not to meet again till

eleven years after the Manchester Rescue, when Condon and Burke came

across each other in New York, each having suffered in the interval a

long term of imprisonment, and it was the last night that Burke and

Condon passed on earth with Michael O'Brien, whose memory Irishmen, the

world over, honour as one of the "noble-hearted three"--the Manchester

Martyrs--who died for Ireland on the scaffold.

The secret of the intended rescue was closely guarded, and though the

Mayor of Manchester did get a warning wire from Dublin Castle, it

reached too late, and the birds had flown. When Kelly and Deasy were

brought before the city magistrates they were remanded. "They were,"

said the "Daily News," "placed in a cell with a view to removal to the

city jail at Belle Vue. At this time the police noticed outside the

court house two men hanging about whom they suspected to be Fenians, and

a policeman made a rush at one of them to arrest him, in which he

succeeded, but not until the man had drawn a dagger and attempted to

stab him, the blow being warded off. The other made his escape."

As to the incident just related, it seems that a patriotic but imprudent

man belonging to one of the Manchester circles had got to hear of the

intended rescue, and was indignant at being left out. His suspicious

conduct outside the court house drew the attention of the police--as we

have seen--with the result, as the paper said, that the authorities

became alarmed. Kelly and Deasy were put in irons on their removal, and

a strong body of police were sent with the van intended to take them to

Belle Vue Prison.

It was the custom for a policeman to ride outside the van, on the step

behind, but, on this occasion, owing to the incident just described,

Brett, the officer in charge, went _inside_ the van. The door was then

locked, and the keys handed to him through the ventilator.

It is certain that, up to this point, the Manchester police had no

suspicion of the intended rescue, and it was only the imprudent

behaviour of the man whom the police had arrested that caused additional

precautions to be taken. Certain it is that if the Manchester

authorities had had any information of the probability of an attempted

rescue there would have been a formidable escort of the police and

military.

With so much false swearing at the trials with regard to the facts of

the Manchester Rescue, it is important that the information given in

books for the benefit of the present and future generations of Irishmen

should be correct. It is serious that in some of our best books so

important a matter as the actual scene of the rescue is incorrectly

given. One book says: "The van drove off for the _County jail at

Salford_." In another description it is stated: "Just as the van passed

under the arch that spans Hyde Road at Belle Vue, a _point midway

between the city police office and the Salford Jail,_ etc." Following

this, one of our ablest writers, apparently quoting from the previous

descriptions, falls into the same error. I can readily understand how

these errors have arisen--the writers concerned have confounded the

place of the execution of the Manchester Martyrs, Salford Jail, with the

prison, Belle Vue, to which the prisoners were being taken on being

remanded.

The point chosen by Condon as the most suitable for the attack was

certainly where the railway bridge crosses Hyde Road, but if the van had

been going to Salford Jail it would have been in a totally different

direction.

Since writing the above, I find it still more necessary I should correct

the mis-statement as to the scene of the rescue, for the error seems to

be getting perpetuated. I find in one of the leading Irish-American

newspapers, in a description of the death of Colonel Kelly on February

5, 1909, the scene of the rescue is given as "_midway between the

police office and Salford Jail_." This is evidently taken from the

erroneous statement in the books I have referred to.

After this slight digression, may I resume my narrative.

At the police court a man appointed for the purpose took a cab in

advance of the van. When sufficiently close to them he waved a white

handkerchief as a signal to the men in ambush. Just as the van passed

under the railway arch two men with revolvers barred the way.

"Stop the van!" one cried. But the driver took no heed. A bullet fired

over his head and another into one of the horses effectually stopped the

van. At the sound of the shots the rest of the rescuers came from their

ambush behind the walls that lined the road, and from the shadow of the

abutments of the railway arch.

