A FRIEND IN NEED
There is no evidence in the Cuffe papers that he was acquainted with
the history of the Negro deportation projects in America. It is
altogether likely that the one hundred years of individual propaganda,
religious and humanitarian exertions, were unknown to him. Means for
the dissemination of knowledge were not so well perfected in his day
as in ours; the plans for deportation were isolated; not until 1816
did private movements unite with governmental organizations,--facts
which further explain why Cuffe knew nothing about the history of the
movements to colonize the Negro.
Many of his friends and many persons whose lives were dedicated to
Negro emancipation were connected with his plans. But whatever he did
appears to have been done wholly on his own initiative. It is the
first time, apparently, in the history of colonization that a Negro
becomes prominent in the movement. He leads the way in an effort not
only to bless the free Negroes, but also to liberate the slaves. It is
a constructive effort on the part of the Negro race.
When Cuffe returned from Africa in the early summer of 1816 the cause
for which he had given so much time and made so many sacrifices was
more prominent than it had ever been in its history. The Union Humane
Society, founded in Ohio in 1815 by Benjamin Lundy as an anti-slavery
organization, had declared for the removal of the Negro beyond the
white man's pale. The Kentucky Colonization Society had petitioned
Congress to settle, at public expense, on some unappropriated tract of
public land, the Negroes already free and those who might subsequently
obtain their freedom. The Virginia Assembly, also, had presented a
memorial to Congress praying that the National Government find a
place on the North Pacific or African coast for colonizing the free
blacks of the State. Finally, the inhabitants of New Jersey petitioned
their Legislature to instruct their representatives in Congress to lay
before that body at its next meeting as a subject for discussion "the
expediency of forming a colony on the coast of Africa, or elsewhere,
where such of the people of color as are now free, or may hereafter be
set free, may, with their own consent, be removed."[53]
Cuffe returned from Africa about June 1, 1816. The New Jersey
meeting was on the sixth of the following November. Final action
by the Virginia Assembly was taken on the twenty-first of December
of that year. A graduate of Princeton, Robert Finley, then engaged
in the Presbyterian ministry and later president of the University
of Georgia, participated in the New Jersey meeting. He now took a
leading part in the deliberation of a body of men in Washington,
D.C., where a national organization was launched for the purpose of
deporting to Africa or elsewhere the free blacks of the United States.
A preliminary meeting was held on December 21, 1816; the constitution
was adopted on December 28, 1816, and on New Year's Day 1817, the
officers were elected. This was the beginning of the American
Colonization Society.
At this meeting the enthusiasm of Reverend Mr. Finley was boundless.
He offered five hundred dollars from his savings to insure the success
of the movement, and when some, thinking the plan foolhardy, laughed,
he declared, "I know the scheme is from God." The one practical
colonizationist, at this time, was Paul Cuffe, and to him Rev. Mr.
Finley went for advice and help.
Using for letter paper the blank space of the printed New Jersey
petition, Finley wrote Cuffe on December 5 from Washington City. Cuffe
was in this way put in touch with Finley's past activities and with
his present exertions. "Many indulge," he wrote, "a hope that could
the more virtuous of our own free people of color be removed to the
coast of Africa, with their own consent, to carry with them their
arts, their industry, and above all, their knowledge of Christianity
and the fear of God, great and lasting benefits would arise to the
people of _Africa itself_. Knowing that you have been to _Sierra
Leone_ and must be well acquainted with the state and prospects of the
colony, we beg of you such information as you may be able to give on
the following heads:
"1. What is the present population of the settlements of Sierra Leone,
and what its prospects of happiness and growth?
"2. What is the nature of the soil and what the advantage for
settlement on the coast of Africa from Sierra Leone to the equator?
"3. Are there any navigable rivers in the country called Guinea, or
any positions where a good harbor might be formed along the coast?
"4. In the region above alluded to, are there any European regular
settlements, or does it contain any slave factories?
"5. Whether in your opinion is there any other situation in Africa
where the contemplated settlement or settlements could be formed with
greater advantage than in the district mentioned above?
"The great desire of those whose minds are impressed with this
subject," says Finley, "is to give an opportunity to the free people
of color to rise to their proper level and at the same time to provide
a powerful means of putting an end to the slave trade, and sending
civilization and Christianity to Africa."[54]
Another active member of the group at Washington was Samuel J.
Mills, whose devotion to missionary activity is almost unequaled
in history. The origin of the American Bible Society, the United
Foreign Missionary Society, and the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, is attributed to him. Writing to Cuffe, March
17, 1817, Mills said: "Your two voyages to Africa have been of great
service in preparing the public mind for an attempt to colonize
your colored brethren and probably much is depending on your future
assistance as it respects the success of efforts of this kind. I
hope you will hold yourself in a state of readiness to aid any great
efforts which may hereafter be made." He wanted to know:
1. In what manner would a request from our government for liberty
to send free people of color to Sierra Leone be received by the
English government?
2. Should the request be granted, would the Americans have equal
privileges to trade to the colony?
3. Should an effort be made to explore the west coast of Africa to
find a place for a colony, how great a force ought to be employed?