The police fled panic-stricken at the first volley fired over their

heads by the Fenians, for these wanted to release their chiefs without

bloodshed if possible. One portion of the assailants, carrying out a

pre-arranged plan, formed an extended circle around the van, and kept

the police and mob who had rallied to their assistance at bay, while a

second party set themselves to effecting an entrance to the van. This

was more difficult than had been expected, for had Brett ridden on the

step behind as usual the keys could readily have been taken from him.

The rescuing party were, however, equal to the occasion, and the

military precision with which the work was carried out displayed the

discipline of the men and the able direction of the leaders.

Indeed, the fullest testimony is borne to this by a great English

newspaper, the "Daily News," which, while showing the most intense

hostility to the men and their daring act, is thus compelled to

recognise the courage and discipline of the devoted band of

Fenians:--"The more astonishing, therefore, is it to read of the

appearance of the public enemy in the heart of one of our greatest

cities, organised and armed, overpowering, wounding and murdering the

guardians of public order, and releasing prisoners of state. There is a

distinctness of aim, a tenacity of purpose, a resolution in execution

about the Fenian attack upon the police van which is very impressive.

The blow was sudden and swift, and effected its object. In the presence

of a small but compact body of Fenians, provided with repeating

firearms, the police were powerless, and the release of Kelly and Deasy

was quickly effected."

An unfortunate accident was the killing of Brett, the policeman, by a

shot fired with the intention of breaking the lock of the van. A female

prisoner then handed out the keys on the demand of the Fenians outside,

and the door was quickly opened, and the two leaders brought out, their

safe retreat being guarded by their rescuers.

As Captain Condon had anticipated and provided for, some of the warders

from Belle Vue quickly came upon the scene, as it was but a short

distance across what were then brickfields from the prison to the scene

of action. But, when they saw the determined men who were guarding the

leaders' retreat, they, too, like the police, kept at a safe distance

from the Fenian revolvers, and devoted themselves to picking up any

stragglers who had got separated from the main body of Irishmen.

In this way a number of arrests were made, and, later on, Condon himself

was taken, but the main object had been accomplished, and Kelly and

Deasy got safely away, and, ultimately, as we shall see, out of the

country.

Following the rescue, there was a perfect reign of terror, the police

authorities striking out wildly in all directions to gather into their

net enough Irish victims to satisfy their baffled vengeance. There were

numerous arrests and no lack of witnesses to swear anything to secure

convictions. Every detail of the attack on the van while on the way from

the courthouse to the prison, and of the release of the prisoners was

sworn to with the utmost minuteness, as the witnesses professed to

identify one after another of the men in the dock, some of whom had no

connection or sympathy with the rescue at all.

In Liverpool, men whom I knew were arrested who were at work all that

day at the docks, and yet were sworn to by numerous witnesses as having

assisted in the attack on the van in Hyde Road, Manchester, the most

minute details being given.

I have mentioned a case of the kind in my "Irish in Britain." William

Murphy, of Manchester, a man whom I knew well, was convicted and sent

into penal servitude as having taken part in the rescue. On his

liberation I was surprised to learn from his own lips that, although he

would gladly have borne his part if detailed for the duty, he was not

present at the rescue of the Fenian leaders. With the authorities in

such a panic, it can readily be understood that it behoved any of us in

Lancashire who were in any way regarded as "suspects" to be ready with

very solid testimony as to where we were on the day in question.

In a recent letter I have had from Captain Condon--from whom

communications reach me from all parts of America, for he is constantly

travelling, holding as he does the post of Inspector of Public Buildings

in connection with the Treasury Department of the U.S.A.--he tells me

something about William Murphy that I never heard before. He says: "When

Allen, Larkin, O'Brien, myself, and the other men were sentenced, Digby

Seymour (one of the counsel for the prisoners) went down to a large cell

in the court house basement where all the others were kept together. He

urged them all to plead 'guilty' and throw themselves upon the mercy of

the court, declaring that, if they refused to do this all would be

convicted and executed.

"There was an instant's hesitation among the prisoners, but William

Murphy, who was later sentenced to seven years penal servitude,

addressed his comrades, urging them to stand fast together, imitate our

example, and die like men, rather than live like dogs, for as such they

would be regarded by all true Irishmen if they pleaded 'guilty.'

"To a man the whole twenty-two shouted out--'We will never plead

guilty!'

"And Seymour, baffled and irritated, went away without accomplishing his

purpose."

Of the men convicted for taking part in the rescue, five--Allen, Larkin,

O'Brien, Condon and Maguire--were sentenced to death. Condon was

reprieved, really on account of his American citizenship, and Maguire,

who was a marine, because the authorities discovered in time that the

evidence against him was false. A number of others were sent to penal

servitude for various terms.

The execution of Allen, Larkin and O'Brien, so far from striking terror,

but gave new life to the cause of Irish Freedom, and to-day, over the

world, no names in the long roll of those who have suffered and died for

Ireland are more honoured than those of the "Manchester Martyrs," while

the determination has become all the stronger that, in the words of our

National Anthem--founded on Condon's defiant shout in the dock of "God

Save Ireland!":--

On the cause must go

Amidst joy or weal or woe,

Till we've made our isle a Nation free and grand.

It is not generally known how Colonel Kelly got out of the country after

the rescue. He lay concealed in the house of an Irish professional man

for some weeks, and then, all the railway stations being closely and

constantly watched night and day, he was driven in a conveyance by road

all the way from Manchester to Liverpool.

It was a patriotic foreman ship-joiner, whom I knew well, who actually

got him away to America. My friend Egan had charge of the fitting up of

the berths aboard the steamer in which Colonel Kelly sailed. In emigrant

steamers the usual practice was for temporary compartments to be made

and taken down at the end of the voyage. I had fitted up such berths

myself, and therefore perfectly understood what my friend had done to

secure Colonel Kelly's escape when he described it to me afterwards at

my place in Byrom Street. Egan actually built a small secret

compartment, so constructed as to attract no notice, and when Kelly was

smuggled aboard at the last moment--he might be supposed to be one of

Egan's men--he was put into it and actually boarded up, sufficient

provisions being left with him, until the steamer got clear of British

waters, when he could come out with safety.

Deasy also made his way to America.

In speaking of the after-career of those assembled that night at

McGrady's, I have sufficiently accounted for Michael O'Brien.

Rickard Burke, who also assisted at the same gathering, was a remarkable

personality, and one of the most astute men I ever met. He was a

graduate of Queen's College, Cork, and an accomplished linguist. He was

a skilful engineer, and had served with distinction in the American

Civil War. When I knew him he was about thirty-five years of age, tall

and of fine presence. To him was deputed the work of purchasing arms

for the intended Rising in Ireland.

After many adventures, he fell into the hands of the police, was

convicted, and sentenced to a long term of imprisonment. It was with the

idea of effecting his rescue that the Clerkenwell Prison wall was blown

up on December 13th, 1867, this insane plan causing the death and

mutilation of a number of people. Burke himself would probably have been

killed had he happened to be confined in that part of the jail that was

blown up.

While in Chatham prison he was reported as having lost his reason, and

was removed to Woking. The matter was brought before the House of

Commons by Mr. McCarthy Downing, who suggested that Burke's insanity had

been caused by his treatment in prison. He was released on Sunday, July

9th, 1871.

Captain Murphy, another of the company in our Scotland Road rendezvous,

whom I had often met before, was a gentlemanly, genial man of portly

presence, and an exceedingly pleasant companion. After some time he

found his way back to America.

Edward O'Meagher Condon was one of the American officers I most

frequently came in contact with in Liverpool, previous to and after the

Rising. Since his return to America, after his release from penal

servitude in 1878, we have frequently corresponded with each other. From

a report of a Manchester Martyr's Commemoration in a newspaper which

accompanied one of his letters, and conversations I had with him when I

was delighted to have him as my guest during his recent visit to this

country, I find he has just the same sanguine temperament as on that

night at McGrady's, when the chances of another Rising were being

discussed. In the report I refer to he says, "Had the Irish people been

furnished with the necessary arms and munitions of war, which ought and

could have been provided, they would have proved victors in the

contest."