Would one vessel be sufficient and what number of men would be
required?
4. As a preparatory step to further exertions, would it be best to
have an agent go to Africa and to England during the proceeding
summer and autumn? Or to either of these places?
5. How should we answer those who say that people of color will
not go to Africa if a place is provided?
6. Would those persons who are ready to go to Sierra Leone be
ready to aid in establishing a new colony, in another place?
7. What was the expense of carrying out those persons who went to
Africa with you, and how was the expense defrayed? Be so good as
to add anything you think interesting. I hope you will write to me
soon.[55]
Mills supplied Cuffe with the news of the activities at Washington
and sent him a pamphlet on colonization. Mills, also, inquired "If
the general government were to request you to go out for the purpose
of exploring in your own vessel would you engage in this service if
offered proper support?" If Cuffe did not go as an agent it was the
wish of Mills that he take out another group of colonists. "Since you
have so generously commended this mighty effort," says Mills, "do not
value further sacrifices in order to effect it." The voyage will not
only tone up public feeling, it will also give the foundation for an
appeal for governmental aid.
To these questions from Finley and Mills Cuffe gave prompt attention.
He gave them what facts he had gathered from his two visits to Africa.
He wrote with feeling about the slave trade, and raised the question
of the desirability of a government vessel making explorations on the
west coast of Africa. Small beginnings, he said, had been made in
Sierra Leone, but in case there was a general manumission the Cape of
Good Hope offered the most desirable place for a colony. Attention
was also called to the Congo region. Withal to draw off the colored
citizens it seemed best not only to have a colony in Africa but one in
America as well. In any event, the slaves should be freed and until
they are capable of managing for themselves they might be allowed to
work the plantations on a lay.
The work of the African Institution is called to the attention of
Finley and Mills and both Peter Williams, Jr., and James Forten are
recommended. On returning from his second voyage he states that he
received so many applications that he could have taken over the
greater part of Boston. He himself is ready to serve in any capacity
"although," he continued, "I stand (as it were) in a low place and am
not able to see far; but blessed by God who hath created all things
and for his own glory they are and were created he is able to make use
of instruments in such a way as he pleases and may I be resigned to
his holy will."[56]
Both Mills and Finley signed the constitution of the American
Colonization Society. Finley was one of the Vice Presidents, and
Mills was sent to Africa by the society to make investigations for
it. He went via England where he met the colaborers of Cuffe.
While in Africa he consulted with the members of the Friendly
Society established by Cuffe in 1811. Two of the settlers that Cuffe
transported in 1815, Kizell and Martin, acted as interpreters and
guides for Mills. In one of Mills' observations he says, "Should a
colony be established in this part of Africa, it remains a question
whether it should be governed by white men, or whether the people
will consider themselves competent to self government in the first
instance."
The arguments for and against colonization were considered by Mills
and Cuffe. "Whenever the subject of colonization shall be discussed by
Congress," says Mills, "some will object that the free people of color
will not go to Africa. Again, that it will cost too much to transport
them and to afford them the necessary protection. Again it will be
said that too many of these people are very useful and are wanted in
this country. We should be prepared to meet these objectors as far as
possible and trust in God for the success of our efforts."[57]
Mills was right in his anticipation of the argument that the free
blacks would not go to Africa. Hardly had the American Colonization
Society been formed when, under the auspices of the African
Institution at Philadelphia, a meeting estimated at three thousand
met at Reverend Richard Allen's church to discuss the question. Many
were frightened, for they believed force would be used, particularly
in the South, to compel immigration to Africa. James Forten reported
none of them favored going to Africa and that they thought the
slaveholders wanted to get rid of the free blacks so as to make the
slaves themselves more secure. Although Forten was convinced that his
brethren would never "become a people until they came out from amongst
the white people"[58] he concluded to be silent on the question of
deportation for the time being.
When this opposition to the colonization project was known to the
Society, Finley came to Philadelphia to take charge of the situation.
He met the committee to whom the matter was referred and explained to
them "the purity of the motives" which actuated many of the leading
spirits in the Society. He was so convincing that the committee
unanimously decided that "benevolence to them and the land of their
fathers guided the movements that were made at Washington."[59] But
James Forten showed his confidence in the Captain by writing for his
opinion on colonization.
Captain Cuffe had given advice to the men who organized the American
Colonization Society, his co-workers in London had been drawn upon,
his friends in Sierra Leone had served the agents of the Society in
Africa, but his influence did not end with his death. When Bishop
Meade was in the South on behalf of the Society he read Cuffe's
letters to the free blacks of Savannah. He made use, too, of
information obtained from some other Negroes who had been in Sierra
Leone and conversed with the emigrants taken over in 1815.