I have no doubt but that, in propounding this view, he had in his mind

the probability there was at one point of England being embroiled in a

quarrel with America. None knew better than he, at the time, of the

enormous number of Irishmen in the American armies, on both sides,

during the Civil War who, with their military training, longed for the

task of sweeping English rule from the soil of Ireland. It will be

remembered that it was Condon who, when sentenced to death, concluded

his speech in the dock with the prayer, "God save Ireland!" the words

which have since become the rallying cry of the whole Irish race, and

have given us a National Anthem.

In his letters to me since his first return to America, I have been

gratified to hear that he always took a warm interest in my

publications. I am pleased, too, to find from the newspaper reports he

has sent me that he is, as ever, an eminently practical man, and

believes in using the means nearest to hand for the advancement of the

Irish Cause.

While giving his experiences in connection with the revolutionary

movement, he declares that no one can blame the Irish people for having

recourse to any means which may enable them to remain on their native

soil. They have, he says, to use whatever means have been left to save

themselves from extermination and Ireland from becoming a desert. He,

therefore, declares his sympathy with the later movements of the Irish

people--the Land League, the National League, and the United Irish

League, while never abandoning the principles of '98, '48 and '67.

I referred to two Liverpool men as being present at the meeting at

McGrady's. One of these, John Ryan, my dear old schoolfellow, one of the

rescuers of James Stephens, has been dead many years--God rest his soul!

He was a noble character, and would have risen to the top in any walk of

life, but though he had a good home--his father was a prosperous

merchant of Liverpool--he gave his whole life to Ireland. I often heard

from him of his adventures, for he always looked me up whenever he came

to Liverpool, and how, sometimes, he and his friends had to fare very

badly indeed.

It was most extraordinary that, while constantly Tunning risks, for he

was a man of great daring, he never once was arrested, though he had

some hair-breadth escapes. On one occasion, about the time of the

Rising, a good, honest, Protestant member of the Brotherhood, Sam

Clampitt, was taken out of the same bedroom in which he was sleeping

with Ryan, who was left, the police little thinking of the bigger fish

they had allowed to escape from their net, the noted Fenian leader,

"Captain O'Doherty." I forget his precise name at this particular time,

but it was a very Saxon one, for he was supposed to be an English

artist sketching in Ireland. Questioned by the police, he was able to

satisfy them of his _bona fides_. He had a friend in Liverpool, an old

schoolfellow like myself, Richard Richards--"Double Dick" we used to

call him--a patriotic Liverpool-born Irishman. He was an exceedingly

able artist, making rapid progress in his profession, and, about this

time, having some very fine pictures, for which he got good prices, on

the walls of the Liverpool Academy Exhibition. Richards supplied all the

trappings for the part that Ryan was playing, and also sent him letters

of a somewhat humorous character, which he sometimes read to me before

sending off. In these he was anticipating all sorts of adventures for

his friend in the then disturbed state of Ireland. As John Ryan had much

artistic taste, and was himself a fair draughtsman, and well up in all

the necessary technicalities, and as Richards' letters, which he always

carried for emergencies like this, were strong evidences in his favour,

he had not much difficulty in convincing the Dublin police he was what

he represented himself to be.

Some of Jack Ryan's reminiscences had their droll sides, for he had a

keen sense of humour. One of his stories was in connection with the

well-known old tradition of the Gaels--both Irish and Scottish--that

wherever the "_Lia Fail_" or "Stone of Destiny" may be must be the seat

of Government. There is some doubt, as is well known, as to where the

real stone now is. At all events, the stone which is under the

Coronation Chair in Westminster Abbey is that which was taken from

Scone by King Edward, and that on which the Scottish monarchs were

crowned, having been originally brought from Ireland, the cradle of the

Gaelic race. The tradition is still, as it happens, borne out by the

fact that Westminster is _now_ the seat of Government.

Now two of John Ryan's Fenian friends, Irish-American officers, stranded

in London--a not unusual circumstance--just when affairs looked very

black indeed, conceived the brilliant idea of _stealing the stone_,

bringing it over to Ireland, and, once for all, settling the Irish

question. This, notwithstanding their oath to "The Irish _Republic_ now

virtually (virtuously some of our friends used to say) established," for

it did not seem to strike them that they were proposing to bring to

Ireland an emblem of royalty.

I never heard if they took any actual steps to accomplish their object.

Perhaps they were impressed by the mechanical difficulties, as I was

myself one day, when standing with David Barrett, an Irish National

League organiser, in Edward the Confessor's Chapel, in front of the

famous "_Lia Fail_." It is a rough-hewn stone, about two feet each way,

and ten inches deep. I was telling my friend the story of the plot to

carry off the "Stone of Destiny," and was making a calculation, based on

the weight of a cubic foot of stone, of what might be its weight.

"We'll soon see," said David, and, in a moment, he had vaulted over the

railing, and taken hold of a corner of the stone.

But, so closely is this national treasure watched, that instantaneously

a couple of attendants appeared, and broke up peremptorily our proposed

committee of enquiry. An archaeological friend of mine suggests that,

one day, when Ireland is making her own laws and able to enter on equal

terms into a contract with England, a reasonable stipulation would be

the restoration of that stone--unless the Scottish Gaels can prove a

stronger claim to it.

From John Ryan I heard of the mode of living of many of the Fenian

organisers and of the Irish-American officers,--very different from the

slanderous statements of their "living in luxury upon the wages of Irish

servant girls in America." John was of a cheery disposition, never

complaining, but always sanguine, and loving to look at the bright side

of things. Yet I could see for myself, each time I saw him, how the life

of hardship he was leading was telling upon his once splendid

constitution, and, I felt sure, shortening his days. John Ryan, I have

often said, is dead for Ireland, for though he did not perish on the

battlefield or on the scaffold, as would have been his glory, I most

certainly believe he would have been alive to-day but for the hardships

suffered in doing his unostentatious work for Ireland.

There is one other friend I mentioned as having been present that night

at Owen McGrady's--the school master. You will ask what became of him?

Almost the last time I spoke to him--not very long before these lines

were written--was in the inner lobby of the British House of Commons,

for he has been for many years a member of Parliament. Now some of my

most cherished friends are or have been members of Parliament, and I

would be sorry to think any of them worse Irishmen than myself on that

account. Their taking the oath of allegiance to the British sovereign

was a matter for their own consciences, but I never could bring myself

to do it. Mr. Parnell would, I know, have been pleased to see me in

Parliament, but he knew that I never would take the oath, and respected

my conscientious objections to swear allegiance to any but my own

country.

With the exception of a few, whose names I forget, I have accounted for

the whole of the company comprising the Council of War at McGrady's

public house. Summed up as follows, nothing in the pages of romance

could be more startling than the after fate of these men:--

CAPTAIN MICHAEL O'BRIEN.--Hanged at Manchester. R.I.P.

COLONEL RICKARD BURKE.--Sent to Penal Servitude--Returned to

America.

COLONEL THOMAS KELLY, CAPTAIN TIMOTHY DEASY.--Rescued from Prison

Van in Manchester.

CAPTAIN EDWARD O'MEAGHER-CONDON.--Sentenced to death for the

Manchester Rescues, but reprieved and sent to Penal

Servitude--Returned to America.

CAPTAIN MURPHY.--Returned to America. Died a few years since.

THE SCHOOLMASTER.--A Member of Parliament.

JOHN RYAN.--Dead--God rest his soul.

The Life Story of an Old Rebel · 第 7 / 24 章