In fact, the Society printed letters from the American Settlers in
Africa and disseminated them as propaganda. Perry Locke exhorts his
brethren in America to come to the "land of Canaan, abounding in honey
and fruits, fish and oysters, wild fowls and wild hogs. The only
thing that Africa wants is the knowledge of God--fear not to come, if
the Lord will. When you come I hope to be with you and more besides
me,--let this be printed if you please."[60]
The testimony of Samuel Wilson was no less convincing. He concludes:
"Sir, when I set my foot on the African shore, I had only seven and
six pence sterling; now, notwithstanding, all my sickness, I am master
of a hundred pounds sterling. I think if I had had something to have
begun with, I should have had about four or five thousand."[61]
Another letter signed by a number of Cuffe's passengers is directed to
the American Negroes in general. It says:
Be not fearful to come to Africa, which is your country by right.
If any of you think it not proper to come, and say it is well
with you, you must remember your brethren who are yet in slavery.
They must be set free as yourselves. How shall they be set free,
if not by your good behavior, and by coming to get a place ready
to receive them? Though you are free that is not your country.
Africa, not America, is your country and your home. Africa is a
good country. You will have no trouble to raise your children when
all things are plenty: you will have no want of warm clothing: you
will have no need of firewood, for we have it in abundance; and
here you will be looked upon like the blessed creatures of the
Almighty God, and that bad opinion and contempt which our white
brethren harbor, will be quite done away, and the whole of us will
become a large and wonderful nation. We will forget all our former
troubles when we turn to the land from which our forefathers came.
The whole of you will have your own lands and houses; when you
cultivate the land, (in which a few horses would be an assistance)
you will be supplied with yams, cassada, plantains, fowls, wild
hogs, deer, ducks, goats, sheep, cattle, fish in abundance, and
many other articles, good running water, large oysters.[62]
Another clever device of the advocates of deportation to make use
of the Captain was a dialogue between Absalom Jones on one side and
William Penn and Paul Cuffe on the other. The dialogue was printed
in _The Union_ for June 18, 1818.[63] The scene of the dialogue is
in Heaven and the subject is the colonization of the free Negroes in
Africa. Cuffe narrates his connections with the movement and sets
forth purposes he had in view. He had hoped by establishing a colony
in Africa to draw there gradually all the Negroes in America. In this
way slavery would be abolished, Africa would be explored, civilized,
and Christianized.
Absalom Jones, opposed to the movement in general, raises objections
to it. Why not colonize them on the banks of the Mississippi or the
Missouri, he asks. William Penn, a Quaker too, answers the objection
by pointing out that the whites are migrating to that section and that
were the Negroes to settle there trouble would arise between the two
races. The Indians, moreover, would make trouble with the Negroes.
Jones next asks why should the colored people leave America at all?
They are happy in America, and more and more is done for their uplift
all the time. To this objection Penn replied that prejudice will
always keep them down. "Can one imagine," asks he, "that the period
will ever arrive in which they will bear any sway in our country,
guide our legislative councils, preside in our courts of judicature,
or take the lead in the affairs of the republic? Is it possible that
the time will ever come in which intermarriages will be sought between
their families and those of the most respectable whites? It would be
the height of folly to indulge in such an expectation; and until such
is the case, they will never occupy the rank or enjoy the privileges
of white men; until this is the case, they will ever hold an inferior
and subordinate place in society, and be in some degree aliens in
their own land." Paul Cuffe had the sensibility and discernment
to perceive this state of things, the penetration to discover the
early practicable means by which his race could be relieved from
their painful sense of inferiority, and the activity to commence the
execution of a project to remedy the evil.
Would not deportation stop the manumission of slaves, asks Jones.
Penn replies that many southerners are now ready to emancipate their
slaves, and that their only handicap is a just provision for them. A
colony in Africa would gradually attract to its sphere every slave in
America.
At the end of the dialogue Penn and Cuffe convince Jones that the
deportation of the free Negroes in America to Africa is a meritorious
plan. What the dialogue did for one opponent of the scheme it was
hoped that it would do for others.
The experiences of Cuffe were a great asset in the ventures of the
colonizationists. In testimony to his services the Board of Managers
of the American Colonization Society incorporated the following
paragraph in its first annual report:
The managers cannot omit the testimony of Captain Paul Cuffe so
well known in Africa, Europe, and America, for his active and
large benevolence, and for his zeal and devotedness to the cause
of the people of color. The opportunities of Captain Cuffe of
forming a correct opinion were superior perhaps to those of any
man in America. His judgment was clear and strong, and the warm
interest he took in whatever related to the happiness of that
class of people is well known. The testimony of such a man is
sufficient to out weigh all the unfounded predictions and idle
surmises of those opposed to the plan of this society. He had
visited twice the coast of Africa, and became well acquainted
with the country and its inhabitants. He states that, upon his
opinion alone he could have taken to Africa at least two thousand
people of color from Boston and its neighborhood. In the death
of Paul Cuffe the society has lost a most useful advocate, the
people of color a warm and disinterested friend, and society
a valuable member. His character alone ought to be sufficient
to rescue the people to which he belonged from the unmerited
aspersions which have been cast upon them. The plan of the society
met with his entire approbation, its success was the subject of
his ardent wishes, and the prospect of its usefulness to the
native Africans and their descendants in this country was the
solace of his declining years, and cheered the last moments of his
existence.[64]